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ANTIQUITY *~ »«• ' JMESiEXRCHES fym-™ tlk* GENIUS ,/ ANCIENT TIMES. 



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ANTIQUITIES 




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THE 



ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND, 



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9e«oc 



THE SECOND EDITION, 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 



TO WHICH IS ADDED, 



A Collection of Miscellaneous Antiquities. 



EDWARD LEDWICH, L. L. D. 



MEMBER OF MANY LEARNED SOCIETIES. 



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Dublin : 

PRINTED BY AND FOR JOHN JONES, 90, BRIDE-STREET. 
I 804. 




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TO 



THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

JOHN, 
EARL OF UPPER OSSORY, 

AND 

BARON GOWRAN OF GOWRAN, 
IN IRELAND; 

AND IN ENGLAND 
BARON UPPER OSSORY OF AMPTHILL, 

AND 

Lord Lieutenant of the County of Bedford, 

A JUDGE AND A PATRON OF LEARNING AND THE POLITE ARTS, 

IS MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED 

THE AUTHOR, 



PREFACE. 



•-<?>©<;*>-n 



JL HE public fentiment in favour of the firft Edition of thefe 
EfTays, exprefTed in the refpe&able literary Journals at the time 
of their publication, encouraged the Author to prepare a fecond 
with confiderable additions and corrections. Mofl of the 
additions have already appeared in the works of the different 
learned Societies of which he has the honour to be a member. 

That on the origin of Saxon and Gothic architecture requires 
perhaps fome apology for its introduction here ; though the 
fubjecr. feems to be not unconnected with the beautiful fpeci- 
mens of thefe ftyles, ftill remaining in this kingdom. 

The hiftory of Kilkenny is an attempt to trace the beginning 
and progrefs of an Irifh city of fome celebrity ; and contains, 
probably, fome memorials that may intereft curionty. Was this 
plan generally adopted, materials would be collected, valuable 
to future hiftorians and antiquaries. 

The few topographical antiquities at the end, were printed 
and pubiifhed before the Author undertook to complete Grofe's 
Antiquities of Ireland, of which that amiable and excellent 
antiquary lived to write but feven pages. 

The 



PREFACE. 

The view of fociety and manners in ancient Ireland is, with 
little variation, the fame as that of the moft polifhed nations 
of modern Europe in remote periods. England, the bulwark 
of the civilized world, can behold without emotion, or mauvaife 
honte, her mental and political degradation at the arrival of the 
Romans, and fmile with Contempt at the flattering fables of 
Geoffry of Monmouth. Scotland, celebrated for talents and 
accomplifhments, and rivalling her illuftrious lifter in her glo- 
rious career, aflumes no pride from bardic tales, or the pages 
of Hector Boethius. No longer is the wild romance of Geoffry 
Keating, the heraldic regiftry of the Irifh nation: its learning, 
its valour, and fame, are recorded in the more durable monu- 
ments of true hiftory. When Hibernians compare their prefent 
with their former condition; their juft and equal laws with 
thofe that were uncertain and capricious ; the happy fecurity 
of peace with the miferies of barbarous manners, their hearts 
muft overflow with gratitude to the Author of fuch bleflino-s • 
nor will they deny their obligations to the foftering care of 
Britain, the happy inftrument for conferring them. 

In a work, embracing fuch a variety of topics, errors will be 
found ; the learned and candid can beft eftimate the difficulty 
of avoiding them, and the degree of indulgence they are enti- 
tled to- The Author declines hacknied apologies ; in their 
place he begs leave to conclude with a line of an eminent poet : 

< c EN ADSUM ! ET VENIAM, CONFESSUS CRIMINA, POSCO." 



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lon, and Chancellor of Dromore. 
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The following is the Chara&er 

OF THE 

ANTIQJJITIES OF IRELAND, 

On itsjirji Publication, ext railed from the following very refpeclable Reviews. 

" WE have thus taken a furvey of Mr. Ledwich's Effays on the Antiquities of 
Ireland. Inftead of relying on etymology, like many of his predeceffors, he has 
had recourfe, when poffible, to written authorities, which he firft. examines fepa- 
rately and then compares with each other. His prefent work exhibits abundant 
marks of learning and induftry." — Analytical Review for May 1792. 

" The Antiquities of Ireland have been long neglected, or treated with ftrong 
prejudices for fable and vifionary etymologies. It is with peculiar pleafure that we 
at length fee a rational and learned work on this fubject. Upon the whole we have 
not perufed any antiquarian work with more pleafure and inftruction." Critical 
Review for Augujl 1792, and Appendix. 

" When we meet with a profeffed antiquary, who is at the fame time a man of 
general learning, cultivated tafte, liberality of fentiment, and a correct and ele- 
gant writer (inftances of which in fuch happy union are not very common) we 
accompany him in his literary and fcientific excurfions with care and peculiar fatis- 
faction. Such a man, fuch a writer is Mr. Ledwich j whofe entertaining and in- 
ftructive performance we now, without farther preamble or ceremony, but with 
fincere pleafure, introduce to the acquaintance of our readers. 

" Thus have we endeavoured to give our readers a view of a performance in 
which we find much to commend and little to difapprove. If in an inftance or two 
we might hefitate or be inclined to object, our intention is overcome by the good 
fenfe, the learning, the judgment, the diligence, the accuracy and the liberality 
which pervade the whole. We confider the public as indebted to this author for 
fo inftructive and ufeful a production, which we truft, will have its effect, in con- 
currence with other aids, towards the deftruction of bigotry, fuperftition, and falfe 
icience, with all their idle fancies, and childifh chimseras, and thus contribute to 
the advancement of folid learning, rational religion and virtue. The value of the 
Volume is ftill greatly enhanced by the Engravings, exacl; and beautiful, with which 
it is attended."— Monthly Review for May and June 1793. 



John Jones has on hands a few Sets of the following very Scarce and Valuable 
Works, fo frequently referred to, by Doctor Ledwich in his Antiquities of Ireland. 

Collectanea De Rebus Hibemicus, by Gen. Vallancey, 4 Vols, bound, price 2 16 ioh 
Vindication of Ancient Irifh Hiftory with 12 Plates, by do. in Boards -099 
Monafticon Hibernicum, by the Rev. Mervyn Archdal, Quarto, Boards 1 7 1 
Campbell's Strictures on Ecclefiaftical Hiftory - - - - - *- o 7 7 



CONTENTS 



OF T H 



E S S A Y S. 



»«»»©•*• ®S»e« 



I. On the Romantic Hijiory of Ireland — — Page I 

II. Ancient Notices ref peeling Ireland, and of its Name — 12 

III. Of the Colonization of Ireland — — — 21 

IV. Of the Druids, and their Religion — — 32 

V. Of the Pagan State of Ireland, and its Remains — 4 2 

VI. Of the Introduction of Chrijlianity , and of St. Patrick — 54 

VII. Anecdotes of early Chriftian'.ty in Ireland — — 70 

VIII. Origin and Progrefs of Monacbifm in Ireland — 88 

IX. Of the Irifh Culdces, and Antiquities of Monaincha — 102 

X. State of the Irifh Church in the Eleventh Century, and after 121 

XI. Of the Stone-roofed Churches, and Cor mac's Chapel — 138 

XII. Of the Round Towers in Ireland — — 155 

XIII. Hi/lory and Antiquities of Glendaloch — — 171 

XIV. Obfervations on Saxon and Gothic Architeclure — 187 

XV. Of ancient Iri/J? Coins — — — 211 

XVI. Obfervations on the Harp, and ancient Irifh Mufic — 228 

XVII. Of ancient Irifh Mufical Injiruments — — 242 

XVIII. Of the ancient Irifh Drefs — — — 259 

XIX. The Military Antiquities of Ireland — — 277 

XX. Political Conjiitution and Laws of the ancient Irifh — 301 

XXI. On the Ogham Characters and Alphabetic Elements of the ancient Irifh 322 

XXII 



CONTENTS OF THE ESSAYS. 



■*■<■•<••<■■< •<-.<...S-4 •<••<••<- <••< •<•<••<■•< .<■■<■■<..<..<■.<..<..< .<..« .< .<..<..<..<«< .<..<.■<..<.< .<.<+>.•>.>••►.•>.. 



•>■■>••>■•>•■»•*•■>••>• *+.+.*.*./>.*.*"V >.+.».>■>'-»•>>•>♦< »• >»»•■»•■»* 



XXII. ^ Review of Irijh Literature in the middle Ages 

XXIII. Giraldus Cambrenfis illuftrated — 

XXIV. Hi/iory and Antiquities of Irifhtown and Kilkenny 

XXV. Appendix of Records to Irifhtown and Kilkenny 

XXVI. Abbey and Church of Aghaboe — 

XXVII. Abbey of Athaffel — — 

XXVIII. Abbey of Deveni/h — — 

XXIX. Chapel at Holy-Crofs — . — 

XXX. Abbey of Knockmoy — — 

XXXI. OldLeighlin — — 

XXXII. Mifcellaneous Antiquities — 



347 
3 6 5 
382 
498 

5°9 
516 

5*7 
518 

520 

522 

524 







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+ + t + + + + + + + + + + + + ++ + + + + t*t + * + + + + + + + ** + + + + + + , '"'"' , * + + +; 



THE 



ANTIQUITIES of IRELAND, 



ON THE ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 

WHEN we review the remote hiftories of England, Scotland and Ireland, and 
find names and fads delivered with unhefitating confidence and chronolo- 
gical accuracy, it feems, at firft fight, an unreafonable degree of fcepticifm to with- 
hold our aflent from them, or queftion their authenticity : but minuter enquiry 
fatisfactorily evinces them to be but fpacious delufions, and fome of the numberlefs 
vagaries of the human mind. 

The want of literary memorials created an impenetrable obfcurity, which every 
attempt to deduce the origin of nations, or detail early events, was unable to pene- 
trate or difpel. How then were national honour and high-born anceftry, the love 
of which is mofl confpicuous and prominent in rude people, to be fupported ? The 
anfwer is by poetic tales and bardic inventions ; and hence we find the wild and 
naked German (i) fang the praifes of his great progenitor, Tuifco; the Highlander 
of Scotland the exploits of Cuchullin, and the Hibernian the wonderful peregrina- 
tions of Milefius. Bardic fictions and unfounded traditions are the oral records of 
every barbarous nation. 

As foon as fociety, by the aid of regular government and the ufe of letters, 
emerged from rudenefs to an imperfect civilization, a new fpecies of hifloric compo- 

B fition 

(i) Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memoriae & annalium genus eft, &c. Tacit. Germ. 



_ 






a ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 

fitlon appeared, made (2) up of popular tales and genuine facls, fo ingenioufly in- 
terwoven as not only to refemble but to pafs for true hiflory. This was the origin 
of romantic hiflory, and of the Iliad, the Thebai'd, the Argonautics and fimilar 
productions. Thefe works flattered general prejudices by embodying and identifying 
truth and fiction, fo that it (3) became a difficult tafk for fubfequent writers to fepa- 
rate the one from the other. It was not without fome ftruggle that people relin- 
quifhed popular fables, the delight of their youth, and the conftant themes of gar- 
rulous old age, however they vanifhed in the fuperior illumination of learning and 
criticifm : wherever they are flill retained, that people may be pronounced cre- 
dulous and ignorant. What has been advanced will receive confirmation from exa- 
mining the origin of romantic hiflory in Ireland. 

Ireland in the fixth and fucceeding centuries pofTefTed a literary reputation, which 
is proved by indifputable evidence. But her political conftitution, municipal laws, 
and the prevailing ftudies of the times were but ill calculated to advance letters or 
improve civility. It cannot therefore be doubted, but that romantic hiflory was a 
favourite fubje£t, and much cultivated by a people thus circumflanced. But of this 
no monument exifls antecedent to the (4) age of Nennius, A. D. 830. That it was- 
much earlier mufl appear from his having confulted the mod fkilful Irifh Antiqua- 
ries ; who told him the fable of Pharaoh's fon-in-law, his expulfion from Egypt, 
his travels through Africa and Spain, and from thence to Ireland. Nennius's judg- 
\ ment of this fidlion is decifive, when he (5) declares, that there was no fure hiflory 
of the origin of the Irifh. A learned and very (6) ingenious writer has carefully exa- 
mined and fully confuted the notion of the Hifpanian extraftion of the Irifh ; had 
he turned his thoughts to the origin of the fable, nothing more could have been 
faid, at once to fubvert it, and fet the foolifh fi&ion for ever at reft. The follow- 
ing hints are offered, in fome fort, to fupply their omiffion. 

Spain, the (7) centre of oriental fabling, always enjoyed a celebrity above that 
of any European country j the Irifh therefore efleemed it a matter of the greatefl 

importance 

(a) Milefius cyclicus, fie diclus, quoniam cyclum partim mythicum, partim hifloricutn fcripferat, ita ut verefimilitu- 
ditiem & ad probilitatis hiftorias legem exigeret ea, quas a poetis, feu antiquis fcriptoribus effent narrata. Heyne, de fon- 
tibus Diodori, p. 67. Edit. Bipont. See alfo Salmas. Plin. Exercit. in Solin. p. 846, where much curious learning may 
be found on the original poetic and hifloric compofitions of the Greeks. 

(3) Quo qu'dem confilio nihil poterat efTe ineptius, nihil ad ipfas hiftorias perniciofius. Heyne, fup. 

(4) I am obliged to fpeak of this author's work as authentic, becaufe others have done fo, though I think it the patched 
produclion of various writers, or one of the fuppofititious performances of the middle ages. 

(5) Nulla tamen certa hiftoria originis Scotorum rcperitur. Nenn. p. ioz. Ed. Bertram. 

(6) Macpherfon's Introduction totheHift. of Great Britain and Ireland. 

(7) Wanton's Hift. of Jinglilh Poetry, V. 1, Diff. r. 



ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 3 

importance to exhibit a clear deduction of their anceftors from thence, and which 
their native writers, in every age, have zealoufly inculcated. When the Arabians 
entered Spain in the beginning of the eighth century, (obferve Nennius lived in the 
ninth) with the revival of Greek literature they introduced a knowledge of the fci- 
ences and arts before but little ftudied, and in many parts of weflern Europe not 
known. From the earliefl period they cultivated magic ; they extolled their inti- 
mate acquaintance with the occult qualities of bodies ; their fkill in metallurgy, in 
optics, in vitrification, and in precious (tones and medicine fupported their high 
pretenfions, and aftonifhed and confounded the incredulous. Nor were they lefs 
diftinguifhed for a vein of romantic fiction : here they difplayed an exuberance of 
fancy in the creation of imaginary beings, in the wildnefs and variety of their ad- 
ventures, and in the extravagance of their fables, all fpringing from their modes of 
thinking and their peculiar philofophy. A brilliancy of thought and pomp of ex- 
preilion at once captivated and delighted the reader. 

The pleafing contagion quickly diffufed itfelf through every people : the genial 
warmth of oriental fidion enlivened their fongs : the monotonous and difmal tales 
of blood and flaughter were fucceeded by more amufing and fprightly relations, 
by the heroic achievements of gallantry, or the bland occupations of love; all thefe 
worked up with Arabian inventions and Arabian philofophy are vifible, as we (hall 
fee, not only in our civil hiftory but in our hagiography. 

The(S) Armoric andWelfh bards very early attained eminence in romantic fabling; 
the Irifh, who fymbolized with them in every article of religion, foon adopted the 
fame tafte, as did the Cornifh poets. The connection between the Armoric Bri- 
tons, the Cornifh, the Welfh and Irifh was for many ages intimate, fo that a fond- 
nefs for romantic hiftory was foon propagated here : even the numerous refort of 
foreigners to our celebrated fchools facilitated the introduction of this fpecies of 
writing. A few proofs are neceffary to eftablifh what is now delivered. 

Our mythologies (9) inform us that three Spanifh fifhermen arrived here before 
ihe flood, and foon after that awful event, the Fomoraigh. or Africans (10) fubdued 
the Ifle, or others from the continent of Africa frequently vifited it, and that it 
was finally colonized by (11) Milefius, a Spaniard. Nennius relates that thefe Spa- 
niards in their voyage faw.a tower of glafs, which endeavouring to take, they were, 
drowned in the attempt. This tower is a fure mark of an oriental fancy, and 

fimilar- 

(8) Warton, fnpra. (9) Keating, p. 18—46. fro) Keatiiig, p. IT, 

(li) Pinkerton has the following curious note. " Nennius knew nothing of Milefius^ but only mentions Miles qutJanr 

Uifpanus, a certain Spanifli fcldier. Of this Mile* the Irilh made Milefius, a» of Julius Csfar they made Cwfara, Noah'* 

»iece. Hift.' of Scotland, V, a. p. 6. 



4 ROMANTIC! HISTORY OF IRELAND. 

■•<■■< •<•<■■<■•<■•< <•<•■<<■<••< .<<<.<.<.<■•<< .< < <.<•<■.< .<•<•■<■■<■< .<..<<•■<■■<•<+>■■>••>• >■■>•■>••>•>••>..>. >..>..>..>..>->■•>••>•■>••>.•>••»->■•>••►• >..>..>..>..>..»..>..>..>..>..>.*.,>..>.. 

fimilar to the tower of glafs, faid to be built ft 2) by Ptolemy, and Boyardo's wall 
of glafs made by an African magician, and the pillars of Hercules erected on ma- 
gical looking glaffes. 

The Milefians, when they landed in Ireland, liad various (13) battles with the 
Tuatha de Danans, a nation of enchanters and magicians, whom they at length 
fubdued by fuperior ikill and bravery* 

In our Legends the fame fpirit of romantic ficTion abounds. No one (14) but a 
virgin could aife the magic girdle -of St. Colman. St. Cuthbert's zone cures many 
jdifeafes. An Irifh prieft complains to St. Gerald, that a huge rock impeded the na- 
vigation of a river, immediately the Saint throws a (15) wonderful done on it, and 
it fplits into pieces. At another time he puts the fame (tone into the mouth of a 
dead man and he revives. St. Kiaran, St. Fechin and St. iEnd are as fafely con- 
veyed over rivers, lakes, and the ocean on ftones as in mips. The jnyftical power 
of ftones declares the oriental complexion of our fpiritual romances. 

Some of our fictions are of a later date. Thus St. Patrick, a perfonage who (16) 
never exifted but in legendary ftory , is born in Taburnia in Cornwall ; his mother ( 1 7) 
is(i 8)Conc.heffa, a Frenchwoman of Tours : others make him a native of Airmuirc or 
Armorica. From this region he and his after Lupita are carried away by Irifh pi- 
rates. He goes to Rome, and on his return preaches in Cornwall : Fingar alfo and 
other Irifh Saints travel to Armorica,. " The people of Cornwall, fays Camden, 
have always borne fuch veneration to Irifh Saints, who retired there, that almoft 
all their towns have been confecrated to their memory." 

In a .( 1.9) council held by St. Patrick, all the unconverted Irifh are baptized, 
and fo violent a religious paroxyfm feizes them, that thirty thoufand, divided into 
three bodies, begin a pilgrimage with the Saint's benedi&ion to Rome and Jeru- 
falem, and other parts of Europe, Aha and Africa. Here is a fiction calculated to 
countenance the Crufades^ and not earlier than the eleventh century, or it may refer 
to the feventy thoufand perfons who took a voyage to Paleftine, A. D. 1062, and 
who were either killed or made prifoners. It is remarkable that the learned Jefuit, 
Bollandus, from a (20) critical and judicious examination (well worth perufal) dates 
the fabrication of our Legends about the eleventh century. 

Many 

{12) Warton, fup. feet 15. (13) Keating, p. 55. (14) A&. San<ft. Hib. p. 14(1. 

(15) Colgan, p. 730. p. 600. (16) See this proved hereafter. (17) Ufler. Primord. p. 819. 

(»8) Utter, fup. (19) Ufier. fup. p. 95a. 

(20) Vix ullas cnim Sandlorum Hibemicorum vitas habemus in tnanibus, quas poffumuj credere fexcentis annis vetufti» 
ore* tffe. Acl:. San<ft. ad 16 Martie, p. 581. Bollandus died in 1665. 



ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 5 

Many of the bardic figments are flill more recent. The (2 1) Milefians in a 
flarry night of winter difcoveFed Ireland from the tower of Biigantia in Galicia by 
the help of a telefcope. Roger Bacon (22) affirms, that Julius Csefar before he 
invaded Britain, viewed with a telefcope her mores and harbours. He died in the 
thirteenth century. 

In (23) Oflian's combat of Ofgar and Ulan, a beautiful damfel Complains, that 
Ulan, eldeft fon of the king of Spain, purfued her, and threatened wounds and 
destruction to the Fians : " wherever he goes, adds fhe, to the eaft or weft, or to 
the four quarters of the world, his fharp-edged weapon makes every foe yield the 
victory. " The words — four quarters of the world — evince this poem to have been 
written in the fifteenth century. Numberlefs other figments are of the fame date. 
The fifteenth century is noted for literary impoftures and fuppofititious authors. 
The Berofus, Manetho, Megafthenes and Cato of Annius of Viterbo, the Tufcan 
inscriptions of Inghiramius, and Boethius's Scottifh hiflory are the productions of 
this period, and their fabulous character well known. At this time, fays (24) a 
learned writer, men began to be inquifitive into matters of antiquity, and therefore 
fome who had more learning and better inventions than others, fet themfelves to 
work to gratify this curiofity. The fuccefs of their impoftures was fo great, that 
it became no eafy matter to undeceive the public, and convince them they were but 
forgeries. Trithemius, an ecclefiaftic of learning in this age, gave a plaufible lift 
of ideal French princes from their departure from Troy, which he declared was 
taken from an ancient author, named Hunibald. Frederic, Elector of Saxony, writ 
to Trithemius, requefting Hunibald might be fent to him* Trithemius had no way 
to fcreen his forgery, or evade compliance but by faying, the MS. was not in his 
poffeffion, having 1 changed his refidence from Hitchau to Wurtzburgh, fo that it 
was fairly (25) concluded— que cet auteur pretendu eft de la propre fabrique de 
Tritheme. 

Emancipated at length from the bondage of ignorance, credulity and fuperftition 
by the cultivation of learning, the human mind acquired a firm tone and power of 
discrimination to which it had been long a ftranger* The evanefcent meteors of 
romantic hiftory loft all their charms ; truth and authentic records were the guid- 
ing ftars of every enlightened hiftorian and antiquary j nor is it undeferving notice> 
that the northern writers, whofe annals are clouded with fables, were among the 

c foremofl 

(11) Keating, p. 44. (22) Warton, fup. (23) Tranf. of the Royal Irilh Acad. V. 1. p. 74. 

;) Stillingfket's Biit, churches, pref» (35) Recueil de div. pieces, par Leibnitz, Clarke, &e. T. 2. p» tZj, 



6 ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 

foremoft in this laudable career. Bartholine (26) defires his reader to ufe much 
caution in perufing the Icelandic chronicles, and in feparating the true from the 
falfe ; and not to be impofed on by the words — fornum bokum or old books — or 
fornum fogum or poetic fictions — 

Loccenius, a celebrated lawyer and antiquary of Upfal in Sweden, (27) declares 
the ancient Swedifh hiftory to be fo uncertain, that, not to miflead the reader, he 
would place no dates in his margin antecedent to the age of St. Eric, A. D. 1150, 
nor was any hiftorical relation to be depended on before the introduction of Chrif- 
tianity in the reign of Bero or Biorn, A. D. 816. Thefe acknowledgments 
while they upbraided our pertinacity in defending palpable fictions, produced fome 
good effects. Some it emboldened totally to reject our fables j others with a ti- 
morous and trembling hefitancy relinquilhed fome of them, and weakly endea- 
voured to defend others. 

Great care and critical fagacity, according to (28> O'Flaherty,, are to be exercifed 
in the choice of Irifh MSS. Some are plainly apocryphal, or inventions for amufe- 
ment ; fome to natter the pride and ambition of Patrons are filled with hyperbolical 
and incredible narrations : however, adds he, undoubted truths may be drawn from 
them, as tradition and the confent of antiquaries allow. — This writer in another 
(29) work tells us, that as to Scota, the daughter of Pharaoh, who gave the name 
of Scotia to Ireland, ttie Irifh when they embraced chriftianity and became conver- 
fant with facred writ, thought it glorious to their country to have their anceftors 
derived by a mother from the Egyptian Pharaoh, and to have had familiar convert 
fation with Mofes and. the Israelites. — Here O'Flaherty fees the childilh abfurdity 
of Irifli fables, but fears to offend popular prejudices. 

Very different is the language of two eminent Prelates. Doctor Talbot, titular 
Archbifhop of Dublin in 1674, a man of talents, family, and by no means a bigot, 
obferves, that (30) among our Annalifts and writers who merit little regard are 
thofe vernacular authors whom Colgan calls the Four Mailers : for they were illi- 
terate 

(a6) Plurima itaque cautela in libris veteribus Iflandicis utendum eft, & vers hiftoriae a falfis magna circumfpeclione 
fecernendae, &c. Barthol. de contemp. mort. p. 199. 

(47) Valde lubrica & incerta, & proinde ne ledtori imponerem, placuit nullam potius quam incertam ad oram annalium 
attexere. Locc. Antiq. Suco-Goth. p. 411. Stiernhook, de jure Sueon. p. 4. 

(a8) De codicum Hihernicorum deledtu nunc maxima eft habenda cura & acre judicium O^Flah. Ogyg. prajloq. 

P # «q 35, And Stanihurft, Hsc quidem fomnia fabularum anicula? fortafiis admirationem, Abdera? alicui applaufum r 

inttllio-entibus vero rifum moveat. De reb. Heb. p. 18 — 19. 

(19) Ogyg- vind. p. SS. 

(30) Inter annales vel audlores fide dignos locum non merentur nonnulli noftri vernaculi Scriptores (quorum aliquos 
Colganus quatuor Magiftros appellat) erant enim homines illiterati, &c. Primat. Dublin, p. 4a. 



> 



ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 7 

-« < < < •<•■< •«<■<■■< •«••« < < < < -< < •■< <<■<••<■<••<•<■<•< ■<■<■< <<••<■<■•<■•<•<+>••>•■>• >•■>•>•>•■>■■>■>>• >■■>•■>■■>■>■>• >..>..>..>..>.■>•■>■■>•>■■>••>■>•■>••>■■>••>■■>■•>•>■•>■•>•>•>•• 
terate and fo devoted to party that but little of truth can be collected or inferred 
from their performances. Nor is there any relying on Keating who follows them, 
for he exprefsly treats of the genealogies of the Irifh, deducing them in diftin£t 
generations from Adam. Many things he introduces from Bardic poems, filled 
with ftories of giants. What valuable information can be had from fuch writers, 
I profefs myfelf ignorant. 

Doctor O'Brien, titular Bifhop of Cloyne, author of an Irifh. dictionary and a 
man of letters, delivers (31) his fentiments with equal boldnefs and candour. 
*' Parfons in his remains of Japhet feems but too well inclined' to favour the anti- 
quities of Ireland, without confidering, that nothing could be of greater prejudice 
or difcredit to them than afferting thofe fabulous genealogies, and the ftories of the 
travels of the fuppofed leaders and chiefs of their ancient colonies, fuch as have 
been rejected with juft contempt by all learned nations : firft invented in Ireland by 
Bards and Romancers after they came to fome knowledge of both facred and pro- 
phane hiflory. The real and true antiquities of Ireland are not to be derived from 
any other fources than our authentic annals ; fuch as thofe of Tigernach, of Innis-- 
fallen, the Chronicon Scotorum and a few others, wherein are no fabulous ftories, 
fuch as thofe in the book called leaver Gabbhala, and others of that kind publifhed 
in the tranflation of Keating's hiftory of Ireland, which he never intended for the 
public, but for the (32) amufement of private families." 

But there are two works, much relied on by native writers ; thefe are the 
(35) Pfalter of Cafhel and Cormac's gloffary. Lhuyd and Nicolfon fay, a part of 
the firfl is in the Bodleian Library, but I do not recollect any one, who profefles to 
have feen it. Walfh gives this extract from it, which muft deftroy its credit as an 
hiftorical record: " That the Picts ferved in Thrace under one Polycornus, that 
they fled that country, and roamed up and down at fea till they came to Gaul, and 
there founded the City of Pi&avia : that they were forced to leave Gaul and retire 
to Ireland : that Trofdan, a magician, advifed the Irifh army to bathe in the milk of 
one hundred and fifty white crumple-horned cows, as a fure antidote againft the 
envenomed arrows of the Britons.-' 

This- 

(31) Preface to his Di6t. p. 40. 

(32) It is Angular, that the celebrated northern Eddas were compiled with the fame intent. " Nee quidem ipfius auc- 
tori, five Sturlonides ille fuerit five ^ilius, aliud ptopofitum fuit, ipfomet profitente, quam hafce poetarum antiquorum- 
ficliones, apto ordine conuectere & libello auimi recreandi gratia comple&i." Murray, apud Nov. Com. Golfing, t. 4* 
p. 91. 

(.33) WaMh's profpe<£, p. 490. 



« ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 



..< <<..<<< .<<•<.<.< .< .<..<..<..<..< .< .< .< .< .< .< .< .< ..< .<■<■<■<■< <<•<<■< <4.>>> >>>•>>.>••>. >•>•■>■•>•.>•■>•>.>..>.. 



This is the wonderful Pfalter compofed by Cormac, Prince of PVIunfter and Bifhop" 
of Cafhel. Such daring fceptics as Stillingfleet, Innes and Pinkerton condemn it 
as romantic ; but what true Milefian will believe them ? 

As to Cormac's glofl'ary, Lynch (34) fays it was the work of Cairbre Liffechair, 
A. D. 279. Colgan, as good authority, afcribes it to Cormac Ulfhada, A. D. 257. 
O'Conor, who publifhed O'Flaherty's Ogygia vindicated in 1775, and was well 
acquainted with Irifh literature, had never feen this glofl'ary, and (35) fears it was 
loft to the public. However it is faid to have been printed in the laft century by 
O'Clery, one of the four Matters, whofe characters are impartially exhibited by 
A rchbifhop Talbot before. Lynch and Colgan are better informed than later anti- 
quaries, and neither give the compofition to Cormac of Camel, but to others, who 
lived above fix hundred years before Cormac. But even Lynch and Colgan are 
romancing, when they fuppofe letters known or common in the third century. 
Grant that Cormac Mac Cuilenan was author of a glofl'ary in the tenth century, was 
not this to ferve as an interpreter to the precedent Ii ifh language, grown obfolete 
in his time ? This is the common idea of the ufe of a gloflary, and it evinces the 
fluctuation and corruption of the language. It is now nine "hundred years fince 
Cormac writ this pretended gloflary ; has the Irifh tongue fuffered no alteration in 
fuch a lapfe of ages ? It mull have aitonifhingly changed, when we are aflured by 
the author of an Irifh grammar, that the Irifh language of (36) four hundred years 
back is totally different from the prefent, in fenfe and orthography. Let the reader 
mark the words, fenfe and orthography ', and draw his conclufion as to the authenti- 
city of this impudent and blundering forgery. I fhould not have detained the reader 
fo long, were not Cormac's gloflary and pfalter conflantiy appealed to as authentic 
literary monuments. The book of Lecan is another Irifh record of equal veracity." 
From thefe a new fpecies of romantic fabling has been introduced by the noted au- 
thor of the Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis, grounded on etymology, fimilitude of 
names and religious practices. In certain flages of fociety there is an almoft iden- 
tity of names and ufages in the adoration of the Supreme Being, and as far as 
clouded reafon permitted, an imperfect acknowledgment of his attributes. Are the 
Irifh to be derived from the natives of Eafler ifland in the Pacific ocean, becaufe 
both erected ponderous ftructures of flone as temples for their deities ? Are the 
Irifh the fame people as the Peruvians, becaufe both adored the fun ? But is it not 
making a mockery of the facred oracles to introduce a Druid prophefying of the 

advent 

(34) Cambrens. Evers. p. 301. (35) Ogyg. Vind. p. 161. 

(36) Collect, dc reb. Hib. No. 7. p. 332, and before p. 313. And No. 13. p. IXJ, no words can be ftronger. 



ROMANTIC HISTORY OP IRELAND. g 

•* t'< ■*■ *•< < -<<-<< <•<<<< <<■<<•.<•■<.<.< <<■< < •< < •<<■<•<•< ■<•■<■■<■<+>. »..>..>..>..>..»..>..>..►..>. >..>..>..>..>..>. »..>..►.> ». >. ».#-k* >^.>_».>. ».>. >..►. ►.> 1 ».- i 

advent of our Redeemer on the authority of (^y) Cormac's gloffary. Of the fame 
(lamp is a coincidence deduced from the fimilarity of names. Ith, the foil of Breo« 
gan, and grandfon of Milefius, all romantic perfonages, is made (38) Ithobaal,, 
and fuppofed to be alluded to by the prophets. A work containing fuch pofitions 
would have been more properly addreffed to a heathen than to a chriftian and very 
religious prince. 

As to etymology, the other column of the new romantic hiftory of Ireland, take 
fnis fpecimen from the fame author. " Milefius was not a proper name but an epi- 
thet, being Milefs and Milefpain, i. e. the hero of the fhip. Mil is a champion 
from the Chaldee Malca, rex. Efs and Spain iignify a fhip, from the Hebrew efs t 
lignum, and Speia nauta. Malach in Hebrew and Melach and Melachoir in kim* 
fignify nauta, in Arabic mullah is a failor and fufina a (hip." Are you not aftonifhed 
and illuminated, gentle reader, at this wonderful difplay of oriental literature ? 
From thcfe brilliant etymological evidences can any facT; be clearer than that this 
patriarch being a great naval commander, and of courfe a great voyager and tra- 
veller, preferred the cool and humid charms of Ireland to the heat and aridity of 
eaftern climates. May we not apply what Warburton faid of Gale's Court of the 
Gentiles, — that it would fcarcely be believed the man was ferious, had he not givea 
us, in his numerous tomes, fuch lamentable proofs -of his being in earned ? 

It mud occu-r to every reflecting mind, that pretenfions to very high antiquity 
could only be fupported by authentic records, the value of which could never be 
appreciated while they lay buried in public libraries or private collections, or were . 
only exhibited in detached fcr?.ps. "Therefore, (40) fays Stillingfleet in 1685, it 
would tend very much to the clearing of antiquities, if fome of ihefe ancient an- 
nals and leiger books were printed. For it hath rendered their credit the more, 
fufpicious, becaufe they have been fo long kept up, when all the old Englifh annals- 
have been carefully publi^ed." Innes, in 1729, after defcribing the manner in 
which Irifh fictions were by the moderns brought into fome confidence and fhape, 
(41) obferves that the originals are kept out of fight to conceal their deformity and 
their contradictions to all true hiftory. And he fpiritedly adds, — we are now no 
more in ages of ignorance and credulity. Men have begun long fmce to meafurc 
their belief of remote antiquities by their vouchers. — In 1783, Mr, Edm. Burke 

d declared 

(37) Vindic. of the ancient hiftory of Treland, by the author of the Collect, p. 199. 

{38) Vindic. fup. p. 301. &ftq. (39) Vindic. fup. p. 294. 

(40) Antiq. of Brit. chur. p. 348— 149, (41) Cric. Eff. Y. 2. p. 499. 



io ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. 

..<.<..< .<<.<<..<.<■<<•< ..«.<..<■< .<..<.<..<..<<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<.<..<..<..<..<.<••<■'<+>■>■■>■>■■>•>•>>• >•>•>•>•>•>■>•>■>■>■>.>.>.>•>•>•.>.>■>■>.■>.>•>..>•.>>.>.>■> >^. 

declared his opinion, that (42) extracts from Irifh MSS. only increafed curiofity, 
and the juft demand of the public for fome entire pieces, and that until this is done, 
the ancient period of Irifh hiilory, which precedes official records, cannot be faid to 
Hand on proper authority. In 1786,. Mr. Burke (43) fays in a letter, " will you 
have the goodnefs to pardon me for reminding you of what I once before took the 
liberty to mention ; my earneft wifh that fome of the ancient Irifh hiftorical monu- 
ments mould be publilhed as they (land, with a tranflation in Latin or Englifh. 
Until fomething of this kind is done criticifm can have no fecure anchorage." 
The earnefl wifh of thefe excellent fcholars would have long fince have been com- 
plied with, could thefe Irifh MSS. have borne the light ; part of their contents have 
already been given, and it is certainly for the honour of the country to fuffer them 
to remain for ever in obfcurity. 

In 1440, when it was the boafl of Britons to be defcended from Brutus and 
his Trojans, and every writer flattered this popular prejudice, John de Wheatham- 
ftead, Abbot of St. Alban's, an ecclefiaflic of high dignity and fuperior accom- 
plifhments, delivers the following manly and judicious fentiments, which I wifh the 
Irifh nation and Irifh hiflorians may hereafter adopt. " Some, fays (44) he, look 
upon the flory of Brutus as no other than a ridiculous piece of foppery and vanity, 
to lay claim to nobility of defcent, when we cannot ground our pretence on any 
probable foundation. It is virtue alone that gives nobility to any nation, and it is a 
greatnefs of mind with an exa&nefs of reafon that makes the true gentleman* 
Let this therefore be allowed the Britifh nation, as a fufficient evidence of theif 
honourable original, that they are courageous and refolute in war, have been fupe- 
rior to all their enemies round, and that they have a natural averfion to fervi- 
tude." 

Had the learned Abbot recolle&ed, he would have added thefe lines of the Ro- 
man Satyrifl : 

Malo pater fit Therfites, dummodo tu fis 

iEacidae fimilis, Vulcaniaq; arma capeffas, 

Quam te Therfiti fimilem producat Achilles. 

To conclude. From this view of the ancient as well as the modern romantic 
Mftory of Ireland, and the reprobation of both by the moft enlightened antiqua- 
ries, it may reafonably be afked what objects deferve the attention of the learned 

and 

(49) Colle&an. No. 13. p. 133. (43) Campbell's SjfricT;, p, 294» 

(44) Apud Camden, inhabitant;) Siti 



ROMANTIC HISTORY OF IRELAND. n 

and inquifitive ? To this I anfwer with confidence, that there are as many curious 
and interesting fubjedls for antiquarian inveftigation, and fupported by authentic 
records and exifling monuments, as are to be found in any country, not the feat of 
an empire. The colonization of the Ifle, the formation of the Irifh alphabet, the 
ftate of literature from the fixth to the ninth century, our ancient mufic, round 
towers, ftone-roofed crypts, our coins, laws, with our pagan religion and primitive 
chriftianity, all admit proofs and folicit illuftration, which they have never 
received. Thefe and other topics would abundantly exercife the ingenuity and 
erudition of the philologer, the grammarian, architect, theologian and antiquary. 
Thefe EiTays pretend to no more than to exhibit fome new views and new illuftra- 
tions of the foregoing fubje&s j fupported by plain fenfe and folid authorities. 

Quicquid id eft, fylveftre licet videatur acutis 
Auribus, et noftro tantum memorabile pago ; 
Dum mea rufticitas, fi non valet arte polita 
Carminis, at certe valeat veritate probari. 




Somt' 



c ** )> 



J+ + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + *+ + + + + + + + + -f. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 4. + < . + + <1+ + + J 



SOME ANCIENT "NOTICES RESPECTING IRELAND, AND OF THE NAME OF THE ISLE. 

IN the foregoing EiTay the pretentions of the Irifli to remote genuine hiftory have 
been examined, and found deilitute of verisimilitude or probability ; and yet on 
the wild tales of bardic fablers their modern antiquaries have engrafted the etymo- 
logical reveries of Bochart, Sammes, Stukeley and (i) others.: thus defending one 
abfurdity by another ; a mode of argumentation which fupplies a ftandard for mea- 
suring the talents, the judgment and information of fuch writers. 

Bochart was. a man of uncommon erudition, -but his fcheme of proving the eaflern 
colonization of Europe, through the medium of etymology, appeared vifionary to 
his (2) contemporaries : nor was he, in the opinion of an (3) excellent judge, fuffi- 
xiently fkilled in the oriental tongues for the talk he had engaged in. That the 
world was peopled by the fons of Noah, is a fact recorded in holy writ, but the 
particular countries occupied by each cannot be afcertained at this day. The Jewifh 
Targums, Jofephus and the Rabbins, all of whom knew as much of the matter as 
thofe who lived before the cataclyfm, very confidently fupply the obfcurity of fcrip- 
ture, and diftindtly parcel Europe among the pofterity of the grand Patriarch. 
This was pride and vanity in the Jews, and we mull fuppofe piety in chriftians, 
•who adopted their ideas. This made Poftell, a revivor of oriental learning in the 
1 6th century, derive Irin from (4) lurin, or the land of the Jews j and Bochart 
to bring Hibernia from the Phoenician (5J Iber-nae, or the fartheft habitation. 
This hint of the Phoenicians, (who were great navigators and traders) afted as a 
ftrong ferment on the intellects of Britifli and Irifh antiquaries, and produced the 
frothy fyftems in the writers before named, and particularly in the author of the Col- 
lectanea de reb. Hib. who has completely orientalized our ancient hiftory. 

Let 

(1) As O'Conor 111 his DifT. and (lie author of the Collect, paff. 

(z) Meric Cafaubon, alluding to this work, fays, — torquendi yocabula, addendo, detrahendo, mutando, tranfponendo 
fine ullo aut modo aut ratione certa licemiam fumpfcre, ut quicquid ufpiam verborum, non veterum tamum, fed et recen- 
tiorum in Germania Gallia, alibi vel remotiffimorum, pari ratione Hebraicum fuerit. De ling. Anglic, vet. p. Jja. 

(3J .Richardfon's Diff. on the languages of the Eaft, p. 251. 

(4) Warsei Amici. c. i. (5) Geogr. fac. 1. 1, c. 60. Ed. Loufdotn 



ANCIENT NOTICES RESPECTING IRELAND. 13 

Let us then confider what grounds there are to fupport the notion of an eaftern 
Intercourfe with Ireland. Herodotus, who lived about 400 years before our asra, 
informs (6) us, that Tin and Amber were brought from the northern parts, and he 
feems to point cut Britain and the Baltic, as the places from whence they came. 
Tin was a metal highly valued, and is mentioned by Mofes 1500, and by Homer 
§00 years (7) B. X. The (8) boots or greaves of the heroes in the latter writer are 
of mining tin. But it was not from Britain tin was produced, for it was then (9) 
thinly inhabited by a few wandering Celtes, who were to the Scythians, who fuc- 
ceeded them, what the favages of America are to the Europeans. The Belgse, 
part of the Scythian fwarm, arrived in Britain (10) about 500 years before the nati- 
vity. They firft introduced the knowledge and names of metals. From whence 
then came the tin of which Mofes and Homer fpeak ? The anfwer is from the Eaft, 
where it abounds in rich mines, and of fo fuperior a quality, that the Malacca tin, 
is at prefent preferred there to the European. If therefore the Belgre arrived in 
Britain but one hundred years before the age of Herodotus, that feems too fhort a 
fpace of time for new colonifts to fettle, and open fources of commerce : it is pro- 
bable the Caflitefides were iflands on the coaft of Spain, where thefe ancient mer- 
chants had depots of the precious metals, which they collected from the continent : 
indeed the riches of Spain were (11) fo great, that they muft be fufficient to fatisfy 
the mofl avaricious adventurer, without hazarding the dangers of untried feas and 
kihofpitable mores. From the notices in ancient writers, we cannot determine the 
(12) pofition of thefe celebrated ifles. Pliny, Solinus, Mela and Dionyfius place 
them oppofite Spain, fome will have them near Cape Finifterre, others near Cape 
St. Vincent, but none more northerly than the firft. Euftathius, in his commen- 
tary on Dionyfius, with all the lights his induftry could acquire, and that in the 
1.2th century, leaves their fituation problematical. Befides the Sidonian and Phoe- 
nician mips were almoft (13) round; a form ill adapted for diftant navigation. 
Strabo, as is (14) well obferved, allows but little credit to the relations of the 
Phoenician voyages in remote times; and he blames Eratofthenes for believing 

e them : 

(6) ITpii; Cspsiv av£/t46», ana Tni -ray uXsxpsv tyrtitv, Xoyoj fJTj, aTE vns-oi? c'Ja Jtac<r;T£p<Jaj. Lib. 3, 

(7) lufe Playfaire's chronology. (8) Tei/£e h ot xvn/aiJa; e«vu xa<r<r(T£pi>ic. Iliad. 

(9) Pinkerton's Goths, p. 45. V."hitaker's Manchefter, V. 1. p. 6 — 7. (10) Pinkerton and Whitaker, fup„" 

(11) Stated by Merula, cofmograph. p. 212. 

j(n) Salmas. Plin. Exerc. in Solin. p. 278. and Cluverius and Baudrand. 

(13) They were called Gauli. Ta <pomxtx.a irXotit, Hefych. Navigii genus pene rotundutn. Fedus, 

{ 14) Stillingfleet's true antiquity of London, 



i 4 ANCIENT NOTICES. RESPECTING IRELAND, 

■<.<••<••<-<••<■<■■<•■<••<••<■<■<••<••<•<•■<•<■■<••<■•<•■<■•<•<■•<■•<■•<•<■•< •<■•<■•<••<■•< <•<•■<•<■•<•■<+>■ >•>-•>•>••>••>•'>••>•'>•>•■>■>•■>•■>••>■■>•>•■>•>•■>■>•>■>■>•>•■>•>•>•■■>•>■>•>•>• >•>>».• 
them: for it appears by Hanno's voyage (about 150 years after Herodotus) how 
little they had discovered beyond the pillars of Hercules, for Cerne was no farther 
beyond them on the African coaft than it was from Carthage to them. If the 
Phoenicians did not vifit Britain in remote ages, they had no inducement to come 
to Ireland. 

Leaving the uncertainty of thefe early navigations, let us attend to fads. About 
two centuries and a half B. X. the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who then 
fwayed the Egyptian fceptre, was illuminated with bright (15) conftellations of 
learned men. Among thefe Eratoflhenes, his librarian, an excellent geometrician 
and geographer, was confpicuous. Strabo (16) praifes his private collection of 
maps and books, and he was fo well acquainted with the weftern parts of Europe, 
that he gives the diftance of Ireland from (17) Celtica. This is perhaps the earliefl 
authentic notice that occurs of Ireland. It is evident the names and fituation of 
countries mufl have been known and ascertained before they could be reduced into 
a map. The churlifh jealoufy of Phoenician and Carthaginian traders .would not 
(18) permit them to give information of the countries they frequented, this was to 
be had from people of more liberal fentiments, and thefe were the Grecian colonies 
fettled at Syracufe, Rhegium, Tarentum, and along the Italian coaft, and particu- 
larly from the Phocaean, ePtibliihed at Maflylia, or Marfeilles 540 years before our 
sera. Thefe Greeks gave letters to, and introduced (19) not only civility but a high 
degree of polifh and urbanity among the Gauls, and being alfo a mercantile people 
opened a commerce with the interior of the country. If we may judge from mo- 
dern efforts in purfuit of trade, (and the Greeks were inferior to no nation) they 
probably penetrated to the confines of Britain, about 500 miles, and to the mores 
of the Baltic, and from" thence brought both tin and amber. This fuppofition is 
not entirely groundlefs from what Diodorus Siculus relates, that tin was conveyed 
from Britain to Gaul in wicker boats, and palling through the country arrived at 
Narbonne on the Mediterranean in thirty days. The tranfport of amber was per- 
formed in the fame manner. Thefe commodities were by the MafTylians difperfed 
among the Greeks, and thus Herodotus derived an imperfect knowledge of the parts 

from which they came. 

About 

(15) Betides the Pleades, or feven famed poets, he had Demetrius Phalereus, Epicurus, and many more. 

(16) Lib. a. 

(17) Strab. fup. Cafaubon fays,— Sic et KtXrmn apud vetuftiffimos Grsecos ea tantum Galliw pars, quant mare Medi- 
tcirantum alluit. In Strab. p. 68. 

(18) Strab. J. 3. (10) See Strabo, Plautus, Cicero, &c, 



AND OF THE NAME OF THE ISLE, iy 

About one hundred years after the age of Herodotus, Tyre was deftroyed by 
Alexander the Great, and the city of Alexandria was founded, and foon became 
the grand emporium of ealtern and weftern commerce. Thither (20) catapli or 
fleets failed from Marfeilles, and on their return great fairs were held.- A new fpring 
was given to induftry; the profpecl of gain prompted men to explore diftant regions, 
and to become more intimately acquainted with their productions. With this view 
(21) Pytheas let out from Marfeilles to examine the weft and north of Europe, and 
proceeded as far as Thule, which Forfter believes to be the Shetland iflands. He 
defcribed Britain, for Strabo (22) introduces Polybius comparing the accounts of 
Pytheas, Dicsearchus and Eratofthenes as to the magnitude of Britain-. 

If Ireland was colonized by an eaftern people, had regular government and ob- 
jects of trade, would antiquity be filent on thefe heads ? They would not. But 
granting the Phoenicians or Carthaginians vifited Ireland, they could form only fuch 
factories as the moderns do in remote countries ; and we can eafily appreciate the 
knowledge and improvement the one was likely to communicate, and the other to 
receive from them. Have the favages of America adopted the arts or manners of 
the Englifh, French or Spaniards fettled among them for near two centuries. It is 
the civilized not the rude who are prone to change. But what is exactly in point 
is, that (23) the natives contiguous to the Phoenician fettlements in Spain are not 
remarked by Diodorus Siculus or Strabo for an advancement in civilization above 
their countrymen. Befides the ingenious writer lafl: cited has collected fuch traits of 
barbarifm in the Irifh character, and to a late period, as demonstrate them, before' 
the light of chriftianity, to be deftitute of mental and civil cultivation. The moft 
celebrated nations of the world, at certain times, have been fimilarly circumftanced. 
While man continues the fame, and while hifloric records fupply certain informa- 
tion to direct our inquiries, Irifh antiquaries may exhauft their time and talents in 
rehearfing the literature and arts of their anceftors, the long catalogue of their 
Kings, and the fplendour of their monarchy, — but in vain, for the learned will fay 
of fuch writers as Ovid does of a famed poetic perfonage : 

Quserit aquas in aquis, & poma fugacia captatf 
Tantalus 5 hoc illi garrula lingua dedit. 



Our" 



(20) Du Cange in voce. (st) Forftcr's north, difcoveries, inificr. 

(ai) Lib. a. (33) Macpherfon's Introdu<ft. 



■^ 



i6 ANCIENT NOTICES RESPECTING IRELAND, 

Our learned Primate Ufher, after quoting Orpheus for Ireland not being (24) un- 
known in his time, exultingly fays, — (25) Not even the Roman people can pro- 
duce fuch teflimony of their antiquity. — Is it an honour to any country, that it v/as 
inhabited in very remote ages by roving barbarians with a proper name ? Then the 
various tribes of Tartars and of Indians may claim this diftin&ion, and probably 
go beyond the Romans and Iriih. This ill-judged ebullition of patriotifm might 
pafs very well when the Primate writ, (1.639) ^ ut 'fill t> e more rigoroufly exa- 
mined at this day. 

JDefine blanditias, & verba potentia quondam 
Perdere, non ego fum ftultus ut ante fui. 

'The Greeks certainly knew pur Ifle exifted and had inhabitants three centuries 
before our sera. But the perpetual warfare carried on by the Romans in the eaft 
and weft made it totally neglefted, particularly, as in a political view (26) it could 
neither ferve or injure them. Geography was ftudied. at Rome, and youth learned 
the fcience on (27) illuminated maps. Cicero (28) meditated a large work on the 
fubjecl:. When Julius Casfar was made Confu], he obtained a decree of the Senate 
for a furvey of the (29) empire j but they were Greek. artifts who undertook it, and 
after thirty two years labour they delivered their charts and memoirs to the Senate. 
Balbus (30) fe-ems to have been the perfon who reduced to proper and intelligible 
form the mafs of materials which had been collected, and M. Vipfanius Agrippa, 
fon-in-law of Auguftus, from the whole had a great map of the Roman empire con- 
ftru&ed, and placed in a (31) portico at Rome. Among thefe documents was a 
map or topography of Ireland, and to which (32) Pliny refers. 

We fhall now examine the name of our Ifle. No mortal, fays (33) Herodotus, 
can difcover whence the name of Europe is derived. This candour in the father of 
Grecian hiftory has not been imitated by antients or mpderns. Plato, his contem- 
porary, 

(24) nap' $■' «p* wscev «/t*ef&v ispvifct. Argon. V. 1179. Ed. Eifenbach. Fabricius recounts more than thirty per- 
formances under the name of Orpheus. Biblioth. Graec. V. I. p. 120, Ed. Harks. His Argonautics are a wild unin- 
telligible romance. 

(aj^Cujufmodi antiquitatis, ne ipfe quidem populus Romanus.fui nominis teftem proferre poterit. Primord. p. 714. 

(26) Mute Xuxeiv, /wet axpi\tiv ly-ca; Suvavrai. Strab. '1. 2. A principle on which they acfted. 

(27) Pictos edifcere mundos. Propert. Eumen. de reftaur. Schol. 

(i&) Etenim yioypaxpina qua; conftitueram, magnum opus eft. Ad. Attic. 1. 3. ep. 6. 

(29) iEthic. Cofmograph. This probably gave the hint to the firft William for the compilation of doomfday book. 

(30) Balbi menforis— qui temporibus Augufti omnium provinciarum & civitatum formas & menfuras compertas, ill 
commentarios contulit. Frontin, apud rei agrar. Script. Geefii, p. .105. 

(31) Plin. 1. 3. c. ?. (33) Lib. 4. c. 16. 
(gi) Ovte wtoflsv t« wopa tha.%% tuts. Melpom, p. 301, 



AND OF THE NAME OF THE ISLE. 17 

porary, indulges all the pruriency of imagination in his attempts at etymology; in 
this purfuit the fublime, the divine Plato dwindles into the dreaming guefier. 
The Cratylus will ever remain a monument of his w r eaknefs. The fame may be faid 
of Varro, Philo, Jofephus, Origen, Jerome, and many more. Undifmayed by the 
failures of thefe eminent men, we find this ftudy a favourite one, efpecially with 
fchiolifts and alphabetarian fcholats ; who fcarcely able to diftinguifh the letters of 
•one language from another, will, by the help of vocabularies and lexicons, find out 
refemblances in words, and thus attempt to prove the Celtic, for inilance, to be 
-connected (34) with the fpeech of every country on the globe. 

Very different is the conduct of found claffical writers. Thus the excellent Gam- 
den, in a paper (35) read before the Society of Antiquaries in 1604, obferves :— • 
that fuch is the uncertainty of etymology, that arguments drawn from it are of 
lealt force, and therefore called by an ancient Grecian, (**&»&* tompnet, as proofs 
only which put a good face on the matter. — Accordingly when he comes to treat 
of Ireland in his Britannia, he recites the various names of the Ifle as they lie in 
ancient authors, and juftly remarks — that the etymology of thefe feveral names has 
given rife to different opinions, as is natural on fo obfcure a fubject ; and he mo- 
deftly adds, I have no conjecture to propofe, unlefs it may be derived from Hiere p 
an Irifh word, fignifying ea(l or weftward, whence Eri, or the weftern country may 
be deduced. I once thought this a fortunate conjecture. — Though he does not ftatfe 
his reafons why he did not continue to think this a fortunate conjecture, they were 
perhaps fuch as thefe. There is no H as a letter (36) in the Irifh language, as be- 
ing a mere afpirate, though from want of a notation commenfurate with the founds 
in that tongue, its ufe is ($y) various and multiplied. There is no fuch word as 
Ierne, but Iar fignifying back or backward, or the weft, when the face was turned 
to the holy land, or the eaft. 

But who gave our Ifle the appellation of — Eri ? — Could it be the Celtes, its pri- 
mitive poffeilors ? thefe were wandering favages, of whom little is recorded, and 
that little proclaims their ignorance and barbarilm. If the names of Europe, Afia 
and Africa were (38) unknown in the age of Homer, and alfo (39) the cardinal 
points i if (40) Eudoxus made the Greeks acquainted with the motions of the ce- 

f . leftial 

(34) Collec. de reb. Hib. paffim. %}$) Hearne's Antiq. difcourfes, V. 2. p. 90. 

(36) O'Brien's Irifli Did. p. agi. 

(37) Molloy, Gramm. Lat. Hib. p. 23. who devotes to it a long chapter (4) of ten pages. 

(38) Strab. 1. u. (39) Salmas. Plin. Exerc. p. 12^. 

(4c) Eudoium prirmim hos motus in Grxciarn traattuliffb. Seuec. nat. qu.-eA. I, 7. «. 3. 



iS ANCIENT NOTICES RESPECTING IRELAND, 

leftial bodies but 360 years B. X. can it be fuppofed the Cekes were more en- 
lightened ? Some defcribed the world with their faces to the north ; others with their 
faces to the weft. Dubricius, Bifhop of Caerleon, at the clofe of the 6th century, 
prefided over all the Britons — {41) dextralis partis Britanniae. — Ufher thinks the 
Britons, following the Jews, called the fouth the right hand, but (42) Stillingfleet 
doubts this. O'Brien (42) fhews, that the Irifh adopted the Jewifn manner in call- 
ing the fouth the right, and further remarks : — that Camden's derivation of the 
word Eri, the name of Ireland, from the Irifh word, Iar, feems abfurd for two- 
reafons : 1. becaufe the Irifh word, Iar, ftricl:ly and properly means only after, ira 
Latin poll and poflea, or behind, and does not fignify the weft, but relatively to the 
pofition of perfons facing to the eaft at public prayers. In this pofition the foutfo 
is called by the name of the right hand, and the north by that of the left, and thus 
Iar is to be explained and not otherwife; for if a perfon turns his face to any other 
point, Iar is applied to what is behind him. 2. Ireland is not properly to be counted 
a weftern country, but relatively to Britain, and the lower parts of Gaul and Ger- -f 

many, but we do not find the natives ufed it to fignify the weft j and as to the Irifh, 
it feems contrary to the propriety of language and common fenfe that they mould 
have formed the name from its weftern pofition, which was only relative to others, 
and not to them who were the inhabitants. — Thus far our Lexicographer. To 
which may be added, that had Iar a reference to the weft, it would have been found 
in fimple or compound words, and in the names of our rivers, mountains, vallies or 
champaign grounds, which, I believe, it is not. 

The earlieft notice in Roman writers of the name of Ireland (Hibernia) is in 
Julius Csefar, and was given, probably, by him or his countrymen, from its fup- 
pofed coldnefs : for it was the practice of antiquity, to give appellations to coun- 
tries and people from their fituation, productions, or fome peculiarity : witnefs- 
Mauritania, Cafliterides, Lotophagi, Hefperia, Interamna, and innumerable other 
inftances. Strabo, who writ long after Ceefar, defcribes Britain as (44) frigid from 
its vicinity to the north, and Ireland as fcarcely (45) habitable from its coldnefs. 
Hibernia was then an appellation fuitable to fuch conceptions, and is in the opinion 
of (46) Ware and Baxter alluded to in this line of Propertius : 

lbernufque Getes, pi&oque Britannia curru. 

Claudian 

(41) Primord. p. 80. (43) Brit, churches, p. 203. (43) Die. fup. in Deas & Eirin. (44) Lib. 5. 

(45) A0*iai; $1 ha •fu^o? aiwfj.£vr,v. Lib. 2. At a later period, Tacitus fays, the fea about the Orkneys was— » 
pigrum & grave navigantibus, and that beyond the Suiones — immotuni prope. 

(46) Warwi antia,. c. 1, Baxter. Glofl*. in Ibernica. There is anotfier reading of the line— Hiberni<iue Geta, 



AND OP THE NAME OF THE ISLE. r$ 

Claudian ftyles Ireland — glacialis Ierne — and this at the end of the 4th century. 
The other derivations of Hibernia we leave to thofe who are delighted with 
their own whimfies. 

Whether the record compiled by Balbus-, and before mentioned, was acceffible to 
the public, or the inquifitive, we are not told : if it was, Strabo and Diodorus 
Siculus would haye been more copious in their account of our Ifle and other coun- 
tries.- It would have faved much time and labour to the latter, who affures us he 
fpent (47) thirty years in compofing his hiftory : that his predecefTors in that walk 
had lapfed into great errors for want pf the perfonal examination of places : that 
to remove thefe, he had travelled over a great part of Europe and Afia, and alfo 
had refided' at Rome. Accordingly his work, though not free from faults, has 
much exact and curious information. Nor is it his leaft praife, that (48) Pliny 
exempts him from the herd of literary Greek triflers, and in the opinion of the 
learned (49) Heyne, he has fome original remarks on Britain. What he fays of 
Ireland is very remarkable.— (50) The remote northern nations, who border upon 
Scythia, are ferocious, devouring men, as is reported of the Britons who inhabit 
Iris. — The firfl charge will be hereafter confidered, but it deferves notice, that he 
calls the Irifh Britons, and juftly, as both were defcended from the fame Celtic 
flock. Wefieling, the lateft editor of Diodorus, acknowledges he cannot account 
for Ireland (51) being thus named inftead Ierne, Iouernia and Iernis. But Diodo- 
rus, who had penetrated far into the north of Europe, there firft heard, and has 
happily preferved the genuine name of our Ifle : a name almofl two thoufand years 
old, and yet unaccountably pafled over by all our antiquaries : a name, which re- 
moves every (52) difficulty about the country defigned by Diodorus. 

Iri, or as now written Eri, in (53) Irifh, is the great Ifle. In Teutonic (54) 
Er-aii, contracted into Eri, is the farther Ifle. It received this appellation from 
the Teutonic tribes, who then poffeffed Europe, and has been invariably ufed by 
them in every age. Here are the proofs. 

A. D.- 

(47) TpiaxokTa /At* £T». Lib. I. p. 7. 

(48) Apud Grxcos, defiit nugari Diodorus. PKn. prsf. 

(49) In iis qux de Britannia affert Diodorus, nonnulla de fuo penu attuliffe videri debet. De font. Diodori, fupra. ; 

(50) iij-XEp xai tail BfE-ravvaiv T«{ xaTOixavro; Tnv mo(j.aZfif/.iirCi Ipiv. Lib. 5. 

(51) Id in obfcura manet, cur ipiv adpellat, qua coeteris iipyj?, luspvia, lepnc dici folet. In loco. 

(52) Dr. Macpherfon's Dili". 

(j3) O'Brien's Di<ft. in Er. The ancient Irifh alphabet had but four vowels ; E was not ufed. O'Brien in £&■&■ 
454) Kilian, Die. Teuton, in Er. Piocop. hifi. Goth. p. 584, Ed, Grotii, 



to 



ANCIENT NOTICES RESPECTING IRELAND, 



A.D. 

540. Gildas left the fchool of Iltutus, in Wales, and went to (ss) ^ ris ' 
870. In Iflands Landnamaboc, one of the ($6) oldeft Icelandic Sagas, Ireland is 
named Ir-land. In King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon tranflation of Orofius, Ire- 
land is ftyled Ireland. 
891. Three Irifhmen, fays the Anglo-Saxon chronicle, came in a boat from Yr-land, 
518. In the fame record under this year our Ifle has the fame name. 
1048. In the fame chronicle, Harold flies to Yr-land. 
1076. Adam of Bremen has the fame name. 
1 1 05. JElnoth, in his life of St. Canute, calls the Irilh Iros. 
1 141. Odericus Vitalis ftyles the Irilh (57) Irenfes, and their country Ire-land. 

And in Wormius's Runic literature, the Irifh alphabet is called Ira-letur. The 
identity of Diodorus's Iris with the Iris, Ira, : Iros, Irenfes, Ire and Ir of the Go* 
thic and Teutonic people, and that traced for above fix hundred years, clearly 
evinces that this .Greek author has preferved the genuine and original name of our 
ifle. There are other proofs, no doubt, which have efcaped the writer's refearch. 
As to the change. of Iris into Ierne, whoever is acquainted with the alteration of 
words by Greek diale&s, and the effect. of their epenthefis and paragoge, will eafily 
account for the mutation. 

If it be alked .why this original name has been hitherto unnoticed, the anfwer 
feems to be, that antiquaries find it much eafier to build fyftems on conjectures- 
than laboriously ejiquire after. truth and certainty. 

Iss) Valedicens pio magiftro venerandiftjue condifcipujis Iren perrexi't. Ufler. primorn,<p, 907. 
U6) Johnftone's Anti^. Celto-Scand. p. 14. (.j?) Uflcr. fup. .p. 734* 




or 



( 31 ) 



r +*'+ + + + *"» + *-+ + + + + * ** + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + \ 
"•«.,'•""••»• "'^• , "'•.'""••••"' ■•"••'"••••'''•••' ''■'•!•' V'V'V*'/V'V'V'V'VV'vV , 'v''V'' , i/' , ii''V''v"'v'' 



OP THE COLONIZATION OP IRELAND. 

THAT the Romans had feparate Maps of their whole empire, and even of parts 
not under their dominion (as was the cafe of Ireland) has been (hewn in the 
ln(l Effay. Whether Balbus's commentary, containing the names of cities, rivers, 
promontories and tribes was publiflied, or at what time, we are no where told. It 
is certain Marinus of Tyre, and Ptolemy, the celebrated aftronomer and geogra- 
pher of Pelufium, obtained information of thefe, and tranfmitted it to polterity. 
Ptolemy flourifhed A. D. 150; it might therefore be expected, that the names of 
places in Ireland, which he records, would have been purely Celtic : this our (1) 
native antiquaries pofitively deny, unlefs in a few inftances. The country, parti- 
cularly the maritime parts, was pofleffed at different times by fuch various tribes of 
foreigners, that we need not wonder at the inftability and change of names in thofe 
diftant ages. The Celtes, however, were the majority, and preferved their lan- 
guage. They adopted the religion and manners of thefe foreigners!: a mixt fuper- 
(lition, Celtic and Scythic, fprung up, which both Britifh and Irilh Writers call, 
but very improperly, Druidic j for the Druids were the priefts of the Celtes. On 
this diflin&ion, and on this alone refls the true and accurate explanation of the 
antiquities of Britain and Ireland. To eftablifh this point, it will therefore be ne- 
ceflary to detail with fome minutenefs the names and progrefs of the foreign colo- 
nies which arrived here. 

Camden is explicit that (2) Ireland was originally peopledby Britons, but after, from 
the revolutions arifing in countries, Gauls, Germans and Spaniards were compelled 
to feek refuge here. Spenfer, who publifhed his " View of Ireland," a few years 
after Camden tells us, (3) Gauls were the firft inhabitants of Britain and Ireland : 
that Gauls from Belgium and Celtica fettled in the fouth, Scythians in the north, 
and Spaniards in the welt of the Ireland ; as to the latter, he doubts whether they 
were Gauls or of fome other country. He is correct in making the Gauls or Celtes 

g the 

( i ) -O'Flahert. Ogyg. p. 16—17. O'Conor's Diff. p. 167— 8. (2) In Ireland and Wexford. 

(3) Pag. 27—32—33. H« rejecls Irilh fktiona and the ftory of Gatbelus. 



22 COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 

the primaeval poffeffors of Britain and Ireland, but not fo when he fays the Gauls 
from Belgium were the fame people. In the infancy of antiquarian difquifitions 
fuch errors are pardonable. He confirms the Scythic derivation of the Irifh by an 
ample comparifon of their cuftoms and manners. 

Keating, about 1626, compofed his hiftory of Ireland from bardic tales and poetic 
fictions. Without learning or judgment, he has given a curious work, and the 
want of it would have been a lofs to Irifh literature. He countenances a northern 
colonization; as does Ware in 1654, O'Flaherty in 1685, Stillingfleet about the 
fame time; Innes in 1729, and Pinkerton in 1789. Here then is a fyftem in which 
fo many eminent and able men concur, as mud not only remove from it the impu- 
tation of caprice or conjecture, but form, in the mind of every reader, a ftrong 
prepoffeilion in its favour. 

Csefar (4) informs us, that Gaul was divided between three races of men, the 
Celtes, Belgse and Aquitani, who differed in language, manners and laws. He 
confounds the Celtic and Belgic practices, calling them Druidic, and in this he" 
has been but too clofely followed by fubfequent writers. 

The Celtes having colonized Britain, paffed from thence into Ireland. Hear 
what a man of confummate abilities advances on this fubject. (5)— Without recurring, 
fays he, to the authority of flory, but rather diligently obferving the law and courfe 
of nature, I conjecture that whatever is fabled of the Phoenicians, Scythians, Bif- 
cayners, &c. of their firfl inhabiting Ireland, that the places nearefl Carrickfergus 
were firfl peopled, and that by thofe who came from the parts of Scotland, oppofite 
thereto. — He thinks, the Britons might come from Holyhead, or St. David's -head, 
but that the primitive poffeffors arrived from Scotland, the pafTage being fhort, 
and eafily performed in the flightefl boats. The almofl identity of the Erfe and 
Irifh is complete evidence of the fact. The Irifh are not defcended from the Welfh 
Britons, becaufe their dialect greatly deviates from the Irifh ; infomuch that Lhuyd, 
(6) Leibnitz and Rowlands acknowledge the Welfh to be but a fecondary colony, 
being (7) Cimbri, Cumri or German Celtes. The original Irifh were then Celtes, 
who about 300 years before our sera were diflurbed by the Fir-bolgs, or Belgae, a 
branch of the great Scythian fwarm. 

The 

(4) Hie omnes lingua, inftitatis, legibus inter fe different. 1. I. initio. 

(5) Pctty's polit. Anatomy, p. 369. 

v (6) Hiberni funt propago antiquorum Britannia: habitatorum, coloniis Celticis, Cimbricifque nonnnllis, & ut fi dicam, 
mediis anteriorum, &c. Lebnitz. colled, etymol. t. I. p. JJ3, Aild his Diff. Philol, apud Chamberlaynii Orat. Domi». 
p. 27. Rowland's mona Antiq,. Malcolm's trade, p. <p, 
(7) Pinkerton, fvp. 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. #j 



•<«•< •<«■■< < •< < ■■< « *.<•.« < < < ■ -« < •<•■<..<■<<■<.<.<•<.< <..<..<<•.<-<..< .<•.<•.<+>.>>..>..>.>. 



••>•>■■>••>•>••>•>>. 



The Irifh Fir-Bolgs were Belgic men, viri Belgici, or Belgse, from (8) the north- 
ern coaft of Gaul. They pofieffed no inconfiderable portion of Britain, before the 
arrival of the Romans, and by Richard of Cirencefler, are (g) faid to have come 
here a little before Cedar's attempt on Britain. Ptolemy mentions the Menapii and 
Cauci in Ireland in the middle of the 2d century ; they mud have come from 
Belgic Gaul and Germany, for we meet with no trace of them in Britain ; Menapia 
in Wales being (10; founded by the Irifh Menapii. This Teutonic people inhabited 
the fea-coafl of Wexford and Waterford, and by the (11) Irifh are called Garmans 
or Germans. Our (12) antiquaries allure us, thefe Belgic tribes divided Ireland into 
five provinces, and particularly held Connaught, and gave it Kings to the end of 
rhe 3d century. Numberlefs places were (13) called after them, and many families 
are derived from them: as the O'Beunachan's of Sligo, the O'Layns inHymaniaj 
the Nials, McLaughlins, and others are of (14) Scandinavian anceflors. Lhuyd 
puts an end to all doubt as to the power of the Belgse in this ifle, by exhibiting a 
long lift of words, fpringing from the Teutonic,- and by adding: — (15) We have 
no room for fuppofmg, unlefs it be in a very few examples, that the Irifh have bor- 
rowed thefe words from the Englifh ; becaufe they are extant in the old Irifh MSS. 
written before the union of the two nations. And moreover they have feveral (fome 
hundreds) Teutonic words that are' not at all in the Englifh. — 

The Picts, another Gothic or Teutonic people, early eftablifhed themfelves (16) 
here, as they had long before in Scotland. The fame may be faid of the Scots, 
both were Scythians and part of the (17) Saxon nation; which, in the middle 
of the 5th century, as we learn from (18) Stephen of Byzantium, was feated on the 
Cimbric cherfonefe. Part of this people fettled in Norway, and from thence fent 

colonics 

(*■) For the extent of Belgium, fee Csfar, Edit. Marliani, p. 64s — 3. 

(9) Rio Corin. p. 44. Ed. Bertram. O'Flah. fup. p. 17. (10) Rowland's fup. p. 27, 

(Jl) O'Conor's L)iff. p. 176. Smith's Waterford, p. 25. 

(12) O'Flahert. fup, p. 24. Colled, de reb. Hib. No. 4. p. 88. 

(13) Quin et multa hodie exiftunt per regnum loca, quibus hxc Belgarum colonia'nomina indidit; Ccut et familise qux- 
Wam etiamnum hudie ex Belgarum fuperfunt reliquils, ut O'Beaunachan ill Sligoenfi comitatu, & O'Layn in Hyma- 
rja. O'Kclly, dcfcript. Hib. p. 96. 

(14) Anccotes of Olave the Black, p. 28. (15) At y Kymri. Archseol. Brittan. 

(16) Piclos hi Hiberniam appuhfle, regnante Heremone. Ex ea majoris Germanise parte, unde Gothi & Dani oriundi, 
qux olim Scythia citeiior et borealis dicebatur, eos prodiiffe communior eft fententia. O'flah, p. 188, 193. Pinkerton, 
fup. Whatever relates to the Pi&s and Scots has been fo ably treated by this writer, as to make any detail fuperfluous. 

(17) Scoti, pars Saxonum, Alia Saxonum manus Picti cognoniinati; Aventin. Ann. Boior. p. 171. Eccard. de orig. 
Germ. p. 67. 

(18) ia£ovE,-, tflvo? ojjtuv ev ru Ki^pixi ^eps-ows-M. Buchanan mentions the Albin and Irin Scutes, as do Spenfer, fup, 
j>. 48. and Warton, fup, Diff. 1. Johnftone's Lodbrokar Quida, p, 105. JBede alfo in differenc places diftinguifhes thej»„ 



24 COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. . 

colonies to Scotland, where they were called Albin Scutes j fome came to Ireland 
and were named Inn Scutes. Hence Sidonius Apollinaris in the 5th century, fpeak& 
of them as a kindred people, who united in pillaging the Roman provinces* 

Fuderit et quanquam Scotum & cum Saxone Pi&ura. 
And fo does Claudian. 

1 

Scottica nee Pielum tremerem, nee litore toto 

Profpicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis. 
It is conjectured, that the Scots came to our Ifle two or three centuries before 
the nativity, and as to their (19J name that feems not derived from a city or par- 
ticular place, or ferocity or eminence in war, but from their (20) original country, 
Scythia. Ufher has (21) {hewn, that they were diftinguifhed by this appellation 
from the 3d to the 1 2th century, and of courfe were the dominant people. -After 
the fettlement of the Belgs, Pi&s and Scots in Ireland, every gale wafted over in- 
numerable hordes of northern rovers, thefe the Iri ill called (22J Fomora, from Fo- 
jnoire, or Finnland. There is an ifle in the Baltic on the coafl of Holftein named 
Femera or Femeren, where probably fome powerful piratical chief reigned, who 
united under his command Danilh, Swedifh, Iutifh, Finnifh and Norwegian adven- 
turers in predatory voyages, as was common in the middle ages, and which the 
words of O'Flaherty feem to intimate. In the age of (23) Tacitus, the Finns were 
merefavages: afterwards Finnland contained fix provinces and various" tribes, and 
became, as we fee, fuperior to their nighbours. O'Flaherty relates, that Tuathal, 
an Irifh prince, married Bauia the daughter of Scalius, King of Finnland, about 
A. D. 130. O'Brien (24) remarks that Tuathal, after changed into Tothil, Tohili 
and Toole, was the fame as Totila among the Goths, and that many Gothic names 
are to be found among the Scots or Irifh. And O' Conor, from this marriage, 
.concludes, that a clofe intercourfe was maintained with the nations bordering on 
the Baltic in the 2d century. However the reigns of Tuathal and Scalius are ante- 
dated 

C19) Catfar fays — Qjii oranes fere nominihus clvitatum appelkbantur, quibus orti .excivitatibus, ed pervenerunt. He 
*xplains thefe cities to be refidence of families, or clans. Lib. 6. c, %i, Ludolp. iEthiop. p. 61. Rau, de ara Ubior. 

P. 5'- 

(ao) Germani imferiores Scythas & Scotos, uno nomine, Scutten appellant : fie Britannos utrofque uno nomine— 
Y Seot-dkiffe. Camden. 

(at) Pritnord. p. 7*8, & feq. 

(aa) Scalium ilium Tuathalii focerum regem Fomoire, i. e. Finnhnd didhim i*eperio; ex quo Finlandiae eumjuifle 
rtgem intelligo, & illos terraium feptentrionalium incolas (nunc Danos, Suecos, Jotho6, Finnos) a woitrjs amiquitus com- 
xiuiii vocabulo, Fomora, i> e. Fumorios nuncupates. O'Fkher. p. 13, 503. 

(jj) Fianis niira feritas, fceda paup'eryis. Germ, c, 46. (,24) Die voce Dealbach* 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 25 

dated by fome ages. Scalcus (not the Scalius of O'Flaherty, or the Scalbalch oF 
O'Conor) was (25) King of Slavia, and nearly contemporary with (26) Tuathal, 
about ?34, of our aera. Fediim, fon of Tuathal, efpoufed the daughter of another 
King of Fomoire, who was called King of Lochlin. Lochlanicc was another ap- 
pellation given to thefe northerns by the Irifh, becaufe they inhabited a country (27) 
full of lakes, which was very applicable to the regions furrounding the Baltic ; 
and hence (28) Lhychlyn in Welfh, and Lochlyn in Irifh comprehended Denmark, 
Sweden and Norway. So famous and refpected were the Finns or Fians in Ireland, 
that the word Finn was ufed as an honourable (29) addition to the names of our 
princes. As Fiatach-finn, Fiah Finnoladh, Finn-nachta, &c. The diftri&s feized 
by the Finns were named Befcha na Fene, and their monftrous flone monument, 
(30) Leabthachana Bhfeinne, the beds or tombs of the Fene or Finns, and they 
had the Bhearla na Fene, or Finniih dialect. 

To reftrain their cruel receffes and render thefe pirates ufeful, the Irifh inter- 
married with them, and of them formed a militia to protect the coafts againlt their 
marauding countrymen. This was the body of national forces, celebrated in Irifh 
romantic hiftory under the name of Fionn Eirionn, and led by the great Fin Mac 
Cumhal, their general. It is (31) pretended that the names of the flations and 
officers of this Finnifh militia are ftill extant. Among the latter we find Omen 
Mac Finn, Fian Mac Fenraffe, Boge Mac Finn, Row Mac Finn, Rogfklaygh Mac 
Finn. Camden informs us, the tales and fongs concerning the giants Finn Mac 
Huyle and Ofhin, Mac Owen, were popular among the Irifh in his time. Let 
every reader appreciate the value of thefe traditions, and alfo thofe in Mr. Mac- 
pherfon's Oman ; fo much with certainty may be inferred from them, that of thefe 
Fenni, Fene, Phinni and Phccnii, our bards and their followers have made Phoeni- 
cians, and all the wild oriental fabling which has. difgraced our antiquities. Had 
they confulted the book of Lecan, their oracle, and the fountain of Irifh fictions, 
they would find the Finns exprefsly called ($£) Feinoice Muirituadh— i. e. Fenians 
of the northern fea. This evidence mufl be decifive with thofe who implicitly rely 
on this MS. 

Anothej colony of northerns are recognized by our hiftorians under the names 
of Tuatha de Danans, Danir, Dans-fir, or Danes. They came from ^^ Den- 

h mark. 

(Z'5) Sax. Gramni. 1 2. Suenon. oper. p. 4. (26) Pinkerton, V. 2. Table of Kings. 

(27) Collet, de reb. Hib. No. 4. p. 496. Strahlenberg's Siberia, p. 35. not. 26. Tooke's Ruifia. 

(28) Lhuyd, Archxol. Britann. (29) Q'Flahert. p. 301, 305. 

(30) O'Brien in Leaba. ColleA. No. 5. p. 6l. (31) Hanmer's chronicle, p. 26, 27. 

(32; Vindic. of Iriih hifl. p. 337. (33) Colle&an. No. 4. p. 49a. 



*6 COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 

mark. O'Flaherty (34) faw no obje&ion to this, but that the name of Dane was 
not known till the 6th century. However, as he well obferves, like thofe of the 
Pi&s and Scots, the name might have been long known among the people of the 
north before the Romans became acquainted with it. O'Flaherty allows they fpoke 
(35) the German or Teutonic, and inhabited the cities Falia, Goria, Finnia and 
Muria in the north of Germany. In the black book (36) of Chrift-church, Dub- 
lin, the arrival of the Danes here before the age of St. Patrick, is recorded. 
O'Conor, with that fcantinefs of information which marks his writings, ($7) afferts 
that the Scandinavian tribes which infefted Ireland, were not diftinguifhed by parti- 
cular names. One is almoft tempted to pardon fuch effrontery and ignorance, 
when fo good a judge as Bifhop Nicholfon could (38) fay, that he once defigned to 
give the Eafterlings or Oilmen a chapter, but fumming up the evidence, he found 
they did not deferve fuch regard. But from the fpecimen here given, it will be 
feen that the labour of inveftigation and not materials were wanting. 

The (39J Leathmannice or Lettmanni were another tribe fettled here. They 
came from Letten, Letitia or Lettenland, a part of Livonia. The name of the river 
running through Dublin is, in Giraldus Cambrenfis, Avon Lift*; in (40) old records, 
Avene Liff, and Avon Liffy. Camden will have it to be the Libnius of Ptolemy, 
but Libnius is (41) the bay of Sligo. Avon Leivi or Lift* is the river of the Leivi, 
» tribe adjoining the Lettmanni. Dublin in Ptolemy is called Eblana ; a true Teu- 
tonic name, from Eb-land, as the fea at ebb-tide left uncovered a ftrand of eight 
thoufand acres ; a fight very flriking to the northerns. Its Irifh name of Bailea- 
cleath, or the town of hurdles, is an (42) hybrid compound of Irifh and* Gallic. 
Dyflin, Dufle, Duflin, or Dublin, feems derived either from Duflin, (43) a town 
in Scandinavia, or the Irifh Dubh, and the Icelandic lin water, though I incline 
to the firft. 

The (44) Martinei were a Belgic tribe, probably from (45) Martiniana in- Zea- 
land. O'Flaherty calls them (46) the remains of the Belgse. 

Whether 

(34) O'Flaherr. p. 13. Greg. Tur. 1. 3. e. 1. Venant. Fdrt. 1. 7. 

(35) Dannanas in boreali Gcrmania, Faliam, Goriam, finniam & Muriam urbes incoluiffe, Germanice locutoH. 
O'Flaher. p. 12. 

(v6) Utter. Primord. fup. Hift. of Dublin, p. 16s. 

(37) Diff. p. 171. (38) Info hift. library, p. 33. 

(39) Colletfan. No. 4. P< 489. Strahlenberg, fup. p. 15. 

(40) Prynne on the 4th Indie, p. 251. Camdeni Epift. p. 80. 

(41) Campbell's polit. Survey, p. »JI. (4 2 ) Spelman. Gloff. in Claia, Cleia. 
(43) Pinkerton on Medals. V. a. p. \%l. (44) Colledr.. No. 4. fup. 

(45) Kilian. Die. Teut. in voce. (46) Martineos e Belgarum reli^uiis, fup. p. 16, 155, 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 27 

Whether the Oftmanni or Oftmen, who ruled in Ireland, were a particular tribe 
or a general name, has been doubted. Snorro (47) fays, they came from Sweden. 
Giraldus Cambrenfis and Nicolfon bring them from Norway. Our learned Primate 
Ufher (48) thinks the Eftii and Eftonii of Crantz ; the Oftisei and Oftiones of the 
Greeks ; the iEftii of Tacitus ; the Aifti of Eginhard, and the Eftones of Saxo, 
were the true Oilmen. Murray (49) denies their ever having left the Baltic, or 
invaded Ireland. This affertion is no proof, efpecially as remote tribes at this time 
came to Ireland. There might be an inducement for thefe iEftii, or the Eftho- 
nians adventuring to this Ifle, as they fpoke a (50) dialect, of the Celtic. Befides 
the foregoing, other northern tribes, as the (51) Gotliac, the Gaill and others 
arrived and obtained fettlements here. 

This fyftem of northern colonization has been (52) fupported by domeftic and, 
other writers, and though thefe various tribes fpoke a language radically the fame, 
yet they had different dialects, which are diflinclly noticed. Thus the Belgse ufed 
(53) the Belgaid, or Teutonic ; the Fene, the bhearla na Fene ; the Gaill, the 
Gaoileag ; the Saxons, the Sagfbhearla; the Scots, the Scotbhearla j and there 
feems to have been a (54J common language, made up of all, like the lingua 
Franca, and named Bhearla na Teibidh. Hence the Celtic became the mofl (55} 
corrupt of any living language, and it is fortunate that it was not totally annihi- 
lated. Dr. O'Brien explains, why it was not. " The (56) northern rovers, fays 
he, always came in finall bodies, and when landed, were ufually employed by one 
party of the natives againft the other ; by thus weakening both they were better 
able to eftablidi themlelves. Belides they carried no women in thefe expeditions> 
but procured wives from the natives, whereby they and their children infenfibly 
loft their native language.'* And this he exemplifies in the cafe of the Englifh who 
came over in fmali parties after the conqueft of Ireland. To which may be added,, 
that the Celtes here, lying fo much out of the way of invafion, had multiplied fo 
as to be an overmatch for a handful of pirates ; and lefs probability was there of 
their extermination ; for it was extermination that fixed the Saxon tongue in Eng- 
land. 

(-17) johnftone's antiq. Ctlto-Scapd. p. 24- (48) Syllng. cpift. p. 162. 

(49) Nov. Comm. Gottiirg. t. 3. p. 80. 

(50) Tac. Germ. c. 4;. Broticr's note is : Quod Ocftii in extremis Germanise fkribus pofiti, linguam Scythico-Cclti- 
cam, quse apud Britatmos din viguit, minerent. See Dithmar. in loco, p. 343. 

(51) Colle&an. No. 4. p. 491. Ogyg. vind. p. 129 — 131. 

(5Z, And in the ftrongeft manner by the auihor of the CoJleclanea de reb. Hib. No. 4. p. 491, 401^ 

(53) B'-ljjaid, vocaiam. invenio. O'Flah. p. 14. 

(•54) O'Fiah. p. 63. (55) Pinkerton, fup. (56) Die. pref. p. 4^ 



28 COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 

land on the ruin of the Britifh. O'Brien candidly admits the coming of thefe fo- 
reign colonies, and (57) Sir Henry Spelman calls the Irifh— — Germanorum nepor.es.— 

It is a curious fad, that the incurfions of thefe northern rovers, though never 
intermitted, were lefs frequent from the 5th to the 9th century. This requires 
explanation. The operations of thefe piratical plunderers were no farther knowa 
to the Romans than as they diflurbed the public repofe. In the 3d and fubfequent 
centuries, the great Saxon nation refiding en the Cimbric Cherfonefe, and com- 
pofed of many namelefs tribes, was fo troublefome as to make the creation of a 
Count of the Saxon more indifpenfably neceflary. N-otwithflanding the power and 
vigilance of the Romans, thefe barbarians, with their confederates, continued their 
depredations on Britain till the final departure of the Roman army- The Britons 
attacked on all fides by ferocious enemies, and having, from long flavery, become 
indolent and pufillanimous, threw themfelves into the arms and under the protec- 
tion of their molt formidable invaders. Thefe new allies were the Saxons, Jutes 
and Angles., with a motley affociation of other tribes from the Baltic. A drain was 
now opened to receive the overflowings of thefe northern adventurers, and gratify 
them with fpoils not to be found in Ireland, and therefore very little is recorded of 
them in this Ifle antecedent to the end of the 8th century; when excluded by the 
policy and ftrength of every country, they again united in large bodies, and com- 
menced their inroads into our Ifle. For about 200 years they feem to have poured 
their fwarms into Britain, but when that kingdom atTumed fome regular govern- 
ment under the Heptarchy, their influx was flopped. A valuable document in 
(58) Spelman proves their never having relinquifhed this country, and illuftrates 
the fubjecl in general. 

Ina, the nth Weft-Saxon King, poffefTed an extenfive fea-coafl, open to piratical 
attempts. Small roving parties had, early in his reign, invaded and haraffed his 
dominions. His Britifh fubjecl^ were unfriendly, and fo were the Irifh. Of a quiet 
and peaceable difpofnion, he thought it the wifefl courfe to cement an union of his 
Saxons with the Britons and Irifh by intermarriage, and he himfelf led the way by 
efpoufing Guala, daughter of Cadwallader, King of Wales j this, though an aft 
of bigamy, was fanclioned by his council of Bifhops, Earls, and all his people in 
714. Bcfides thefe particulars, the acts of this council exprefsly informs us, that 
the Angles at this time took Britifh wives, as the Britons did Anglic ones of the 
noble and illuftrious blood of the Angles of Germany : that fome Angles married 

lrifh 

(57)Gloff. p. 174, (58) Concil. V. :. p. no. 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. i$ 

-«•<•« •< t< ■< < < < <<.<..<-<•< <■<■( -<•<•< <•.«••<•.<.<■•<•■<•<•< < < .<■•<■•<■•<■•<•■<-<+>■■>•■>• >•■>>■>. >. >..>..>..>..>..>..»..>. >..>..>..>. >■*.>. >.>..>»>. >..% -i«> ».»••>•■>•■>■■>••>•> ►.. 
Irifh women, as almoft the whole Irifli nation did Germano- Anglic ones j and that 
the confequence of this connection was, a clofe confederacy againfl the Danes and 
Norwegians, with whom they had already waged fome bloody wars. 

This predilection in the Irifh for Germano-Anglic women was extremely natural, 
as they confidercd themfelves derived from the fame country and flock. From 
what has been delivered in this EfTay there can be no reafon to doubt the authen- 
ticity of this council, but rather very ftrong ones to believe it genuine. Spelmaa 
fufpects it, becaufe in the common Englifh hiftorians, no notice is taken of Ina's- 
marriage with Guala. But it is not difficult to difcover the caufe of this filence. 
Our hiftorical compofers were Monks, and Ina their peculiar favourite. He and 
his Queen entered into their Order ; he largely endowed the church, and above all 
was the firll who confented to pay Peter's pence. Any of thefe acts were fufficienr. 
to atone for his fins. But where are our hiftorians accurate in their works ? They 
mention no transitions during the firft years of Ina's reign, as if none happened 
in thefe turbulent times. Befides the Winchefter chronicle and Rudburn agree as 
to the intermarriages of the Saxons and Britons, but omit the more heretical Irifh. 
We can hardly believe this Council would be added to the 35th chapter of the Law* 
of Edward the Confeffor, where Sptlman found it, if it was not genuine. 

In a word, without indulging any idle or abfurd hypothecs or conjecture, but 
taking the evidence of ancient writers as they fairly lie before us, there are ample 
grounds for believing the firft northern invafion of this Ifle was many ages before 
the incarnation. Ptolemy proves the exiftence of German tribes here in the 2d 
century, and Latin poets and hiftorians evince the connection between the Irifh and 
northerns to the end of the 4th. The author of (59J the Eulogium particularly 
remarks the invitation of the Gothic nation of the Picts into Britain by Gratian and. 
Valentinian, A. D. 382. In fome time after, Gratianus Municeps drove the Irifh 
back to their country ; but on his death in 407, they returned and brought with 
them the (60) Scots, Norwegians and Dacians or Danes, and wafted Britain. 
Throughout the 5th century, they infefted(6i)Englaad, and about 450, the Anglo- 
Saxons arrived in that Ifland. The perpetual wars excited by thefe foreigners was 
as fubverfive of literary repofe as it was deftructive of literary memorials, and Irifli 
writers unanimouily complain of the latter being loft in thefe convulfions. Very 
little can therefore be expected previous to the 9th century j from that time the 

1 northerns 

(59) Gentem Gothicam, Pi&orum blanditiis alle&am, a Scythia finibus ad Britanniam* Ufler. 5. 590^ 

(60) Secum Scotos, Norwegenfes & Dacos conducentcs. Ufler. fup. 
(Oi) Tctri Scotorum Piftorumque Gregcs. Gild. p. 78. 



3° 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 



• <•< < <••<■<•<•.<•< ■«■■< .< «.<<<.<..<.<..<<.,« .< .<..<..<..<_<..<.<..<•< .<..<..< . 



.<..<+>..>..>>.>■■>•■>■■>••: 



••>■>• >•>••>•>• >■>•>.>.>..>.>. >. >.>.>. >. >• ttda- 



northerns themfelves had fome imperfect records of their atchievements, and partly 
fupply the defects of our domeitic annalifts. Thus the Icelandic (62) chronicles- 
have the names of Gliomal in 890 ; of Murchard, (63) about 962 ; of Conchobar 
in 1018, and of Dubnial and Kyriawal in (64) the 9th century, as Kings of Ire- 
land. But the moft extraordinary omiflion of our hiftorians, is their not enquiring 
who Turgeiius or Turges was, from whom defcended and when he flourifhed. In- 
stead of thefe interefting fadls we are amufed with childifh tales of his cruelty and 
amorous adventures. It would have been ftrange indeed, if a leader who fubdued 
the Irifh, cancellated and garrifoned their country, and with a triumphant army for 
many years held fovereign fway, fhould not have found one Scald to tranfmit his 
name and adions to poflerity. The Icelandic records introduce us to this celebrated 
chief under the name of Thorgils. The Irifh not ufing the letter H but as an (65) 
afpirate, and dropping one where two confonants come together, made from Thor- 
gils, Torgis : thus Torges or Torgefius an Oilman, was (66) Bifhop of Limerick, 
and Thorgils is, at prefent, in Norway pronounced Torges. 

Harald Harfagre was monarch of Norway about 870, he reduced the petty 
princes of that country, being ten or twelve in number, and divided it among his 
ions, conferring on them the regal title and fucceflion, and appointed that thofe 
fhc-uld be (68) larls, Earls or prime nobility who were born of the female branches 
cf his family. To Thorgils and Frotho, two of his fons, he gave a well appointed 
fleet, to plunder the coaft of Scotland, Wales and Ireland. They landed in Dublin 
and reduced it under their power. Frotho was taken off by poifon, but Thorgils 
reigned long in that city, and at length fell by the machinations of the Irifh. Such 
is the account given (69) by Snorro. Thorgils was attended by 120 fhips and nu- 
merous forces. The northerns, difperfed over our Ifle, quickly flocked to his 
ilandard, and recognized the fon of the great Harald. For thirty years he poflefled 
the fovereignty of Ireland j " (70) built caflles, forts and wards, cafl up trenches, 

banks 



(6a) Johnflone's Antiq. Ccko-Scand. p. 19, 20, 157. 

(63) Thorkelin's fragments, pref. p. 10. (64) Arngr. Jon, fpec. Ifland. hift. p. ij. 

(65) O'Brien's Die. in C. Lhuyd, p. 300. See Murray for Thorgils. Nov. Comm. Gotting. t. 3. p. 95. 

(66) Ware's Bifhops. (67) Mallet's North. Antiq. V. I. p. 262. Pinkerton's date is about 900. 

(68) Iarli vero effent, qui fui ftemmatis orti erant feemellis. Johnftone, fup. p. 12. 

(69) Johnftone, fup. The following is an illuftration. Confuetum erat piratis, fi regii liberi militiia praseffent, ipf&s 
regis nominare etiamfi regnis carerent. Hinc faclum eft, Danis affiduse infeftatione Angliam, Hiberniam Galliafque ad 
iuternccionem fere vaftantibus, quod tot regum nomina occurrant, cum ex regibus Dankis defcendentes, eas ducerent ca- 
pias. Barthol. p. 446. 

(70) Hanmer, p. 83^ 



COLONIZATION OF IRELAND. 



3* 



...«««<-«•<• 



•>■•>• >•>•■>•>■ ►>.>■>■>.>>. 



banks and ditches for fafeguard and refuge : was enamoured with the fair daughter 
of O'Melaghlin, King of Meath, who agreeing to fend his daughter to him, accom- 
panied her with fixteen young men in female attire, who difpatched Thorgils with 
their fkenes." Such is the Irilh account. 

The Icelandic as well as our Irilh chronology is very incorrect. Ufher (71) dates' 
the arrival of Turges in 818, and his death in 848. The Icelandic chronicles make 
Harald divide his dominions among his fons, A. D. 903 ; he was then fifty years- 
old, being born (72) in 853. He married early and had many fons ; fome of them 
mufl have been qualified to condufl a naval expedition before the 10th century. 
We know that Eric, brother of Thorgils, was but of the age of (j^) twelve years- 
when he commenced his piracies* 

" At twelve years began' r 
" The King to plunder." 

The interval between the Irilh and Icelandic accounts is probably not very great". 

Such is the fcheme of colonization concifely fketched out, and now laid before, 
the reader. It admits of enlargement even to laffitude. This fcheme is" founded 
on the fure bafis of written authorities, and which while it difpels the obfcurities, 
carts a Heady light on every branch of Irifh antiquities. Let others enjoy the gib' 
berilh of oriental etymologies, and the company cf Milefians, Phoenicians and Ma- 
gicians in that gloomy cave : 

Quo nunquam radiis oriens* mediufve cadenfve 
Phoebus adire poteft. 

{71) Ind. chron. p. 1173. Warxi difq. p, 124. (72) Johnftone, fup. p. 291. (73) LodbrokarQuida, p. riQr 




or 



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.OF THE DRyUIDa, AND THEIR RELIGION.. 

AFTER having treated of the colonization, it feems, in the next place, pro- 
per to fpeak of the religion of the original inhabitants of this Ifle. 

There is not, perhaps, in the extent of ancient literature, a more unaccountable 
phenomenon than what is delivered by Csfar of the Druids and their fuperftition. 
In the firft lines of his Commentary, this celebrated Roman general and author 
tells us, all Gaul was divided into three parts, and pofleffed by the Belgee, Aquitani 
and Cel.tes.. £ach differing from the other in language, manners and laws. The 
word he ufes {inftitutaj for manners, mull include part of public and private man-- 
ners, as ; their religion, arts, dome.flic occupations, .&c. He is correct in what he 
advances refpe&ing the dlverfity. of (1) languages.; but when he comes" to difcourfe 
of their laws and manners, inftead of the Celtic, he almoft literally tranfcribes the 
Roman. Whether the evidence to he produced will fupport the charge now made, 
(1 confefs with diffidence) is fubmitted to the judgment of the learned reader. 

On no fubjecl: has fancy roamed with more licentious indulgence than on that of 
the Druids and their inflitutions,. Though funk in the groflefl: ignorance and bar- 
barifm, their admirers have found them, in the dark receffes of forefts, fecluded 
/from mankind and almoft from day, cultivating the abflrufeft fciences, and pene- 
trating the jCublimeft myfteries of nature, anticipating the difcoveries of Pythagoras, 
Epicurus, Archimede and Newton ; and all this without the aid of letters, or of 
experiments; without thofe progreffive fteps in civilization which polifh and refine 
the mind, and naturally lead it to the fludy of abftracled knowledge. 

The foundation, whereon thefe towering fuperflructures have been reared, is no 
more than a few imperfect and incidental notices in Casfar and other ancients. 
•*' Thefe, as has been (2) obferved, have written in fo Joofe and trifling a manner, 
that all their fragments put together would hardly amount to three or four pages ; 
and thefe reduced to their jufl value, would lofe one half of their bulk : whether it 

be, 

<i) C«.far, fup, (a) Univ. hift. V. i8. p. S. 



OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 33 

••« ■<<•<•< •<<•<•< •<•<< < ■<■•<<•< <<<•< < .<■<.«••<"•< .<.•<■■<.•<•<••<■.<•.<■•<•<••<■■<•<+>•>■>•>••>■>• >• >•■»■>. >•■>■>. >•>>• >■>.>■.>.>.■>.>..>.>••>••>•>■•>.>•■>••>••>•■>•■>••>•>■>••>. >.. 
be, that thefe authors have but juft copied one another, or only defigned to fay the 
fame things." The tenets of the Celtic religion, fays an (2) admirer of the Druids, 
are not as yet fully known. The revelation of them in the writings of the author of 
the Colle&ania, will never procure it many difciples.. 

We are told, the Druids taught the unity of God ; were not Polytheifls : that 
Hefus, Teutates and Taranis were only names and titles of the fupreme being ; 
nor did they worfhip the heavenly bodies : That (3) Apollo and Beal were the prime 
deities of the pagan Irifli : that they fwore by the Sun, Moon and Stars, and that 
they venerated the planets, as types of the great Creator. Schedius declares their reli- 
gion differed from the Roman. Borlafe affures us, that every tenet and rite which 
the Druids taught and pracWed, every deity which they are faid to have worfhipped, 
was common to them and the mod ancient idolaters of the Eaft. Some of thefe 
notions are oppofed by the authors of the Univerfal hiflory. " The Celtic hiftory, 
fays the learned (4) Bruker, labours under fuch infuperable obfcurity and incerti- 
tude, that we cannot promife any thing above a fmall degree of verifimilitude ; this 
we prefer modeflly confeffing, rather than, as is common, obtruding uncertain con- 
jectures for undoubted truths." 

Casfar is the earlieft writer who mentions the Druids ; his account of their reli- 
gion we (hall now compare with the Roman. 

I. The (5) Druids prefided over divine affairs ; took care of public and private 
facrifices, and were the interpreters of religion. So did the Roman priefthood, 
as related by (6) Dionyfius Halicarnafeus, and almolt in the words of Caefar. 

II. The Druids exercifed a (7) civil and criminal jurifdiftion. So did the (8) Roman 
facred College. Cicero informs us, that it was the faying of aged men that he 
could not be a good Pontiff, who was ignorant of the (9) civil law. 

k III. They 

(2) On the Celtic Jang. p. 43. 

(3) Compare the author of the Colled, on the Celtic language, p. 37, with his Antiquity of the lrifh lang. p. 275, 981. 

(4) Tantis vero difficultatibus & infuperabili fere obfeuritatate & incertitudine laborat Celtaruai hiftoria, &c. Hift. 
Crit. Phil. 1. z. c. 9. 

(5) Illi rebus divinis interfunt : facraficia publica ac privata procurant : religiones interpretantur. Cajf. 1. 6. §. 13. 
Ed. Clarke. 

(6) Antiq. £om. 1. 2. 

{7) De omnibus fere controverfiis, publicis privatifque, conftituunt. Cxf. fup. 

(8) Diodyf. Hal. 1. a. Lib. 1. 1. Ad eos, de omnibus divinis u'.que humanis rebus referretur. Cic. de orat. & pro 
domo. 

(9) At inquit Publii filius, ex patre audivi, pontificem neminem bonum effe, nifi qui jus civile cognofcet. Cic. de leg. 1. 2. 
The facerdotal and judicial offices were united hi the fameperfon, A<xa<r«< h cs a/>;£«w Trap htyviryiov, itfti; r,$.uv. iElian, 
var. hift. 1. 14. c. 34, 



34 OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 

-•< < < « < ■■< < < < •«.<■<•<•<<•<.<•<■<■<•■<•<■<••<■■<■<■<•<•■< ■•<■•«•■<•■« ■< •« •< ■<■<•<•<*»•■>•■>■■>.•>••>•>•■>• >•■>.>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..,..>..>.+. ,.*. ,,,.», >.+..»..,.,..,., 

III. They who did not obey their decrees were interdicted the (10) facrifices. 
Among the Romans fuch a prohibition implied the moft (i i) atrocious guilt. 

IV. There was a head Druid, who had (12) fupreme authority. The (13) pon- 
tifex maximus was a well known dignity in the Roman hierarchy. 

V. On the deceafe of the head Druid, the next in dignity fucceeded : if there were 
equals, one was chofen by (14) fuftrage. The facred College at Rome was filled 
by (15) fuffrage. 

VI. The Druids were exempted from ferving in war and from (16) taxes. The Ro- 
man (17) priefthood was free from military duty and city taxes : from others it 
may be collected, that they had an immunity from taxes. 

VII. The Druids (18) taught their difciples a great number of verfes. It was (19) 
the Roman cuftom for youth always to begin their ftudies with poetical works. 

(20) Det prknos verfibus annos, 
Mseoniumque bibat fcelici pe&ore fontem. 

VIII. It was unlawful for the Druids to commit their fecrets to (21) writing. The 
Roman Augurs were (22) fworn to fecrecy. 

IX. The Druids taught the (23) Metempfy&iofis. This was the belief of the un- 
learned Romans, and as fuch is ridiculed by Cicero, Ovid and Seneca. 

X. The 

f 10) Si quis eorum decreto non fteterit, facraficiis interdicunt. Casf. fup. 
(1 1 ) Moneo ne facra manus 

Violata coede, neve furiali malo 

Afpergat aras. 

Senec. in Thyeft. Stat. Syl. 3. 
(14) His autem omnibus Druidibus praseft unus, qui fummam inter eos habet au&oritatem. Casf. fup. 

(13) Livius, & fere omnes Romani fcriptores. 

(14) Hoc mortuo, fi quis ex reliquis excellit dignitate, fuccedit : at fi plures funt pares, fuffragio Druidum adlegitur. 
*C*f.fup. 

(15) Dionyf. Hal. fup. Dio. 1. 37. Afcon. in Cic. Divinat. 

(16) Druidx neque tributa una cum reliquis pendant, militias vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem. 
C*f. fup. 

(17) Et licet a collationibus multi fuerant facerdotes immunes, funt tamen exempla, pontifices & facerdotes pecuniam 
propter bellum conferri folitam in ftipendiariam contuliffe, quum fe ob facerdotium immunes dicerent. Alex, ab Alex, 
I. a. p. 6j. 

(18; Magnum ibi numerum verfuum edifcere dicuntur. Caef. fup. 

(19) Scrab. I. I. Serv. in Virg. eclog. 4. Bono ordine, primo poetas. 

(ao) Petron. Arb. 

(ai) Neque fas effe exiftimant ea Uteris raandare. Csef. fup. 

(aa) Plutarch, quseft Rom. 99. 

(a^) la primis hue volunc perfuadere, non interire animas, fed abaliis poll mortem tranfire ad alios. Cwf. fup. 



OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 35 

X. The Druids difcourfed much of the (24) flars and their motions ; of the magni- 
tude of the world ; of the nature of things, and of the greatnefs and power of 
the immortal Gods. Such fpeculations employed the Roman clergy, as we (25) 
learn from Cicero, Plutarch and Am. Marcellinus. 
This parallel, fo exactly agreeing in every particular, forms the phenomenon before 
noticed. Are Caefar's words either exadi or true, that the Celtes, but whom he 
calls (26) Gauls, had religious cuftoms peculiar to themfelves ? They could have no 
conceptions of the Roman fuperftition, for the Celtic or Druidic was, according to 
him (27) invented in Britain, which the Romans had not fubdued. Shall we then 
fay with (28) Pelloutier, that he was not fully informed as to the Celtic religion ; 
and that he wrote more like a foldier than a philofopher ? It is (Irange, that Pel- 
loutier, who had thus a glimpfe of Casfar's imperfect reprefentation of the Druids 
and their fuperftition, fhould have greatly added to the confufion in which both are 
involved, by his hiftory of the Celtes ; in which we fee no attempt to feparate 
Druidic from Gothic or Teutonic practifes. The labour of fuch difcrimination will 
be confiderable, and fuccefs in the event doubtful, but it will be abfolutely neceffary 
towards giving a juft idea of the fubject. Let us now attend to the fentiments of the 
ancients who mention the Druids. 

Cicero, who was contemporary with Casfar, and a man of univerfal knowledge* 
and great curiofity, never, I think, fpeaks of the Druids, or even Britain, unlefs in 
one or two places, and then as a country, from whence (29) flaves alone could be 
procured. " Thefe you mud not expect to find (killed in letters or mufic," fays he 
writing to Atticus. 

Diodorus Siculus, who lived about the age of Csefar, tells us the (30) Saronides 
were the Gaulifh philofophers and divines, and held in great eflimation j nor was it 
lawful to perform any facrifice without the prefence of a philofopher. There were 
alfo (31) Vates, who from aufpices and the entrails cf victims predicted futuie events. 

The 

(14) Multa prxterea de Cderlbus atque eorum motu : de mundi ac terrarum magniuidine ; de rci'ilm natura; de dco- 
rum immortalium vi ac poteflate difputant, Caf. fup. 

(25) Cic. de nat. Deor. 1. 2. Plutarch, dc Ei apud Delph. Amm. Marcel. 1. %&. 
(i6) Qm ipforum lingua Celt*, nollra Galli appellant ur. Caef. initio. 
(i7) Difciplina in Britannia reperta, atque inde in Gallium tranflata. Cjef. 1. 6. §. 13, 
(»8) Hift.de Celtes, 1. I. p. 125, 126. 

(29) Neque argenti fcrupulum efie ullam in ilia infula; neque ullam fpem prxdst nifi ex mancipiis : ex quibus nullos 
puto te literis aut muficis eruditus expe<5lare. Ep. 15. 1. 4. 

(30) QiXcs'Q" Tt <nvs; tifi x.a.t Qto>.oyt» inpirrai rifiup.itoi, hxzi tafutih: ntuugset. Lib. 5. According to Eochart, SarOil 
or Saronis, among the Greeks was an oak, and equivalent to Druis Phaleg. p. 741. 

(31) Xputrui h »ai f*a>T'.stn. Diod. fup, (3J) Orisj. 1. 3, c. ji. 



3<S OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 

The firft part of this citation has fupplied the moderns with all the fine things they 
have advanced on the Druids. From their conclufions, it is probable they thus pr- 
eceded. 

A philofopher is a man fkilled in every art and fcience. Does not (32) Ifid ore de- 
fine philofophy, the knowledge of human and divine things ? Does he not make it 
confift of three branches ; natural, or phyfics ; moral, or ethics ; rational, or lo- 
gics ? Phyfics, according to Plato, include arithmetic, geometry, mufic and agro- 
nomy. 

Thefe few lines of Ifidore, have been the -occafion of much learned trifling. 
M The Druids, fays (33) Rowlands, confidered nature in her largeft extent : in her 
fyftems and in her motions ; in her magnitudes and powers ; in all which they 
feemed to cabalize. Their philofophy was fo comprehenfive as to take in with the 
theory of nature, aftronomy, geometry, medicine and natural magic, and all this 
upon the corpufcularian hypothefis." — Upon the corpufcularian fyftem ! — Truly that 
is wonderful ! Mr. Rowlands, a native and inhabitant of Anglefey, and no doubt of 
Druidic defcent, muft have had communication with the manes of thofe venerable 
Druids, who (till hover over that famous Ifle : they alone could inform him how 
they became acquainted with a do&rine taught in the (34) fchools of Mofchus, 
Epicurus, Democritus and Leucippus. 

Borlafe (35) afTures us, the Druids were remarkable for learning fix hundred 
years B. X. who are his authorities ? Hoffman's dictionary, Steph. Forcatulus, Pi- 
card, Frickius and Caftlenau, moderns who only retail the ufual fcraps of antiquity, 
eked out with their own whimfies. Serioufly, fuch aflertions and authorities have 
every appearance of bantering the reader : at leafl we may fay with Martial : 
Turpe eft difficiles habere nugas j 
Et ftultus eft labor ineptiarum. 

The men who would thus impofe phantoms for realities on us, and whom to pur- 
fue and detect through every winding of hypothefis andabfurdity is extremely irk- 
fome, fhould have applied their time and erudition to the difcovery of the real im- 
port of Diodorus's words. They then would have found, that Sophia and Philofo- 
phia among the antients implied fkill in any particular branch of knowledge : thus 
(36) rhetoric and oratory are the philofophy of words : Government, political phi- 
lofophy, 

(33) Mona antiqua. p. 62. (34) Sext. Empir. I. 9. Scrab. 1. 16. (35) Antiq. of Cornwall, p, 74. 

(36) vrifi rvs AoyKs ip/X«s«?;«v. [fecrat panegyr. And Cicero; hanc enim perfectam philofophiam femper judi- 

cavi, qux de maximis quieftionibus copiose poffet crnateque dicere Tufc. quxft. I, De Oi'at. 1, I. qt\njof%«. ■xeXtnxri. 
Dionyf. Hal decharac. Thucyd. 



OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 37 

.<..<<< < <.<..< < < .< < < .< ..< < .< .< .<<<.<•< < .< < .<..<-< < <<■<■< <■<■< •<■■< <+>..>..>..>. >..>>..>..>..>.>.>..>.,.>.>..>..>..>.>.>..>..>.>..>. >.>>.>..>>•>>•>• >..>. >..>.. 

lofcphy, and fo on. But philofophy primarily refers to theology, and the pried is 
exprefsly (37) called the philofopher. The idea which Diodorus would convey of the 
Saronides is their fuperintendance of the rites of religion. This is explained and 
confiraied by his adding, that no facrifice was to be made without the prefence of 
the philofopher. The only inducement he might have had for ufing the word phi- 
lofopher was from a perufal of Csefar, who mentions their difcourfes on the ftars ; 
but led he fhould be mifunderdood, he immediately adds, theologids, as theology 
included fuch contemplations. The paflage in (38) Diogenes Laertius fo triumph- 
antly brought, as making the Druids the authors of philofophy among the Celtes 
and Gauls, is explained in few fubfequent pages, where it appears the philofophy he 
was fpeaking of (^39) was theology. Thus the Druidifls not only drain, but mani- 
fedly pervert the words of every ancient writer to favour their purpofe. 

Had they reflected on what occafions the philofopher's prefence was neceflary, they 
certainly could never think them fuch as became an enlightened or civilized man. He 
was not called from his fubterraneous retreat to communicate difcoveries advanta- 
geous to fociety, the refult of his application to natural philofophy or politics : it 
was not to open new fources of trade and manufactures, or new improvements in 
legiflation : No, it was to behold one of his own fpecies dretched on his back, his 
bread difie&ed with the (40) droke of a fword, while the philofopher and Vates 
dood around, and with curious eyes viewed the convulfions of the members, the 
dreaming of the vital fluid, and from the fpe&acle deducing cruel prefages. The 
Vates feem to be the fame as the Roman (41) Harufpices, the lowed of the facer- 
dotal order, and fo odious their employment, that they were fcarceiy admiffible to 
the rank of Senators. 

But it will be faid, that the intelligent and judicious (42) Strabo informs us, the 
Druids beiides the dudy of natural caufes or phyfics, cultivated alfo moral difcipline or 
Ethics, which in the Grecian fchool were principal 143) parts of philofophy. AsDiodorus 
from Csefar's account of their employment called them philofophers, fo Strabo from 

l feeing 

O.7) Arid. phyf. 12. 2. Metaphyf. 4, 3. 11, 3. Hieroc. in carm. Pythag. initio, where this is fully confirmed. 
Porphyry h2s a remarkable expreflion to our purpofe. Eoixorits a?-/. (QiXoioSm k-u Sxm npiv;, de abftin. 1. %. §. 49. 

(38) To rn; tpiXiiaqiz- ifyov ivioi onro SapSapav afext <su,m ri »i>-rsi} xxi TaXxrcci; Ton Kx?.eu.-an; &(-Ji<ius. Proem, 

(39) Ey « : : ' rov "X l f" Q'' ™ dsPYf&iSWfa toixutx %fn tpiXosotpov ko.\ui. Ed. Cafauo. 

(40) As defcribed by Diod. Sic. before, and Caifar— -adminiftrifque ad ea facraficia Druidibus utuntur. Supra, and 
what he delivers of their inclofing men alive in wicker frames. 

(41) Neque enim erat ferendum, cum qui hodie harufpicinam facerent in fenatu Roma: legercntur ; eos qui aliquando 
prseconium fecifient,in municipiis decuriones effe non licere, Cic. ep. 18. 1. 6. 

(4:) Lib. 4. (43) Diog. Laert. vit. Epic. 



38 OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 

■ < < <-<<■•<< .<..« <<<< <<<<<< <■ < < .< < <••<••< ■<••<•<<■< .<■■<••<■•<•<■■<+>••>■>. >■>.>•>.>.>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.),.>..>..>. >.>..>•>•>>•>>•> >>>■» ,. 

feeing them thus named, defcribes their philofophy in terms folely applicable to the 
improved ftate of it in Greece, and by no means adapted to the wretched conjuring 
tricks of the Druids. If Strabo intended an eulogy on the religion and learning of 
the Celtes as is pretended, he palpably contradicts himfelf in giving fuch charac- 
teriftic traits of national barbarity, as are only found among the mod ignorant 
and favage people. 

Quibus poffunt illachrymare feras. 
Pafling over Mela Lucan and -Tacitus, who record nothing remarkable of the 
Druids, I fhall proceed to what Pliny has (44) delivered concerning them. The 
Druids, fays he, who are the Gaulifh Magi, hold nothing fo facred as the miffeltoe, 
and the tree on which it grows, if it be an oak. They felect groves of this wood 
for religious purpofes ; nor do they perform any facred office without garlands of its 
leaves, from whence they derive their name of Druids. This is done on the fixth 
day of the Moon ; a day fo much efleemed by them, that they have made their 
months and ages ( which. confifl but of thirty years,; to take their beginning from it; 
the Moon at that time being flrong enough, though not arrived at half her fulnefs. 
This day they call All Heal. The mifeltoe (very fcarce) when found, is collected 
with great ceremony. Having prepared their feafts and facrifkes under the oak, 
two white bulls are tied to it. A prieft clad in white afcends the tree, and cuts off 
the mifeltoe ; it is received below in a white garment. They then facrifice their 
victims. The mifeltoe, exhibited as a potion, is believed to remove fterility, and 
to be a prefervative againfl; poifon : an eminent inftance, concludes Pliny, that hu- 
man religion has often no other object than frivolous things. To this Bruker adds, 
that we can eafily eftimate the value of that philofophy, which endeavoured to de- 
rive credit to its profeflbrs from wearing of golden chains, and conducting itfelf 
with (45) arrogance and pride. In other places, Pliny (46) relates their magic rites in 
gathering the famolus and felago : their (47) (lories and charlatannarie about the fer- 
pent's egg, and their facrificing and (48) eating men. A clofer knowledge having be- 
trayed to the Romans their character and ritual, they are no longer honoured with the 
pompous titles of philofophers and divines, but that of (49) magicians or conjurers. 

la 

(44) Nat. Hift. 1. 16. c, 44- Didrinfon. Dclp. Phoeniz. 

(45) Ou x ut vera; philol'ophia: charaderibus e diametro funt contraria, ita quod de eorum philofophia in genere judican- 
dum fit, produnt. Hift. Philof. i'up p. 319. 

(46) Lib. 24. c. i 1. Lib. 29. c. 3. 

(47) Atqueut eft magoruin folertia, occultandis fraudibus fagax. Plin. 1. 29. c. 3. 

(4R) In quibus hominem occidere religiofiffimum erat, mandi vero etiam faluberrimum. Plin. 1. 3. c. r. 

{49) The name Magi in the Kaft was mod auguft and venerable ; they were flailed in divine matters and the Minifler* 
of the Deity. O* rnpi ro taev foQei, r.ai <ntrs fapuirtfTLs Nccyot (ah ?rp<i;ayi>(i-ji»rai— fayn xki fsfafju/cv yti$(, Porphyr. de 
abftin. 1. 4. §. id. 



OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 35 

In what a contemptible light Pliny held the powers of magic, and the fuppofed vir-i 
tue of herbs, may be feen by confulting the places below (50J cited, where we find 
fome very trifling, and fome laughable prescriptions of thofe ancient Doctors. 

As to their inhuman facrifices, Pliny (51) after recounting them adds — it cannot 
be eflimated what thanks are due to the Romans for removing fuch monfters from 
fociety. — It is not denied that they offered men in facrifice, but that they ate them, 
is not fo readily affented to ; and yet that the barbarians of northern Europe in- 
dulged in fuch repafts, admits of the ftrongefl: evidence. We have before feen 
what Diodorus reports of the Britons, who inhabited Iris or Ireland. The Gauls 
conducted by Brennus into Greece were (52) anthropophagi. St. Jerome, in the 5th 
century writes thus : — (53) In my youth I faw in Gaul, the Scots, a Britifh people, 
feeding upon human bodies. — The Scots here were probably the fame (54) people 
as thofe of Iris. The delicacy of modern times is fhocked at this narration, and en- 
deavours to elude its force by obferving, that no fuch cuflom is mentioned by Caefar 
or Tacitus. But this negative proof is of no weight againfl an eye-witnefs. Jerome 
was writing on a ferious fubject, and was of fuch an (5s) a £ e > anc ^ tne impreffion of 
the horrible deed fo ftrong, that the memory of it could not be erafed. 

Such is the picture of the Druids and their fuperftition as given by the ancients-.. 
The learned reader mud perceive, that as here exhibited many of their religious 
praftifes were the fame as thofe of every barbarous people. Where they accord with 
the Roman, as in the parallel above given, we can only fay, that Casfar indulged a' 
propensity, which many others have done, of reprefenting the religion and manners 
of foreign people as fimilar to their (56) own. The Roman religion was tinctured 
with that of every other ; for the Romans were permitted to worfhip ftrange Gods, 
but not to the ($y) exclufion of thofe of their country. 

Dionyfiu* 

(50) Plin. 1. 26. c. 4. I. 28. c. 16. 1. 37. c. 10. I.30. c. I. And Bruker : Druides, qui tamcn medidnam magicam magis 
q'lam phyficam excoluiffe videntur. — Et hoc quoque nomine Druides e philofnphorum albo dclentur, anicularum & medi 
caftrorum choris inftrendi. fup. p. 341 — 2. 

(51) Non fatis ajflimari potcft, quantum Romanis dcbeatur qui fuftulere monflra. I. 3. c. I. 

(52) Paufan. in Phocic. (53) Adv. Jovin. 1. 2. Baron. Ann. A. D. 429. n. 2. 

(54) Macpherfon's Diff. preface. 

(55) Ipfe adolefcentulus. By the civil law, the age of adolcfcence began at 14, and held to ZJ. Schonborn. polit. 
p. 53. According to others, it began at J 5 and continued to 30. Rhcdogin. 1. 19. c. 2 1. 

(56) Herodotus and others are noted for this: Hyde de relig. vet. Perf. p. 95. Bruker. t. 2. p. 248. And Keyzler, 
Quare mirum videhitur ncmini, a Romanis fcriptoribus numina Vulcaoi, Marti? aliorumijue tnbui Germanis, quibus ilia ne 
nomina quidem innotuerant. Antiq. ftp. p. 186. 
(j") Warburton'6 Divine Leg. V. 1. p. 2^t. 



to OF THE DRUIDS, AND THEIR RELIGION. 

..<..<..< .<■<•< < < .<..<■.< < < < < •<<..<■<■•<-<••<■■<••< ■<••<•■< <■<<<■<■<■>. •< < ■<<+>>>■ >• > ->■ > ••>. >->•>. >. >..>..>..>.>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>..>..>..>. >„>'„>, 
Dionyiius Hal. (60) remarks : — that a long feries of years could not make the 
Egyptians, the Africans, the Celtes, Scythians, Indians, or any barbarous nation for- 
get their country Gods, or alter their religious ceremonies, except they were re- 
duced under the power of others, and compelled to receive their ritual, — To apply 
this to our fubject ; we know the Belgaa colonized and fubdued the Celtes three or 
four centuries before our sera, and impofed on the conquered their fuperftition and 
manners, and alfo adopted fome that were Celtic. If we were not told by Csefar, it 
muft neceffarily follow, that where two people effentially differ in language, as did 
the Celtes and Belgae, there will be characteriftic variations in their modes of think- 
ing, and alfo in their modes of life. This remark fo obvious and fo important has 
not been attended to by many eminent writers and antiquaries, and of courfe their 
moft laboured productions, as thofe of Pelloutier, Mallet and Bruker, want that 
difcrimination on which the value of fuch works muft always depend. The very in- 
genious and learned Doctor Percy, Bilhop of Dromore, has, in his excellent edition 
of Mallet's northern Antiquities, clofely attended to the diftinction of Celtic and 
Gothic or Teutonic antiquities : and with critical tafte and judgment has offered a 
fpecimen of what may, and ought to be done in this way. We have to lament that a 
preface confined his exertions within narrow bounds. 

Druidifm was profeffed by all the Celtic tribes, how widely foever difperfed. Its 
priefts were (59) called Druids from their adoration of, and their celebration of di- 
vine rites in oaken groves, and (60) iElian exprefsly tells us, the Celtic Jupiter was a 
tall oak. When Agricola penetrated into Mona, or Anglefea, he found the Druids 
enveloped in thick woods : thefe to eradicate their fuperftition, he ordered to be 
cut down. " Among the (61 j Naharvali, a grove of the ancient religion was 
pointed out ; it had no images, nor any veftige of foreign fuperftition." And yet 
Tacitus adds, that it was dedicated to Caflor and Pollux, which it could not be, 
without their images, and he alfo tells us, the deity adored there was called Alcis. 
Here and in oiher places Tacitus, as well as Caefar before, wifhes to afiimilate the 
deities of other countries with the Roman, and falls into direct contradictions. 

But what was (his ancient religion, that had no veftige of foreign fuperftition ? 
It muft be the religion of the primaeval inhabitants who were Celtes, and that was 
the true Druidic. It will be obje&ed, that Casfar declares there were no Druids in 
Germany. Befides the doubt attached to his teftimony, there is reafon to (62) be- 
lieve, 

(58) Lib. 7. (59} This is Pliny \ fuggeftion. Dkkinfon, Delph. Phoeniz. p. 188. Lhuyd, Archaol. Brit, in voce. 

(60) KiXrui si£x<i ftlv Am aycX/iv., 2?t SVus KsXtixov wx;r.\n 3)>i/s. DifT. 38. 

(61 ) Tacit. Genu. c. 43. The Naharvali were feated about tiie Viltula. Dithmar. in loco. 

(62) Avcntin. Ann, Boior. p. 85 — 88. Althamer. in 'lack. p. 134. 



OF THE DRUIDS* AND THEIR RELIGION". 41- 

-» « < < < < < < < < < < < < .« <<.<<.< <-<.<.<<•<•«<<■<■»•■<••<••<•«-<-<••<+»-►■►■>•■»-►•>•>•»■>>■►•►■».>..,>..»..>.,.>.>..>..,..>.>.>.>.>.>.>.».>..».> >_>>.,_ 

lieve, that the Emperors Tiberius and Claudius, by their fcverity, banifhed the 
Druids beyond the Rhine, where they propagated their doclrine : or elfe Druidil'm 
continued in certain tribes from the earlieft ages. Nor is this lad fuppofit'ion 
groundlefs, for Tacitus informs us, that the iEllii fpoke a language nearly Britifh, 
which was Celtic. 

Thefe Druidic groves are accurately marked by Tacitus by his (65) calling them 
— Cafta nemora — undefiled, unpolluted groves. I rely on the idea annexed by the 
bell Latin writers to the word, Callus, as meaning perfect purity, which could not 
be, did the Celtic priefts (tain their altars with human blood ; a practice of which 
the (66) Roman writers fpeak with abhorrence. In defcribing the religious rites of 
the Germans, Tacitus lapfes into the error common among the ancients, that of not 
difcrimirrating the pra&ifes of the different Germanic people, while, to an attentive 
obferver, he incidently makes fuch diftindlion. Thus in agreement with what he 
fays of the ancient religion and unpolluted groves of the ancient Germans, he adds ; 
** that they thought it inconfiftent with the greatnefs of the Gods to confine^ them 
within walls, or give human reprefentations of them. They confecrate groves and* 
forefts, and call by the names of their deities that fecret (67) recefs, which they 
look on with reverence." '1 his freedom from fuperftition and idolatry made Leib* 
nitz fay : — (68) La religion des Gaulois difTeroit de celle des Germains en ce, que 
la premiere plus rafinee. — As the Celtes had not any knowledge of metals,, for the 
Irifh names of them are all Gothic or Teutonic, fo they were unable to form flone- 
temples and images ; and therefore it is molt erroneous, to call (lone circles and' 
cromlehs, Druidic, when they clearly belong to the (69) Belgas or Scythians. To 
enumerate the Druidic deities, is impoflible. If they (70) were, for inftance, the 
Sighe, inhabiting hills, then they were the fame as the (71) Gothic Dwergh, fo that 
it cannot be determined with whom thefe divinities originated. In the next ElTay 
we fiiall endeavour to trace the origin of the Scythic fuperllition, and point out, as 
far as truth and probability will permit, its union with the Druidic. Becaufe but 
little notice is taken of the Druids in Irifh records, it is argued that there were none: 
but as original Celtes they certainly had fuch priefts, and the inftances hereafter pro- 
duced, prove Druidifm prevailed over the Ifle. 

(65) Tacit, fup. c. 40. Alfo, Sylva facra, nemus facrum, Tanfanae lucus, &c. 

(66) Scelerepro remedioufi funt. Juftin. Sacrilegium verius quam facrum. Q_Curt. 

(67) Seneca mentions the fame — fecretum loci — Epift. 41. (68) Oper. torn. 7. p. 50Z. Edit. Dutens. 

(69) Mr. Pinkerton, with juft feverity, treats the modern Djruidifts, and confirms what is advanced. Hift. of ScotI*- 
V. 1 . p. 405, et feq. 

(7c) O'Brien, in vote. {71) Sheringh.de orig. Angl. p, 295, Kejzler. fup. p. 1 63. 

M OF 



< 42 5 



,*"•. ••*'•. .'*•'. .•*'•. .*'*'. .' , *'. .•*'■. ..**''. »*"'•. .i*''*.. .'"'.. •**'•.,.••'•., .•■'■...•"•'..•'*'•.. •**'••..'*'*. .»■''..»*''..•*•». .'•"'. * U *. .•*'». fi, .«••• i«». «•*/■ 

+ + + + +.+ + + * + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + * + + * + + + + + + + .».i 



,0F THE PAGAN STATE OF IRE-LAND, AND ITS REMAINS* 

THE tall oak, the unpolluted grove, and the fpiritual and refined religion of 
the Druids yielded to the upright pillar, the ftone circle, the ponderous trili- 
thon and bloody facrifices of brave but ferocious conquerors. A compound fuper- 
flition fucceeded, which I have denominated pagan, to diilinguifli it from pure 
Druidifm, and which Tacitus affures us had nothing foreign in it. Let who will 
(i) be the leaders of the Scythic or Gothic tribes into Europe, or let the period of 
their arrival be what it may, the northern chronicles preferve abundant proofs of 
the introduction of a new fuperftition fome years before the incarnation. This cer- 
tainly was not eltablifhed in Britain in the age of Caefar in all its parts, for he men- 
tions only cremation, but nothing of Hone-monuments. Nor was it univerfally 
adopted in Germany -when Tacitus writ : for the (2) green turf, elevated a little 
above the furface, pointed out the humble Celtic grave: nor do I recoiled any no- 
tice in him of the monftrous ftone-flruclures which afterwards were to be feen in 
Scandinavia and Germany. Pliny (3) indeed fays, that raifed funeral tumuli or 
barrows obtained among die Chauci ; the very tribe fettled, in the age of Pto- 
lemy, in the fouih-eaft part of Ireland. 

It was a law of Odin, the great Gothic deity and legiflator, that large barrows 
ihould be (4) raifed to perpetuate the memory of celebrated chiefs. Thefe were (5) 
compofed of (tones and earth, the whole formed with infinite labour and fome art. 
In the (6) Brende-tiid, or fiery age, which was the firft among the Northerns, the 
body was ordered by Odin to be burned with all its ornaments, the aflies to be 

collected 

(1) Pinkerton, fup. V. i. p. 385. Warton's Hift. Engl, poetry. V. 1. d!ff. r. 

(a) Sepulchium cefpes erigit : monumentorum ardur.in & operofum honorem, ut gravem defun&is afpernantur. 
Tac. Germ. 

(3) Altos obtinuerint tumulos, aut tribunalia flrudta manibus. 1. ;6. c. 1. 

(4) Man<lavit etiam, ut optimatibus magnos tumulos in nicmoriam erigerent. Step. Stephan. in Sax. Gram. Mcflen, 
Li'idenbrog. Koyfler. Mallet, v. x. p. 341. Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 62. Loccen, p. 128. 

(<;) Tumulos in monticuli feu collis magnitiidiiiem, aggeffa gleba & tapidibus artificiofe extiuxtiunt. Worm. fup. p. 39. 
((>) Worm, fupra. And Banholine, who is very minute- P- 571- et feq. & p. 1 13. 



-., 



I 




m/&4i/Jyjfaip fr>?«J../K$0 //.><;>/, . &ee£ l&J&n/?. 



OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REM AINS. 43 

••< •■» < < < •■< < < < < < ■■< .<.<..<<■<•.<<< <<<•.<■<<•<•<< <•<•<■<■<■<■<<■< <*> > ►•>>■>• > >■ >■>. > ..>. >..>. >..>..>..>.>..>. >. >..>. >..>..>..>..,. >..>..>..>. >. >. > >..>, V >.. 

collected in an urn and laid in a grave. But in the Hoeht-tiid or age of hillocks, 
being the f?cond, the body untouched by fire, was depofited in a cave or fepulchre 
under a barrow, and this mode was pra&ifed until the third epoch, called Chriften- 
doms-old, or the age of Chriftianity. As no fafliion is at once (7) relinquifhed, 
and though the modes of interment now enumerated are accurately defined, we are 
not to be furprifed at finding inftances of cremation and inhumation in the fame 
barrow. The firfl mode prevailed from the incurfion of the Scythians into Europe 
till the coming of Odin, whofe Afiatic followers affected what Tacitus before calls 
more arduous and elaborate fepulchral honours, and this (8) Wormius clearly inti- 
mates. This fecond age will be hereafter found to extend itfelf into that, wherein 
Chriftianity was not unknown to the Northerns. 

To confirm what has been advanced, that ingenious Antiquary, f Governor Pow- 
nall obferves : " that the explanation of many of our Antiquities mud depend upon 
the cultoms and manners of the northern colonies being well underftood. The ' 
mode of burial and the fpecies of fepulchral monument at New Grange may be 
traced through Denmark, Sweden, Ruffia, Poland, and the Stepps of Tartary." 
This he evinces in an ample and fatisfadtory manner by alleging tumuli raifed by 
the princes of Naumdhall and Harald Blaatand, and by fome hundreds of barrows 
to be fcen about Upfal in Sweden. Three of the latter are called Kongs (9) Hogarn, 
or Kings' High Cairn. Thefe Kings' barrows are traced to an origin not very re- 
mote from Odin. He therefore fuppofes it will not appear a far-fetched conjecture 
to make our mount at New Grange, a Daniih work. 

Another law of Odin directed great upright flones to be erected on and round 
the fepulchre of the deceafed, and the (10) rule was, that a fingle circle round the 
bafe of the barrow indicated it to be the tomb of fome chieftain or general, and 
there facrifices were performed in memory of the deceafed (1 1). 

Ketill, 

(7) Ncque tamcn protlnus in fecnnda xtate mw creniandi cadavera ceflavit, fed indifcriminatim nonnunquatn in cintreS 
redigebantur, aliquando integra recondebantur. Barthol. p. 299. 

(8) jEtatis progrelTu, plus opera: in magnatum tumulis pofitum videtur. Worm. Mon. Dan. 

f Archaeolog. V. a. p. 450. Our monument is mentioned by Lhuyd in Rowland's Mona antiqua, and by Molynetir 
on Daniih mounts. 

(9) This items an hybrid word; hoch or hog, in German, is mons, coliis. Spelman in Hoga ; and Cairn, Irifh, an 
heap of ftones. The Swedes call thole hills, on which their kings were crowned, Krenanfhoger. Lorcen. p. 46. 

(10) Ex iis qui una lapidum ferie circa bafim cinguntur exercicum impcratoribus aliifque magnatibus dicati creduntur. 
Worm, fvipra. 

(11) Unica ubi vifirur maxima ex parte feptikhro impoflta efie fukr, eo fine ut ibidem in memoriam d<Sfiin4H quo:arini!s 
facra peraganmr. Worm, fupra. 



44 OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. ' 

...«..< < < < < < < < .< .< .< .< < .< < .< .< .<..< < < < .< < -».<.< <■<•<-<<•<<< < < ■<•+>>•■>•>• >>>>>■ >. >. >. >..>..> >. >. >>>..> >. > >..>..>. >..>. >. >. >..>..>. > >. > >. > >.■ 

Ketill, a great Norwegian leader (12) declares, " It was the cuftom cf illuftrious 
men, of kings and earls to engage in piracy, and that the treafure they acquired 
fhould not go to their heirs, but be buried in their barrows with them. " Potius 
tumulo ipfo cum defuneto mandaretur." Frederic William, the Iaft Elector of 
.Brandenburgh, told (13) Tollius that he had many Hone-monuments dug up and 
examined, which were called the " Cemeteries of the Vandals," and that nothing 
was difcovered but fome coins. 

The monument at New Grange, near Drogheda, will at once fhew the paganifm 
of the Irifh, and exhibit an admirable inftance of its remains. About the year 
1699, a Mr. Campbell, who refided in the village of New Grange, obferving (tones 
under the green fod, carried much of them away to repair a road ; and proceeding 
in this work, he at length arrived at a broad flat (tone, that covered the mouth of 
the gallery. At the entrance, this gallery is three feet wide and two high : at 
thirteen feet from the entrance it is but two feet, two inches wide. The length 
of the gallery from its mouth to the beginning of the dome is fixty-two feet ; from 
thence to the upper part of the dome, eleven feet fix inches : the whole length, 
feventy-one feet and a half. The dome or cave with the long gallery gives the exalt 
figure of a crofs : the length between the arms of the crofs is twenty feet. The 
dome forms an o&agon, twenty feet high, with an area of about feventeen. It is 
compofed of long flat flones, the upper projecting a little below the lower, and 
clofed in, and capped with a flat flag. There are two oval rock bafons in the cave ; 
one in each arm of the crofs. Though they contain no cineritious remains, nor 
are there any marks of cremation in the cave, yet as it was ufual to have urns in 
cemeteries, the cuftom is here continued. 

Mr. Wright, in his additions to the Louthiana, a MS. in the poffeflion of the 
refpe&able Mr. Allan of Darlington, fays, New Grange is the oldefl monument he 
examined in Ireland. On firfl entering the Dome, not far from the centre, a pillar 
was found, and two fkeletons on each fide, not far from the pillar. In the recedes 
were three hollow ftone-bafons, two and three feet diameter. But when he vifited 
New Grange again, in 1746, thefe bafons had been removed, and placed upon one 
another. One of the cells had an engraved volute, which he fuppofes was dedi- 
cated to Woden, or Jupiter Ammon j another had lightning cut 0.1 its lintel, as 

facred 

(12) Thorkelin's two fragments, p. 59. Lond. 1788. Barthol. p. 437- 

(13) Tollii Itiner. 2. p. 43. Edit. Hcnninii. Worm. fup. p. 41. and Molyneux fupra, p. 407. allow the praiflict to be 
Banifb, and fo docs Wright, Louthiana , p. j 1. 







I 



OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 45 

..«<<< .< .< < .< .< < .< .< .» .<..<..< .< .<..< < .< •<•<•<■<•< < < <•< •<■•<•< ■< •<<< •<■< ••<*>- >•>• >..>..>■>. >.>..>>. >..>.>. >. >.>•>••>. >.>.•>••>■>•>•>•>• >..>.>■>•■>•■>•>■•>••>• >•>••>.».. 

facred to Thor. Among the Greeks and Romans, urns were of various (14) 

ihapes, and of clay and ftone. Montfaucon, in his (1 5) Italian tour, faw marble 
and granite urns, which it was believed belonged to the Goths. We muft remark, 
that the boat-like figure of our urns, as well as one at (16) Knowth, indicate the 
perfon, for whom they were defigned to be naval commanders. A fhip was their 
mod beloved object in life, and their (17) fepulchres were of this fhape. 

At New Grange, on the top of the Mount, were found two golden coins, one of 
the elder Valentinian, the other of Theodofius. Odin, fays the (i8)Edda, placed 
on his barrow a golden ring ; and the arms, horfes, and whatever the deceafed held 
mod precious, were either burned, or depofited in his grave. 

Deers horns, and other bones, with human fkeletons were in our cave, on each 
fide of a pillar or ftone column. This practice is very well explained by Bartho- 
line. Sometimes, fays (19) he, King swere feen in a fitting pofture in tombs, with 
their principal foldiers on each fide of them. Our pillar mall be hereafter noticed. 

Runic (20) inferiptioris to the deceafed were common : thefe contained their 
names, titles, and the magic runes which they wore. " Near Exmore, fays Speed, 
are certain remains of an ancient work, namely, mighty (tones fet in form of a 
triangle, others in round, orderly difpofed, and upon one of them was an engrave- 
ment in Danifh letters, which could not be read by men mofl learned." On a flat 
{tone in one of the arms of the crofs at New Grange are traces of letters. Lhuyd 
defcribes them to be fpiral like a fnake, but without diftindtion of head or tail. 
This was a perfect Danifli figure, as may be feen in Wormius. Thefe fculptures 
are very different from the trellis work in the cave, which all allow to be Danifh. 
The Irifh adopted the notion of the magical power of letters from the North- 
erns, and the magic Runes they called Ogums. Thus " Fiacra was mortally 
wounded at the battle of Caonry, his funeral leacht or ftone was eredled, and on 
his tomb was inferibed his(2t)Ogum name." Thefe Runes and Ogums were 

n efteemed 

(14) The Greeks had their KsAru, Yfyz and Kpawa-o;, In urnis, ol!i6, cacabis, urceis, ampullis, amphoris, cupis, orcis 
& aliis hujufmodi vafculis cineres condebantur. Salmas. Plia. E::erc. p. izC4. Nee ejufdem materia:, nee fijjurx femper 
fuifle. Worm. flip. p. 42. 

(ij) Diar. Italic, p. 120. (16) Molyneux on Danifh mounts, p. 200. 

(17) Nihil magis optabant, quam in navigio ftpeliri-, five corporibus integris humarentur, five crematione prius ad 
cineres redaclis. Barthol. p. a88. And ha gives inflances of both kinds. 

(iS) Bircherod. Spec, rei monet. p. 14. Bartholine illuflrates this cuftom by many curious examples, p. 434, et feq. 

(19) Nonnunquam autem fedentes in tumulis collocati reges : et quos idem exitus manferat, milites prxcipui, eorum ab. 
utroque latere conflkuti. Sup. p. 572. 

(20) Nam non folum ils grandes cippos, patriis Uteris not tos, impofuerunt defuncli titulos exhibentes. Worm, fup. 
(U) Irilh Giarusiar, p. 7. 



i 



46 OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 

efteemed a fovereign protection to the living, and were fuppofed not lefs potent in 
guarding the dead. 

Lhuyd, (22) from the coins, imagined our monument to be older than the arrival 
of the Oftmen, and that it belonged to the ancient Irifh. At the very time thefe 
coins were (truck, the 4th century, the Irifh were intimately connected with the 
Saxons, Picts, and other northern tribes j they united in plundering the Roman 
provinces, and Roman coins rauft have conftituted not the leaft valuable part of 
their fpoil. Notwithstanding this, I am clearly of opinion the conftruction of 
mounts, or, to fpeak with Wormius, the age of hillocks was much later, for the 
Brende-tiid, or age of cremation certainly had not ceafed in the North or Germany 
in 789, for a (23) capitular of Charlemagne, of that year, punifhes with death fuch 
Saxons as burnt their dead after the manner of pagans. Chriftianity had been long 
preached among the fubjects of this prince, and yet they were (till but half Chriftians. 
It is evident from the contents of our cave that cremation had ceafed among the 
Oftmen in Ireland, they alfo fhew the dawnings of chriftianity among them ; every 
other circumftance evinces pagan ideas. This might reafonably be fuppofed to hap. 
pen at the period of their converfion; then we might expect to find in the fame 
ftructure fome indications of their new, and many of their old religion : for an 
inftantaneous dereliction of their ancient creed never occurred among a rude people. 

The Irifh Oftmen embraced the faith about 853, and in this century I 
think we may date the conftruction of the mount at New Grange : it was made 
and adorned with every fepulchral honour to the memory of fome illuftrious north- 
ern chief. From the annals of ,(24) Ulfter we learn, that the piratical rovers from 
the North greatly infefted Ireland in the ninth century. They generally debarked 
in the Boyne, where fecuring their fhips, they fpread devaftation around to a confi- 
fiderable extent. In the year 824, thefe annals record the plundering of Damliag 
or Duleek, not far from Drogheda, by them. In 826, a great battle was fought 
at the fame place between thefe Gals or Oftmen and the king of the Firtuaths in 
Leinfter, where many were (lain. In 831, the Gals again fpoiled Duleek. In 847, 
the Gals were defeated at Fore in Weftmeath, and in 858 and 860, they invaded 
Meath with a great army. On any of thefe occafions, a principal commander dying 

at 

(zr) Apud Molyneux, fupra, p. 185 — 186. 

(23) Si quis corpus defuncti hominis fecundum rltum paganorum flamma confumi fecerit & ofla ejus ad cineres redigsrit, 
capite punietur. Apud Bartholin, fttp. p. 199. 

This capitu'ar of Charlemagne, made A, D. 789, evinces the Saxous then burnt their dead, 

(24) JdhnftoheVAntiq Celto-Nbrm. p. 64. 



OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 47 



.<«.<..<.< .< .<..<■■<-<-■<--« 



.<•<■< ■<■<••< ■< < ■< ■«-■<■•<•■< •<■<•<+>•>-►->■>.■>.. 



■ >■>••>■■>■ >■ >•>- >•>•>■ >■ >•■>• >• >•>•>■>->•■>• >••>••>• v>. h 



at New Grange, might have been interred there. On the lands of Ballymacfcanlan, 
in the county of Louth, in a large Rath, and on it a great ftone, having in the 
centre a crofs with four fmaller ones. About thirty yards from the rath is an en- 
trance into a cave running under the rath, but it has not been explored. Tradition 
calls this the tomb of Mac Scanlan : one of that name was king of Fignitie, and 
had a great battle with the (25) Gals, A. D. 833. Whether Fignitie was Ballymac- 
fcanlan is not eafy to determine, however the ftone with crofles and the cave mow a 
compound of chriftian and pagan ideas, fimilar to that at New Grange, and hence 
I am led to conclude, from the fubflru&ure of the latter, that it was the work of 
femi-chriftian Oilmen in the 9th century. The cruciform fhape of that fubflruc- 
ture is exactly that of a (26) crux immifla : this figure thefe rude architects accu- 
rately conceived and as admirably executed. From the age of Conftantine, but 
particularly in the 9th century, the virtues afcribed to the crofs, and the veneration 
paid to it were boundlefs, and fuperflitious in the higheft degree. (27) Churches 
and cryptical chapels were built in this form, and this is the figure of our gallery 
and its cells. The refpect for holy water, which the rock bafons probably held, 
was fcarcely inferior to that for the crofs ; it was the mod (28) powerful protection 
againfl malignant fpirits. Anxious to fecure to a beloved chief the felicities held 
out by a new religion, they laid him on a crofs with each arm extended to the laver 
of regeneration, yet without relinquifhing the favour of their ancient deities repre- 
fented by ftone pillars. 

It will tend to confirm this notion to allege fome inftances of the ftate of nafcent 
chriftianity among various tribes of this barbarous people. Procopius (29) com- 
plains that the Franks, though converts, obferved many rites of their priftine fuper- 
ftition. Againfl fuch practices (30J councils in vain fulminated anathemas : in vain 
the King and Bifhops were to inquire, whether any believed (31) genii inhabited 
barrows or rivers, and endeavoured to raife them and fpectres. Redwald, king of 
the Eafl Saxons, after embracing the gofpel, relapfed into idolatry, yet without 

wholly 



(25) Johnftone, fupra. (26) Lipf. de Cruce, p. 1165. Edit. 8vo. 

(27) Greg. Naz. calls them c~ra.i,ftTvir*; <n\ivfo.;. See Hieron de loc. fancl. Bed. de loc. fauit. c. 15. Cedrcn. in 
Juftin. In the iorh century, the Norwegians marked their fhields, helmets and enfigns with crolTes, and much earlier 
the Englifh, Mercians and Northumbrians. Thorkelin. fup. p. 42 — 43. 

(28; Du Cange. voc. Aqua exorciz. Regin. de ecc. difcip. p. 70 — 71. Eciir. Baluz. 

(19) Barbari enim ifti chriftiani effedti, multos prifcs fuperflitionis ritus obfervant. Gothic. I. 2. c. 15. 

(30) Cone. Nann. Arlet. & Aquifgran. L. L. Edg. & Canut. Lindenbrog. p. I357. 

{31) Si in genioi locorum credat aliquis, quod tumulos vtl flumina inhabitent. Si quii tentct lemures & tumulicoias ex- 
c.itare. Keyfler. Antiq. Septen. Selec, p. 89 — 100. 



4 8 OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 

..«..< .<.<•<•< .<.•<■•<■•<<•<■<•<••<••< •<•<< .<..<•<•.<•<•<•< < ■<•■<<< < < < •<■<•< ■+■«••«+>■ >■ >■ >■ >••>••>•>•■>.>■>.>..>..>.>..>. >..>..>..»..>..>..>..>. >..»..>..>. >..>..>..>.>..>. >..>.>..>..>. >.. 

wholly rejecting his new creed : like the Samaritans of old, fays the ^32) venerable 
hiflorian, he had in the fame temple an altar dedicated to Chrift, and another to 
idols. Thorolf and Egil, two celebrated northern commanders, whofe piracies and 
courage frequently made Ireland and Scotland tremble, at the defire of iEthelflan, 
the Anglo-Saxon king, received the fign of the erofs, but were in name rather than 
in reality Chriftians ; for the (33) author adds, that it was the cuflom of the age 
for thofe who had received the firfl fignation to hold commerce indifcriminately with 
Chriftians and Gentiles, adhering however to that religion which bed pleafed themv 
Such feems to me to have been the chriftianity profefled by the founders of the 
mount at New Grange, and of which they have left permanent evidence in its 
fubftructure. 

The external bafe of the Mount at New Grange was encircled by a number of 
enormous unhewn ftones, fet upright. Ten remained in 1770: they are from feven 
to nine feet above ground, and weigh from eight to ten tons each, and one flood 
on the fummit of the mount, which was exactly conformable to the northern prac- 
tice, as delivered (34) by Wormius, as there facrifices were performed in memory 
of the deceafed. The dead, to whom divine honours were paid, were illuflrious 
warriors, or great princes, whom the veneration of their countrymen (35) deified. 

I mail now endeavour to give the rationale of this mode of interment among 
the Northerns, and the fuperflition reflecting it, as it will enable us to form pro- 
per notions of our various ftone monuments, and numerous caves. It is very well 
obferved by Rowlands, (36) " that by what remains of our ancientefl buildings, 
it feems the very form of our houfes and that of our churches were much the fame : 
it is probable our churches were at firfl dwelling-houfes." The Scythic and Ger- 
man nations inhabited caves a great part of the year, and fo did our Firbolgs. 
Many of thefe fouterreins are enumerated in Smith's (37) Hiflories, in Harris and 
various periodical publications : fome are natural, others artificial, and mofl of them 
retain veftiges of human refidence. - That the Irifh in the fixth century were Trog- 
lodytes 

(32) Bed. 1. 2. c. 15. Sevcrus worfhipped Chrift ; Abraham, Orpheus and Apollo in the fame Lararium. Lamprid 
in Sever. 

33) Johnftone, fupra, p. 3 a. 

(34) Unicam ibi vifitur maxima ex parte fepulchro impofita effe folet, eo fine ut ibidem in memoriam dcftintSli quotannis 
facra peragantur. Worm. fup. 

(35) Barthol. p. 212—413, and the inftances and authors there cited. 

(36) Mona Antiqua, p. 138. 

(37) Smith's Cork, V. 2. p. 402. Campbell's Polit. Survey in Slue. Macauley's St. Kilda. 



OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 49 
.<•< .«<••<-< <-<<<_< .< .<..<..< .<..«..<.<..< .<.<..<.«_< .«-<..«.<..< .«..<..<..<..«■<.<..<+». .»..».»..».>. >..>..>..>.>..>_>. >..»..»..»..»-»-*■»*►••>• >„>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>. ».>.> >.»..>» 

lodytes appears (38) in Gildas. He reprefents them as iffuing from their narrow 
caves, and their fkin of a dufky hue : nor had they- (39) relinquished them in 690. 
In 1 177, Miles Cogan pafled the Shannon and invaded Connaught j the natives 
every where burnt their villages and churches, and deftroyed the corn and provifions 
which they could not conceal in (40) Hypogsea. Here, though they had deferted 
their ancient habitations, they did not forget the protection they originally afforded 
them. Thefe antrile retreats became foon places of worfhip and confecrated to 
religion. The Druids when known to the Greeks and Romans, had united the 
Celtic and Sqthic rituals,, and exercifed their fun&ions both in groves and (41) 
caves. Thus fanctified, no place appeared more fuitable for the interment of the 
heads of families and celebrated chiefs, whom while living they loved and admired, 
and whofe virtues and manes they adored in the grave. Thus men became heroes 
and gods, and their ancient (42) habitations cemeteries and temples. And of this 
there is a very curious and ftrong proof in the (43) Irifh word Cill or Kill, which at 
nrft denoted a grave, and after a church. 

Celtic inhumation being exchanged for Scythic cremation, the body was con- 
fumed by fire, the afhes collected in an urn and placed under a barrow, with fpears, 
arms, gold and fih&er, and fuch like rarities as were dear to the deceafed in his life- 
time. The fame fuperftition required upright flones, (tone-circles and trilithons on 
and about the grave. Odin mud have taught his followers that thefe monftrous 
pillars were fymbols of the Deity and endued with peculiar virtues, for it is certain 
they after confidered them as (44) gods and paid them divine honours. The Edda 
(45) declares a race of fpirits or daemons, called Nani, inhabited them. From this 
holinefs of large pillars the mofl folemn offices, civil and religious, were performed 
within circles of them. "Wormius affures us they were ufed either as Fora, for the 
administration of juftice ; or as Comitialia, for the election and inauguration of kings; 
or as places of fingle combat, or as temples of tribes. Inftances of their application 
to all thefe purpofes occur in Ireland, and a few of them fhall now be given. 

o On 

(38) De ar&iffimis foraminum cavernitis fufci vcrmiculorum cunei, Scotorum Pictorumque greges. p. 78. 

(39) This may be collected from an expreffioti of Aldhelni. Latebras antrorum prxpropere petunt. Uffer. Epift. p. 141, 

(40) Gir. Cambrens. p. 795. 

(41) Clam & diu vicenis annisin fpecu aut in abditis faltibus. Mel. 1. 3. c. 2. Borlafc's Cornwall, paff. 

(42) A prima origine intra fuas quifque aedes defoffa cadavera haberet: unde Lares in fingulis sedibus cokndi religio per* 
feafit. A. ab Alexand. 1. 6. c. 14. 

(43) O'Brien in voce. 

(44) lllands Landnama. p. 94. Pinkerton's Scot. V. I. p. 408. 

(4i) Qiiibus Nanos Spirijuro vel dsmonuta genus cr«d«bant faua inhabitare. Keyflerfup. p. 19— 20, 



5 o OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 
••<<•<■<■<<■<■< ■<<■<■< ■<<■•<■•<■< < .<..<<..<<.<..<.<.<.< .</<.<<.<.<..<•.<<.< <+>> -> ■>■ >■>•■>■>>• >•>• > > >>>>>>> >■>■ >• > .>. >■ >. >. > >..>..>..>. >..>..> >..>>.. 

On the (46) plain of Ballynahatne are concentric (tone-circles : its ruins fhew it 
to have been a very laboured conftru&ion, and as Wright well remarks, not unlike 
Stonehenge. The name of Stonehenge reminds us of the various extravagant whim- 
fies entertained concerning that curious monument, whofe origin feems to have been 
miftaken by every author, except two excellent antiquaries, Keyfler and Warton. 
The latter thus fpeaks (47) of it : " No other notion refpecling Stonehenge pre- 
vailed than the fuppofition that had been delivered down by long and conftant tra- 
dition, that it was erected in memory of Hengift's mafiacre. This was the eftablifhed 
and uniform opinion of the Welfh and Armorican bards, who mod probably re- 
ceived it from the Saxon minftrels. This was the popular belief in the age of 
Geoffrey of Monmouth, and in this Robert of Gloucefter and all the monkifh 
chroniclers agree. That the Druids conftru&ed this ftupendous pile for a place of 
worihip, was a difcovery referved for the fagacity of a wifer age, and the laborious 
difcuflion of modern antiquaries." 

Befides the name Stan Hengift, Hengift's Stones, the authority of the Welfli and 
Armoric bards is ftrong evidence of the founding of Stonehenge in the fifth cen- 
tury. The Britifh minftrels, whofe conftant theme was the exterminating fury of 
the pagan Saxons, afcribed this work to their countrymen, as a pious monument to 
their flaughtered brethren, when in reality it was a triumphant memorial ere&ed by 
Henrift's army for a fignal defeat of the Britons, juft as (48) Regner, according to 
Saxo, conftructed a penfile trophy for his victory over the Biarmi and Finni. The 
Britons, if they preferved their original cuftoms and adhered to their Celtic ritual, 
had no ftone-temples ; but they might have embraced the Belgic or Scythic fuper- 
flition, and Stonehenge lay within the territories of the Belgae. 

At (49) Templebrien in the County of Cork, is a circle of nine upright ftones 
placed round a tenth in the centre, and about twenty feet to the N. W. ftands an 
eleventh. (50) " Kings," fays Wormius, " were created in circles compofed of great 
ftones, for the molt part twelve in number (utplurimum duodecim.) In the middle 

was 

(46) Louthiana, fup. p. 9. 

(47) Warton's Hift. of Englifh Poetry, V. 2. p. 155. Verum, ut qux res effe videatur, apertius dicam, hujufmodi 
monumentorum quando alia, in quibus Stonehenge, &c. propter altum filentium de iis apud audores Grascos & Latinos 
recentiora judicentur, fie alia, quorum in numero monumentum hocce noRruni ante Belgarum adventum a Runarum colonia 
quadam erigi uti temere non ftatuero, ita praefrafte non negavero. Mufgrave. Belg. Brit. p. 211. 

(48) Regnerus Saxis rerum geftarum apices prx fe ferentibus, iifdemque fujierne locatis, sternum viftorix fux monu- 
mentum afikit. Sax. Grain. 1. 9. Worm. fup. Step. Stephan. p. 15. 

(49) Smith's Cork, V. 2. p. 41 1. 

(50) Mon. Daiiic. 1. 1. c. 12, 



OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 51 

t < < < < < .< .< .< < < .< < < < ■■< <■< .<<.<••<■■<■<<■<■<,<■<■<•<<•<■<••<•<■■<•<■<+>•>•>•>•>■>■>>■>>■ > ..>. >..>. >>..>..>. >.>..>..>.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>•>.>.'>. >•>>. >.. 
was a larger one, on which the ele&ed king was placed and recognized with loud 
acclamations." The centre (tone, among the Danes and Norwegians, was called 
Kongftolen, and (51) Morafteen among the Swedes and Goths. It was not always 
within the area of the circle, for at Leire in Seland it is without it, nor were twelve 
uprights indifpenfably neceffary. Hence I think it probable, that the centre ftone 
at Templebrien was an altar for facrince, and the ftone at a diftance the Kongftolen. 
Letter circles of three, four or more ftones, which are not uncommon, were for the 
election of inferior Toparchs ; for notwithftanding the ftrongeft claim from (52) he- 
reditary right, election was always reforted to, and fuch is the policy in our Brehon 
laws. 

At (55} Ballymacfcanlan, in the county of Louth, three great pillars fupported a 
ponderous impoft : this was the penfile monument of the Northerns. It is called 
the Giant's load, being brought altogether from a neighbouring mountain by a 
Giant, according to tradition. Here we difcover plainly the Northern origin of 
thefe monuments. Giants make no part of Celtic, though they do of Gothic my- 
thology. The Edda mentions the giants Ymir, Nor, Tarbantes, and others, aifd 
(54' Saxo Grammaticus declares, the great ftones fet on fepulchres and caves are 
proofs of Denmark being antiently inhabited by a gigantic race, and the principal 
ftone erections enumerated by Wormius are given to giants. Thefe parallels of 
Irifti and Northern antiquities mighc be extended much farther. Even from the pre- 
fent fpecimen no doubts can remain on the mind of the learned reader, of the fame 
people being the authors of both. Nor will this fketch be undeferving the notice of 
any one who may hereafter compile an Hibernia Danica. 

We have therefore great reafon to be furprifed at the miftakes of Bruker on this 
fubjecr, a man of fagaciiy and profound erudition. He begins his (55) account of 
Celtic philofophy by telling us the Celtes occupied the northern and weftern parts of 
Europe, retaining a refemblance in their cuftoms and religion, but that when they 
came to be formed into nations then a difference in thefe points was very obvious ; 
and that under the name of Celtes were comprehended the Scythians, the Germans, 
the Gauls, Britons and Spaniards, with thofe who inhabited Pannonia and the banks 
of the Danube. This ftrange jumble of people of different languages and religions 
prefents to our author nothing but a wild chaos of contradictions. He has not ad- 

. vanced 

(51) J. Magn. de eledl. reg. Goth, initio. 

(52) Si Alius regis, frater aut confanguiueus, prxdiitas virtutes habuerit, no:i hxreilitatis fed eleecionis jure ceteris om. 
nihus anteferatur. J. Mign. fup. 

(5j) Louthiana, fupra. (54) Praefat. (;<) Hift. Crit. Philafaph. T. r. p. 313. 



5 2 OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. 



.«.<<..<.< <.<..<..< .<..< .<..<..<..<..<..<..< .<.-<< .<•■<■•<< .<.<■<■<••< .<..<•<■•<•■<••<••<<•< •<*>• >• >■ >•>• >•■ 



• >•>•>• >•■>.>..>■■>..>••>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>. >..>. *•>. >.■>.>. >. 



vanced a dozen lines before he complains of the " obfcurity and uncertainty of 
Celtic hiftory, of its being loaded with fo many difficulties that he can promife to 
give it but a very inferior degree of verfimilitude, and that he would rather modeftly 
confefs this than, as is too common, obtrude on the reader vague conjectures for 
certain truths." This (how of candour however will never atone for the monftrous 
confufion he has introduced into Celtic antiquities, the more fatal as it is fupported 
by ingenuity and uncommon learning. He cannot avoid remarking the oppofite 
teftimonies of Csefar and Tacitus on the religion of the Druids : the latter fays they 
had no temples or altars, but the former intimates both. He has no way of recon- 
ciling thefe writers, but by affuring us, the religion of the Northern Celtes, the 
Germans and Gauls was originally the fame, and that the Gallic deities, ftatues, al- 
tars and temples were (56) foreign importations. Here a critical inquiry mould 
have commenced into the religion and philofophy of the Celtes, grounded on their 
language, religion, and the few hints preferved by the ancients. The materials for 
a fimilar procedure with the Scythians are abundant ; and laftly the union of the 
Celtic and Scythic rituals might be eafily fhown. Mr. Pinkerton in his DifTertation 
on the Goths and Hiftory of Scotland has laboured fuccefsfully on this fubject, thefe 
valuable works being an excellent introduction to the ftudy of the Britifh antiquities. 
Borlafe, a man of confiderable learning but little judgment, lapfes into Bruker's 
errors. He perceives no ($j) difference between the religion of the Germans, 
Danes, Norwegians and Swedes and that of the Britons and Gauls, but that the 
priefthood among the latter was more dignified and learned than among the former. 
From fuch a declaration, fo early made, nothing could be expected but confufion. 
An antiquary who could affirm rock-bafons, circles, erect (tones, cromleace, cairns, 
and groves of oaks, a cave and an inclofure (58) marked a Druidic monument, was 
ill qualified to difembarrafs Celtic and Scythic antiquities, or to give a dictinct view 
of each. And yet clouded as his ideas were, he faw through the gloom difficulties 
which he could not folve ; he (59) tells us, the fuperftition of the Germans and 
Northern nations throw great light on that of the Druids, but not vice verfa. The 
, meaning of which is, that the original dogmas of Druidifm were loft, or fo incor- 
porated with the Northern religion, that there was no way of illuftrating the former 
but by the latter. But the fact is the ancients fupply us with accurate diftinctions, 
and indubitable marks of genuine Druidifm. Both the Celtic and German fuper- 
ftitions were early mingled with each other j this, it is confeffed, obfcured the fub- 
ject, 

( ;6) Pcrrgrlnls religionibus adve&is debentur. Bruker. fup. 330. (57) Antiquities of Cornwall, p, 71. 

{Si') Borlafe, fupra, p. 120. (59) BorJafe, fup. p ; 7;. 



. ..■* 






OF THE PAGAN STATE OF IRELAND, AND ITS REMAINS. $3 

ject, and led inattentive ancients and moderns aftray. I have juft alleged an inflance 
from Borlafe, of this compound religion, where an oaken grove and inclofure mark 
the Celtic, as the rock-bafons, erect ftones, &c. do the Scythic fuperftition. As to 
this mixt religion being called Druidic, where the Celtes were more numerous than 
their invaders, as in thefe ifles, their priefts preferved their ancient appellation: 
where the Scythians prevailed, the name was loft, and in its room we find Runer, 
Adelruner, (60) Diar, Hofgodar and Magi introduced. Confounding the Druidic 
and Scythic rituals, the very learned and ingenious Whitaker tells (61) us, " the 
Druidical fpecies of heathenifm was that particularly calculated to arreft the atten- 
tion and to imprefs the mind. The rudely majeftic cincture of (tones in their tem- 
ples, the huge enormous Cromleach, the maify tremulous Logan, the great conical 
carnedde, and the magnificent amphitheatre of woods, Sec." Except the amphi- 
theatre of woods, nothing elfe was Druidical. Many opportunities will offer in the 
enfuing efiays, in treating of the Antiquities of the Irifh Church, to confirm the 
idea purfued in thefe pages. 

(60) Piukerton. Vit. S. Scot. p. 87. (61) Hift. of Mancheft. V. r, 




OF 






( 54 ) 

A..''^/'^•' , ^.•'''^•''^.•'' , ^''''^A/^..'''^,y^.A 1 .''^,,'''^,.•'^./^,/^,,' , ^,,• l ^,A,,>^,,/^.A/'^,y^/^,A,,• l '>. 
■^* + * + * + + + + + ***** + + + + * + * + + + + + + *** + + + + * + + ** + + + + ** + + + + , $ 



OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, AND OF ST. PATRICK. v' 

AN hierarchy was early eftablifhed in England, as three Britifh Bifhops aflifted 
at the Council of Aries, A. D. 314, being one for each province intp which 
the kingdom (1) was then divided. Of confequence Chriflianity there was of older 
date than the 4th century. When we reflecl: on the zeal of the primitive preachers 
of the Gofpel, and the contiguity of Ireland to England, it cannot be fuppofed the 
former ifle efcaped their evangelical labours. It afforded the terrified Britifh clergy 
a fecure afylum from the Dioclefian perfecution in 303. So that it is highly proba- 
ble the glad tidings of a Redeeming Saviour were promulgated here very little later 
than in Britain. And I am the more inclined to believe what is advanced, becaufe 
St. Jerome inconteflibly proves there was a Chriflian church in Ireland in the 4th 
and beginning of the 5th century, and that letters were then known and cultivated 
here. Speaking of Celeflius, the bofom friend of Pelagius the Herefiarch, he fays : 
*' he was made fat with Scottifh (2) flummery." Now (3) Pelagius was a Britifh 
Monk, and an eminent (4) fcholar : to him reforted youth from England and Ire- 
land for inflru&ion, and among others our countryman Celeflius, who embraced 
the (5) monaflic life. While in the Britifh monaflery he (6) writ to his parents in 
Ireland three pious epiflles, exhorting them to the pra&ice of virtue. All this 
evinces, that our ifle had been long chriftian. Pelagius was an able teacher and 
well read in (7) Greek philofophy : it was there he found the notions about God 
and the human foul, which were the foundations of his herefy. This knowledge 
of Greek literature will now be fully and fatisfaclorily explained. 

The Irifh themfelves are the befl evidences of the origin of their faith. About 
the year 661, a conference was held at (S) Whitby, to determine whether the 

ancient 

{1) Stlllingfleet, fup. p. 76. 

(2) Ncc recordatur flolidiffimus, et Scotorum pultibus pracgravatas. Hieron. in Hierem. Again, Haliet enim proge- 
piem Scotica; gentis, de Britannoru ■' 1 nia. 

(3) Auguftin. de hares, c. 83. Uffer. p. 208. (4) Uffer. fupra, (5) Gennad. c. 44. 
(6) Geunad. fupra. (7) Mofheim. Mar. Mercat. Edit. Garneri. (8) Bed. 1. 3. c. aj. 



OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY. S5 

„,,.«.< <<.<./ .< ... < , <.< .< .<<..<.<..< .<..<..<..«..<..< .<■<<< .<..<..< .<..<..<..<■<..<■.<+>• >■•►■>■»•>•>..>..>..>. >..>. >..>..>. >..>. ►..>..>..>.... >..>. >.>•>•>• >■►•►■•►•+• >•>•■>•>••>. »..».. 

ancient difcipline of the Britifh and Irifh churches refpe&ing the pafchal feftival, 
tonfure and other rites, fhould be continued, or whether the Romifh innovations, 
adopted by the Anglo-Saxon church, fhould be preferred. Wilfrid, an Eleve of 
Rome, fupported the latter, as Colman, an Irifhman, educated among the Culdees 
at Hy, and Bifhop of Lindisfern, did the former. " The Eafler I keep, fays Col- 
man, I received from my elders, who fent me Bifhop hither ; the which all our 
forefathers, men beloved of God, are known to have kept after the fame manner ; 
and that the fame may not feem to any contemptible or worthy to be rejected, it is 
the fame which St. John the Evangelifl and the Churches over which he prefided, 
obferved." 

About the year 160, the Gallic Church, in a long epiflle to the brethren in (9) 
Afia and Phrygia, relates the martyrdom of many profeffors of the Gofpel. Pothinus 
was then Bifhop of Lyons, and a (to) Grecian} as were Attalus, Alexander, and 
Alcibiadas, who were mifhoners in Gaul. Thefe were (1 1) fent by Polycarp into 
France when he went to Rome in the pontificate of Anicetus, of courfe the letter 
written by them to the Chriflians in Afia was in Greek, and this is remarked by 
Valefius. Irenxus, who fucceeded Pothinus in Lyons, was a Greek of Smyrna, of 
which city Polycarp was Bifhop. Irenaeus when a youth faw and converfed with 
Polycarp, and heard him relate the (12) difcourfes he held with St. John and with 
the reft who had feen Chrift. From hence we clearly difcover the grounds of Bifhop 
Colman's pra&ice, and how it was deduced from St. John. Polycarp was difciple 
of (13) St. John, as Pothinus and (14) Irenasus were of Polycarp. Thefe Afiatic 
miffionaries founded churches, ordained Bifhops, and gave to the Chriftians of Bri- 
tain and France a liturgical form. A very ancient (15) MS. informs us, that St. 
John the Evangelifl firft fang the Gallican office, then the bleffed Polycarp his dif- 
ciple, and after him Irenasus, Bifhop of Lyons. Bifhop Stillingfleet, who carefully 
examined this ancient curfus or office, mows that it agreed with the Greek, and ma- 
terially differed from the Roman in the communion fervice, in the prophetical lef- 
fons, in the fermon and offices after it, and in various other particulars, and that 
this office was adopted by the Britifli church, and no doubt by the Irifh, which per- 
fectly fymbolized with it. Indeed we have direct and pofitive proof that our lituroy was 

not 

(9) Tti; xara A;iati *«/ <S>fuyiav Kii'/.lmt. Eufeb. 1. 5. c. I. 

(10) Po:hiiii quoque cpifcopi vel r.omen ipfum Grascam originem deugnat. Vales, ad Eufeb. fup. p. 86. 

(11) Cave. Hift. Liter, p. 3. Molheim. Cent. 2. (12) Eufeb. I. 5. c. 20. 
(13) Hieron. de Scrip. Eiclef. (14) Greg. Turon. Hill. Franc. 1. 1. c. }. 
(i^j Preferved by Spelnian. Cencil. V. 1. p. 176. 



56 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 

not the (16) Roman, in Gillebert the Bifliop of Limerick's epiftle to the Irifh Pre- 
lates in 1 090. We mail find the Irifh rites and ceremonies differing from the Ro- 
man, in the celebration of Eafter, in the adminiftration of baptifm, in the multi- 
plication of Bifhops, and in numberlefs other points wherein they agreed with the 
Afiatic and Britifh Christians, from whom they received their faith. Irenseus, in 
the 2d century, loudly complained of Romifh innovations, " that the fchifmatics 
at Rome had (17) corrupted the fincere law of the church, which led to the greateft 
impieties. Thefe opinions, adds he, the Prefbyters who lived before our times, who 
were alfo the difciples of the Apoftles, did in no wife deliver. I, who faw and 
heard the bleffed Polycarp, am able to proteft in the prefence of God, that if that 
apoftolic Prefbyter had heard thefe things, he would have flopped his ears, and 
cried out according to his cuftom, " Good God! for what times haft thou referved 
me, that I fhould fuffer fuch things. He would have fled from the place where he 
was fitting or ftanding, fhould he have heard thefe things." Thus far Irena;us. 

Thefe fentiments of Romifh corruptions the Afiatic miffioners brought with them 
into Weftern Europe, they inculcated them on their converts, and the horror and 
deteftation they excited in their minds were not effaced for many ages ; it lafted in 
Ireland for more than ten centuries. Such was the origin of Chriftianity in Ireland, 
and fuch the orientalifm of our rites and ceremonies, which cfuring our progrefs in 
thefe inquiries we fhall have frequent occafion to remark. 

How laborious foever thefe refearches may be, I apply to them with ardour and 
pleafure in hopes of difcovering truth ; but I confefs myfelf difpirited and dejected 
when reduced to the miferable necefiity of combating fenfelefs fictions, and all the 
ignorance and abfurdity of Irifh hagiography. No laurels are here to be reaped, no 
reputation to be obtained, and yet filent contempt would foon be conftrued into ac- 
quiefcence, if not approbation. 

The puerile figments of (18) Vincent of Beauvais, Moronus, Vafaldus, O'Sul- 
livan and Colgan, concerning the firft preachers of the Gofpel in Ireland, are to- 
tally undeferving notice. Prudentius has characlerifed fuch pious and lying fables in 
one line : 

Corrupda, dolus, commenta, inf omnia, fordes. 

The 

(16) Ut diverfi & fchifmatici illt ordines, quibus Hibernia pene delufa eft, uni Catholico & Romano ccdant officio. Uflcr. 
Syllog. Epii.p. 77. 

(17) E£tv«vT/«{ it rui «sn Vuy;/is tdv vyiti rtj; tx-xXyirias Sitftoi ?rupu%ttpurrevTav, Eipvmie$ httftfhs iTO7f«A.«s rvirwrru, 
Eufeb. 1. 5, c ao. 

(ii8) Richardfoi). prsleft. ccc. V. a. p. 102. Uffcr. Lloyd, Stillingfleet, &c. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. }%. 

The Ads of our (19) Saints inform us, that Kiaran, Declan, Ailbe and Ibar 
were Hibernians, who, after refiding at Rome for fome years, were confecrated 
Bifhops, and erected Sees here about the year 400. This is an artful monkifh fic- 
tion to excite our gratitude to Rome, who fo maternally watched over our falva- 
tion, and fent us thefe precurfors to reclaim us from paganifm. Bifhop Lloyd, 
though ingenuous and learned, was not profound in antiquities, fays", (20) " I dare 
not wholly reject thofe Irifh legends of Kiaranus, Declanus and Ibarus." Every 
refped is due to authenticated, and in remote matters, even to probable fads ; but 
why the fame regard is to be paid to fufpicious legends, is not eafy to difcover. It 
was his bufinefs to eftablifh their credit, but he found this too difficult to attempt. 
It was impoffible to be done ; for if thefe precurfors of St. Patrick ever exifted, and 
lived no longer than the reft of mankind, their age will be found pofterior inftead 
of being prior to that of our apoftle, who, it is faid was fent hither, A. D. 432. 
Now the annals of Ulfter and Innisfallen, as cited by (21) Ware, place the death of 
Ibar in 500, that of Ailbe in 527, of Declan later,' and Kiaran at an advanced age 
wasdifciple of St. Finian of Clonard, about 520. If we reject thefe authorities, we 
beftow on thefe precurfors a longevity beyond verifimilitude ; if we adopt them, the 
legend is more than doubtful. 

Thefe teachers we are told travelled to Rome, and there received ordination. 
This is incredible, becaufe Bede is an unexceptionable evidence that our hierarchy 
was exadly fimilar to the (221 Britifh, and that we know was independent and epif- 
copal. Epifcopal, for her Bifhops appeared in the Councils of Aries, Nice, Sardis 
and Ariminum, all in the 4th century. Independent, for the Britifli Prelates nobly 
oppofed the ufurpation of Auguftine fent by Pope Gregory, and refufed obedience 
to a foreign juriiclidion, confequently they would not (23) receive ordination from 
the hands of (hangers. But thefe filly fictions are trifles in comparifon of the le- 
gend of St. Patrick, which comes next to be examined. 

The exiftence of this Saint, and his converfion of the Irifh, are points not only 
nrmly believed by the Irifh, but referred to as undoubted hiitoric facts by every 

Q_ writer 

(19) Ufler. Prim. p. 789. (20) Of Church Government, p. 50 — 51. 

(2'.) Annot. in St. Patric. opufc. p. 106. 

(22) Scoti nihil difcrepabant in convcrfatione a Britannis Confervatio here means religions life, and frmetimes a nr 1 - 
Baltic rule. Du Cange in Converfare & converfatio. Btde fays again of the Irifh and Britons: Similem vitam & pro- 
fefiionem egilTe. Hanmer's Chron. p. 9. for the connection between the Irifh and Welfll. 

(23) Britannia ordinationes fuas intra fe fcmper concelebrabant, & hoc eft alterum juris patr.'arrhalis trLrSuot. five honrs- 
rarium. Uffer. de libert. Ecc. Brit. p. 1 18. An admirable work but little known. Set alfu Stillingfieet, fup. &. Ani'wxr 
to Creffy, Cave of Church Government, p. 244. 



58 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 

writer who has treated of the civil and ecclefiaflical hiftory of this country. But 
about the year 16 j 8, Doctor Ryves, one of the Matters in Chancery here, and 
Judge of the Faculties and Prerogative Court, to anfwer a (24) calumnious and in- 
flammatory libel, was obliged to confider minutely the ancient hiftory of our church. 
Doubts arofe in his mind as to the (25) reality of our apoftle, and of the age in 
which he was fuppofed to have flourifhed. However before he ferioufly applied to 
an inveftigation of thefe matters, he thought it proper and becoming to (26) confult 
Camden and Uftier, the two great luminaries of Britifh and Irifh Antiquities. To 
the latter he opens his objections 5 and firfl, he obferves the wonderful miracles re- 
corded by St. Patrick were neither common or believed in the age in which he lived ; 
and this he proves from St. Auftin, who was coetaneous with our apoftle. Secondly, 
he argues from the filence of Platina, who, though in his life of Pope Celeftine he 
mentions the fending St. Germanus into England and Palladius into Scotland, takes 
no notice of his appointing Patrick to Ireland, and therefore concludes he muit have 
lived later than was generally fuppofed. 

Unacquainted with Camden, yet defirous of his opinion, Ryves prevailed on Ufher 
to lay his letter before him, which he did. Ulher feems not to have a&ed friendly, 
impartially or candidly on this occafion, for in his letter to Camden, inclofing that 
of Ryves's, he endeavours to prepcffefs him in favour of St. Patrick, and even to 
point out what anfwer he fliould _give. He indeed remarks that " the ridiculous 
miracles faftened upon our Saint were the work of later writers," and in this Cam- 
den agrees. On the prefent occafion, our learned Primate and his excellent friend 
deviate ftrangely from ftricl; veracity ; for the Roman Martyrology, Erric of Aux- 
erre, Nennius and others, never omit St. Patrick's miracles when they name him ; 
they are both coeval and from the fame mint. Nor would an argument fo open to 
confutation ever have been brought forward was a better to be found. His miracles 
are fo monftrous and incredible, fo numerous and unnecefTary, and fuch a proftitu- 
tion of divine omnipotence, that the moft flupid, credulous or bigotted cannot di- 
geft them. Thefe firfl fuggefted to Ryves, as they would to every man of fenfe, the 
fufpicions before ftated. As to Platina, few were more converfant in ecclefiaftical hiftory 
than he ; fo that his filence about St. Patrick is really inexplicable, was he convinced of 
his miflion. A Cotton MS. recording St. Patrick, is much boafted of; furely we 
might expect to find in Ufher's Primordia, publifhed twenty-one years after his writ- 
ing this letter to Camden, an account of its poffeflbrs, its letters and language, fo as 

to 

(24) Ware's Writers by Harris, p. 340. (2,5) Ryv. rcgim. Anglic, inliib. p. 47> ct fco,. 

(i6) Camduii cpift. p. 136, ct fcij. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. 59 

. < ., < < « < .< « .< .< .< -< , < < < < < < < < < < < < < < <<<■< < < < < < ■<•<•<+»•>>•>• »•>■>•>..>..>..>. >..>.>. >•.>>..>..>.>..>■>>. >. >>..>.>.>>. >..>. >..>..>..>..>..>.. 

to enable us to form fome judgment of its antiquity; but none of thefe appear, if 
I recollect right, in that work. A Cottonian MS. occurs, but it is not noticed as 
remarkable for age or contents. 

Ryves thus difcountenanced by the oracular decifions of thefe eminent men, and 
overborne folely by authority, no farther purfued this curious fubject, a few hints 
excepted, although his learning enabled him to bring it to a fair conclufion. This 
triumph of hagiography over criticifm and erudition has continued to the prefent 
hour. A well-informed (27) writer in 1700 declared, " he was not fatisfied about 
St. Patrick's 365 Bimops, it was probably a fable, and himfelf a Saint of imagina- 
tion ; for who can tell, but Patricius Avernenfis may have funk a day lower in the 
calendar, and made the Irifh a Patricius Hibernenfis, or the Spanifli Patrick of 
Malaga, who, according to Luitprandus, lays claim to that day, might appear to 
the Irifh in a dream, as St. George did to the JEnglifh, and become their Prote&or 
and at lafi their Apoftle. For the calendar is the ground upon which the legenda» 
ries run divifions, and as barren as it feems to be, it has produced a world of devout 
fables. For in old time, give a Monk but a name, and he would quickly write a 
life." Thus far Maurice, whofe conjectures, thus vaguely and jocularly thrown out, 
are yet the refult of uncommon knowledge of the fubject, as we fhall now fee. 

The Calendar is certainly the ground-work of every fabulous legend. Each church 
we are (28) told kept one for its faints and martyrs, but Ruinart declares they were 
exceedingly imperfect. Nor could it be otherwife among barbarous nations, where 
Chriftianity was without eftablifhment and its preachers itinerant, fupporting a pre- 
carious life among rude and ferocious pagans. As the common martyrologies (29) 
were compiled from the Calendars, it will not be wondered at if they are but little 
to be depended on. But two have reached us, one Roman Calendar of the fourth 
and one Carthaginian of the fifth century, both to be fufpected and not contribut- 
ing to the credit of fuch works. Our calendars and martyrologies are lefs eftima- 
ble and of lefs authority. Colgan, it may be imagined, gives in the Preface to his 
Irifh Saints, the belt reafons he could invent to induce us to believe the tales he 
delivers concerning them. He quotes (30) Gorman, who writ about n 70; the 
Cafhel calendar compofed, as he fays, earlier s and the martyrology of iEngus and 
Melruan of the eighth century. Now the latter, like the other Irifh manufcripts, 

famous 

(27) Maurice's Defence of Epifcopacy, p. 155. Fuller's Church Hiflorj-, ad Ann. 730. 

(18) Ruinart. Prasf. gen. in A&.. Sincer. Martyr, p. 17. 

(19) Ex Kalendariis quse vulgata marryrologia anteceduiit, duo folunrmodo ad nos pervencre. Ruinart, fupra. 
(3=) Ut prasceream B. Mar. Gurraanum, qui ante annus prope quingeno.% &c. pr»f. ad Adt. Sane. Hibernia. 



6d OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 

..<<■■<■<•.<••♦.«<•< .<■.<..«.<.<..<■.<..<■.».<•<•<■•<■■<•.<••<•<••<•<■•<■<■•<••<••< •< •< •< ■<•■<•■<■■<*>•>■■>••>••>••>■■>•* >•■>•>•>• >•>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>..>.>..>. >..>..»..>..>. >..>. >..>..>. >.»..>..>.•>•>» 
famous in obfcurity, has never feen the light, nor is it to be regretted, becaufe it 
carries internal marks of forgery. Let one inftance fuffice. In its fecond Preface 
it cites the martyrology of St. Jerome. Launoy has (31) proved, that no fuch work 
under the name of St. Jerome was known to early writers, but that about the ninth 
century, a trick, then common, was practifed, that of fathering on him a fuppo- 
fititious performance. Neither Bellarmine or Sixtus Senenfis enumerate this among 
his works, fo that inftead of the eighth this martyrology cannot be older than the 
ninth century. Colgan acquaints (32) us, that the deaths of iEngus and Melruan 
are found in this martyrology and thofe of other faints pofterior to them, which 
he fuppofes the additions of fome Monk living about the conclufion of the ninth 
century. No proof is brought of this conjecture, fo that the antiquity of this 
work reds folely on the fuppofition of an interefted individual, and is oppofed by 
the ftrongeft external and internal proofs. Take the facts as Hated by Colgan him- 
felf, and let any judicious and impartial reader pronounce on the credibility and 
degree of weight this martyrology carries with it when it depofes for St. Patrick 
and other ideal faints. 

The (2,7,) Roman martyrology is the oldeft in which we find the name of our 
apoftle. This like the reft has been interpolated in various ages, fo that it is im- 
poffible to know what were its original contents. By the French antiquaries it has 
often been convicted of falfehood : its making Sergius Paulus firft Bifhop of Nar- 
bonne, and Dionyfius Areopagita the Apoftle of France, deflroys every claim it can 
make to authenticity. 

St. Patrick is in Bede's martyrology. "Whether he ever compofed fuch a work is 
very doubtful, as he barely hints at it in one of his compofitions. Cave's (34) opi- 
nion of that paffing under his name, is by no means in its favour. It would be 
tedious and difgufting to review the fables and errors of Ufardus, Notkerus Bal- 
bulus and others, who lived later, and have the name of our Apoftle : the fame 
bold, plaufible and groundlefs (35) figments crowd all their pages. 

What idea muft we form of Martyrologies, when Durandus, Bifhop of Maude, 
(36) declared, there were above five thoufand Saints for every day in the year ; and 

it 

(31) Difpundt. cpifi. P. de Marc, ad Vales, c. 6. p. 66. (32) Supra, p. 5R r. 

(13) Gedde9*$ Tra&s, V. 2. 

(34) Id quod nunc circumferuir, crebris aliorum interpolationibus, deturpatura effe multum, dudum notarunt. Hift. 
Lit. p. 355- 

(35) Vofs, de Hift. Lat. p. 309—697. Cave, fup. p. 187. Vales. adEulVb. 1. j. for the (lory of Zachariiw, 
{36) Bayk, Die. Crit. article, Launoi. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. Gi 

„«.»•< < ■««.<■.<-.<..« .< .< < < <<.<<■<■■« •<•<■<•< •< •< < < •<<•<■■< » <<•<•<< <+>■ >•>->•■>•>• >->~>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>,.>..>.>.>..>,.>..>..>. >.>. >..>.+.»»•><><>- 

it has been fuppofed, not improbably, that All Saints day was appointed, to fupply 
the want of days in the year, and to appeafe the anger of thofe who had not par- 
ticular honour paid them. Bollandus and Papebroch, learned Jefuits, Launoi, 
Tillemont and many other eminent Catholic writers not only reject thefe deified 
phantoms, but fpeak contemptibly of the reft. 

As nothing advanced by Ulher, Camden, or the Martyrologifts can in the 
fmallefl: degree fupply evidence of the exiftence of St. Patrick, fo neither will the 
general character of our Sanctology, which (37) Bollandus declares to be the com- 
pilation of arrant fablers, and not older than the 1 2th century. Tillemont's words 
are equally ftrong. " Que la plupart, font d'auteurs tres-fabuleux." This is the 
language of liberal, learned and enlightened Roman Catholic writers, who faw the 
difgrace brought on religion, and the real injury done it, by lying miracles and 
horrible blafphemies. Even St. Auftin in the 4th century declared (38) there were 
few genuine memoirs of Martyrs or Saints. The Trullan (39) council ordered all 
forged afts, which began greatly to multiply, to be burnt, becaufe as Balfamon on 
this Canon obferves, they lead " to laughter and infidelity." 

From the manner of compofing thefe Lives of Saints, we may judge of the de- 
plorable mental weaknefs of thofe who believe them, and the confummate hypocrify 
and wickednefs of thofe who inculcate them on the ignorant. Cardinal Valerio 
(40) tells us, it was ufual with the Monks to exercife their fcholars in compofition 
by propofing the ufual topics to them, the lives and martyrdom of Saints. Popular 
llories, and more commonly the fuggeftions of their own fancy, were the ground- 
work of their amplifications. The bed of thefe were laid by, and after fome 
years produced as genuine works. There is a curious anecdote in (41) Mr. Warton 
to this purpofe. About 1380, flourifhed Gilbert de Stone, a learned ecclefiaflic, 
and good Latin writer. The Monks of Holywell, in Flintfhire, applied to him to 
write the life of their patron-faint ; Stone afked for materials, he was anfwered, 
there were none ; upon which, he faid, " he could execute the work without mate- 
rials, and would write them a molt excellent Legend, after the maimer of the le- 
gend of Thomas a Becket." 

R By 

(37) Ab auiloribus fabulofiflimis confarcinata, nee ulla f*culo duodecimo priora. Afl. Sanct. ad 17 Martii. 

(38) Serm 93. ii9) Can. 63. (40) Bayle, Dicft. article, Valerius. 

41 ) Hiftory of F.nglilh poetry. V. 2. p. 190. Cardinal Beffarion faid of thefe deifications; affe _che cjuefti Santi mo- 
mi fanno r.ffai dubitarc deili paflati. 



62 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF' CHRISTIANITY; 

By fuch juvenile Monkifh exercifes, lives of St. Patrick multiplied amazingly. 
When Joceline fat down to compofe his life, he (42) found fixty-fix biographers had 
preceded him in this walk : all but four were deftroyed in the Norwegian invafion ; 
from thefe, he tells us, he felected fuch fads as deferved (43) belief. Here are 
fome of the miracles which our author thinks credible. St. Patrick while an infant, 
brought a new river from the earth, which cured the blind. He produced fire from 
ice. He raifed his nurfe from the dead. He expelled a devil from an heifer, and 
he changed water into honey. Thefe were but the infant fportfr of this wonder- 
working Saint. The miracles recorded in holy writ, even that of creation itfelf, are 
paralleled, and if pofTible furpaffed by thofe of our fpiritual hero. So that for 
authenticity, the Legend of St. Patrick merits no higher eftimation than the moft 
contemptible fictions. 

I fiiall now proceed with ftronger evidence, to prove our Apoftle an ideal per- 
fonage. If he received his million from Pope Celefline, his orders in the Church 
of Rome 5 was graced with the archiepifcopal dignity ; formed an hierarchy, and 
eftablifhed rites and ceremonies from Roman originals, as all his biographers boafl, 
can the utmofl flretch of human ingenuity aflign a reafon why Cogitofus, Adam- 
nan, Cummian and Bede have paffed over thefe interefting particulars unnoticed ? 
Bede, whofe predilection for Rome and her tenets had led him into many errors, 
and whom all allow to be well informed, never would have omitted fo capital an 
event as the converfion of Ireland by a miffioner from Rome, and the miracles of 
that miffioner in fupport of his favourite doctrines, did fuch facts or any tradition 
of them exifl in the beginning of the 8th century, for Bede died A. D. y^S- 

About the year 604, Laurence, Bifhop of Canterbury, and two other Prelates 
writing to the Bifhops and Abbots in Ireland, have thefe remarkable words : 
" When (44) the Apoftolic See fent us to thefe weftern parts to preach to pagan 
nations, and we happened to come into this ifland of Britain, we very much efteemed 
the holinefs of the Britons and Irifh before we knew them, believing they proceeded 
according to the cuftom of the univerfal church ; but we have been informed, that 
the Scots (the Irifh) do not differ in religious fentiments from the Britons, for Bifhop 
Dagan coming to us, not only refufed to eat with us, but even to take any repafl 
in the fame houfe." Let the advocates for the exiftence of St. Patrick confider 
well this citation. Bifhop Laurence fucceeded Augufline in the See of -Canterbury, 

and 

(42) Vit. S. Putric. ai;ud Meflingham, p. 81. 

(•io) QuascuiNjue fide digna repetire potui. Vit. S. Patricii. (44) Bed. I. i, c. 4. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. 63 

and was by (45) birth a Roman. St. Patrick was dead but an hundred years. 
Could all remembrance of his million from Rome, and his connexion with that 
See be forgotten in that fpace of time ; if it could not, would he have neglected to 
upbraid them with ingratitude to their Apoflle and a dereliction of his doctrines.? 
And does not this letter demonftrate what was before advanced of the difference 
between the Britifh and Roman Churches in religious tenets, and that the Irifh 
agreed with the Britifh ? By Bifliop Dagan's refufing to eat with, or remain in the 
fame houfe with the Roman miffioners, we mufl know, that a perfon whofe com- 
pany was thus rejected, was under excommunication, for fo it is expreffed in (46) 
ancient Irifh canons. The Britons, fays (47) Bede, would no more communicate 
with the Anglo-Saxons than with pagans. The Irifh, we fee, had exactly the fame 
fentiments. " The Britifh Priefts, complains (48) Aldhelm, puffed up with a con- 
ceit of their own purity, do exceedingly abhor communion with us, infomuch that 
they neither will join in prayers with us in the church, nor in communion, nor will 
they enter into fociety with us at table : the fragments we leave after refection, 
they will not touch but throw to dogs. The cups alfo out of which we have drank, 
they will not ufe, until they have cleanfed them with fand .and afhes. They refufe 
all civil falutations, and will not give us the kifs of pious fraternity. Moreover, if 
any of us go to take an abode among them, they will not vouchfafe to admit us, 
till we are compelled to fpend forty days in penance." Words cannot convey a 
ftronger deteflation of Popery than this teflimony of Aldhem, an excellent fcholar 
and contemporary with Bifliop Laurence* We may obferve that the Britifh and Irifh 
Churches had hierarchies independent and epifcopal among them, and that they 
fulminated excommunication againft intruders. 

In 630, the Roman clergy addrefs an epiflle (to be feen in Bede) to five Irifh 
bifhops and five prefbyters, on the pafchal feflival. Here, again, St. Patrick might 
be very properly and advantageoufly introduced, and his own, as well as his fuc- 
ceffors, practice in the fee of Armagh. But nothing to this purpofe occurs in our 
ecclefiaftical hiftorian: the Bifhops are ftyled, without any diflinction, the mofl 
beloved and mofl holy Tomianus, Columbanus, Cronanus, Dimanus and Baithanus. 
I have before mentioned the convention at Whitby in 661. Thefe, it may be faid, 

are 

y 

(45) Parker, de Antiq. Ecc. Brit. p. 73. Edit. Drake. 

(46) A communione & menfa, a tniffa & pace. S. Patric. opufc. fupra. Again : quicmique clericus ab aliquo excom- 
ttiunicatus fuerit & alius eum fufceperit, ambo coa:quali poenitentia utantur. Pag. 43. 

(47) Moris fit Britonum, fidem religionemque Anglorum fro nihilo habere; neque in aiiquo iis magis coramusikare 
quam paganis L. 1. c. 20. 

(48) Epift. ad Daainon. 44, inter Epift. Bonifac. 



64 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 

..<••<•<■<■■<•«•■<•■<••<•.< .< .<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..< .<<■<■•< .<..<•<■<■■< ■<•■<••<••< .<..<..<.<■.< ■<+>•■>■•>■■>.■>•>.■>..>. >.>.>.>..>..>..>..>>. >..>..>..>..>..»„>„>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>.*..>..>,>,; 
are negative arguments ; but is an accumulation of thefe of no weight, particularly 
in very remote matters ? But the fubjecl does not reft folely on thefe : it is a pofitive 
feci, that Columba and his Culdees differed widely, as we (hall fee, from Rome in 
doctrine and difcipline, in the 6th century, when St. Patrick was but a few years 
dead. We have juft feen the fame difference fubfifting in 604. In 6$g, Pope Ho- 
norius teftifies the fame in Bede, and in 730, Bede declares our averfion from 
Romifh cuftoms. Will any impartial and fober man affert, that if St. Patrick 
founded the Irifh church, and that his rites and ceremonies were from Roman arche- 
types, there could be fuch a total falling off from them within a few years after his 
death ? A barbarous people are ever retentive of firfl impreffions. Who was the 
preacher of thefe new opinions fo oppofite to the Roman ? Hiflory does not record 
his name. The facl is, and we find it has been amply confirmed, that Chrinianity 
flourifhed in Ireland long before the age of St. Patrick, and that it was firfl preached, 
not by Roman but by Afiatic miffioners, or their difciples, the latter diffenting in 
various important particulars from the former, as will hereafter appear. 

If the principal events of our Apoflle's life are fhovvn to be not only incredible 
and uncertain, but abfolutely falfe, it mull decifively remove the vulgar prejudices 
refpecling his exiflence and million. He is (49) faid to have been a North Briton, 
born at Kilpatrick, A. D. 372, his father was Calpurnius a Deacon, the fon of 
Potitus a Prieft, his mother was ConchefTa, niece of St. Martin, Bifhop of Tours. 
Baronius and -Florilegus tell us he was a native of Ireland : O'Sullivan that he was 
born in Britanny : the Scholiaft on Joceline that he was from Cornwall, and others 
make him a Welfhman. See the mofl wretched fenfelefs trafh collecled by Ufher as 
to his parentage, life and adventures, with his genealogy up to Brutus. Primor. 
c. 17 5 and who tired at lafl, fays with Horace, 

Incerta hcec ft tu pqftules 

Railone- certa facere, nihilo plus agas 

S$uam fi des operam ut cum ratione infanias. 
And yet he is a flickler for St. Patrick ! 

Now Bede has {50) declared, that the Southern Scots did not receive the faith till 
412, nor the Northern before 565, fo that Calpurnius and Potitus were Chriftian 
Priefts in Scotland long before it was evangelized. St. Martin was (51) born at 
Sabaria in Pannonia or Hungary 5 how his niece came to marry our North Briton, 
no one has yet explained. It feems it was fafhionable for miffioners to be related 

to 

{49) Ware'* Bithops by Harris, initio. (50) Lib. 3, c. 4» (51) Sulp. Sever, vit. S. Martin. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. 6$ 

to St. Martin, for Ninian who converged the Southern Scots was alfo his (52) ne- 
phew. 

Our Apoftle, confcious of his inability to convert the Irifh without proper qualifi- 
cations, fuch as travelling and ftudy fupplied, removed to the Continent, vifited 
Italy and remained among the Canons of the Lateran for fome time, and then with 
the Monks difperfed in the ifles of the Tufcan Sea. Thirty-five years were fpent in 
this manner. St. Patrick's refidence in the Lateran is void of truth ; for Onuphrius 
(53) affures us from the archives of that church, that Pope Gelafius was the firfl 
who placed canons there, and he was raifed to the pontificate, A. D. 492, one year 
before the death of St. Patrick. 

After this preparatory discipline, he was confecrated Bifhop by Amatus or Pope 
Celeftine, who granted him the dignity of Archbifhop. Here all his biographers, 
ancient and modern, difcover their ignorance of ecclefiaftical hiflory. On the efta- 
blifhment of chriflianity, to preferve to the Bifhop of the (54) Metropolis his rank, 
the title of Archbifhop was invented. At the Ephefine Council in 431, Cyril Bi- 
fhop of Jerufalem, and Celefline Bifhop of Rome, were publicly honoured with 
this flyle. Before Theodore, Archbifhop of Canterbury, enjoyed this title in 673, 
it was unknown in Britain; and (55) Mabillon is confident, that few claimed or af- 
fumed it before the ninth century. 

In 462, St. Patrick went to Rome, and related to Pope Hilary the fuccefs of his 
million, which was fo pleafing, that the Pope as a mark of his'efteem, conferred on 
him the Pall and Legatefhip of Ireland. We may form fome notion of the credit 
due to this flory when Doctor Talbot, titular Archbifhop of Dublin (56) fays, " that 
St. Patrick was neither Archbifhop, Primate, or Metropolitan : that his Pall is chi- 
merical, made of goat's wool, and flies through the air, fewn to the reliques of 
Stephen the Proto-martyr." This is fpeaking pretty plainly for a Roman Catholic 
Prelate, and treating thefe monkifh falfehoods with juft contempt. Talbot, through- 
out his work, evinces ftrong good fenfe and liberality, with confiderable learning ;; 
thefe led him to defpife the filly legends on which his antagonift, Doctor Mac 
Mahon, fo much relied, and he had truth on his fide when fie rejected the legate- 

s fhip 

(St) Uffer. p. 662. (53) Annot. ad Platiiv. p. 6S. 

(54) Ut Aucem maneret Metropolitan Alexandrino fuus honor, inventura eft Archiepifcopi nomen. Marlham. Propyl. z& 
Monaft. Anglican. 

(55) De Re Diplon. 1. 2. c. a. 

(56) Jus Primat. Armacan. p. 116 — 133, a controverfial work, wherein the right of Dublin or Armagh to the Primacy 
u diicuffed, by Talbot on one lido, and Mac Mahon on the other. A. D. 1 724. 



66 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 



..'<<< < < < < < < .<••<■.< ■<■<■<■.« « .<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<..< .<..<.<..<..<.<.<.. 



•>..»■.•►.».>•.. 



fhip of St. Patrick, for there was no fuch office as Legatus a Latere until the ($j) 
fecond Nicene Council, A. D. 787, above three centuries after the deceafe of our 
Apoftle ; nor were palls beftowed in Ireland before the (58) year 1 152. It muft be 
as tirefome to the reader as it is to the writer to purfue farther this critical examina- 
tion of the life of our Saint. I do not hefitate in affirming, that every chapter in 
Joceline, Colgan and Probus is liable to fimilar ot>jec~ttons ; internal and invincible 
proofs thefe, that our Apoftle and his Hiftory are equally fabulous. Even the Edi- 
tor of Probus (59) candidly confefles that his authenticity is doubted, as in fome 
things he is palpably falfe : and Richard Stanihurfl, Uncle to Archbifhop Ufher, 
aflured him there are many inftances of childifh anility, and others direftly con- 
trary to evangelical truth. 

Let us next inquire how St. Patrick came to be dubbed the Patron Saint of Ire- 
land. The ninth century, famous for reviving and incorporating Pagan practices 
with the Chriflian ritual, obferving that Rome had her (60) Mars, Athens her Mi- 
nerva, Carthage her Juno, and every country and city a proper and peculiar deity, 
whofe guardian care was its greater! protection and fecurity, conceived it a very be- 
coming employment for Chriflian Saints to affume the patronage of a Chriflian Peo- 
ple, and to interefl them the more in this new occupation, they brought their bones 
or reliques, wherever laid, and depofited them in the principal church of the me- 
tropolis. The fuperftition and illiteracy of the age were favourable to every clerical 
impofition. Thus Hilduin, in the beginning of the ninth century, was not afhamed, 
fuch was the deplorable ignorance of the times, to affirm to the Emperor Louis, 
that St. Luke in the A£ts of the Apoftles called Dionyfius a mofl illuftrious noble- 
man and an excellent philofopher, and that he was (61) ordained the Apoftle of 
Gaul. Though nothing like this is in the Acts, it pafTed current, for Hilduin was 
an ecclefiaflic of high rank, being Abbot of St. Germain. Here we have the ori- 
gin of the patron of France. 

About the year 816, Pope Leo III. made St. James the Apoftle the patron of 
Spain. He (6z) afferts with all the confidence of infallibility, that at the inflance 
of Abiathar, the Jewifh high prieft, St. James was flain by Herod : that his body 

was 

(57) Cafaub. Exercit. in Baron, p. 386. (58) Ware's Bifhops, p. 58. (59) ApudUfler. p. 818. 

(60) A curious lift, of thefe " Dii proprii" may be fecn in Bayeri addit. ad Selden. de Dis Syris, p. 167 — 168, and a not. 
Jefs curious catalogue of Chriflian tutelar deities is in Ant. Maced. de Dis tutclaribus orbis chriiliani Ulyflipon. 1687. 

folio. 

(61) Totius Gallis Apoflolum ordinatum. A pud Surium. ad Oiil, 9. p. 230. 

(62) Apud Marian, c. 1 1, Baron, ad A. C. 8i6. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. 6 7 

■ < i < < <. ( .< .< < <..< < < < .« < <• < •* <<••<<■<<■<•<< •<••<■•<■•<-•< •<••<■•<•<■<••<+>■'>•>■>•>■■>■>■>■■>••►•>•>■>••>•>■>•>> ».■>..>. >. >>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>..>..>. >..>. >..>.>..,.. 
was concealed and placed in a boat, which at that inftant miraculoufly offered itfelf j 
that, after failing far, it landed in Galicia, and the body from thence was tranflated 
to Compoftella. In virtue of thefe reliques, the Archbifhop of Compoftella in 
1 21 5, boldly claimed in the Lateran Council the prerogatives due to his See. The 
proof of the legend, through a monftrous fiction, thus grounded and fanctified by 
time, did not admit of particular exceptions, and therefore Ximenes, Primate of 
Toledo, took the fhorteft courfe with it, by peremptorily denying the arrival of St. 
James in Spain ; and in this, after a lapfe of many centuries, he is fupported by 
Baronius againfl Pope Leo. The Scots, in an (6$) Apology to Pope Boniface 
VIII. give nearly the fame account of the coming of the reliques of St. Andrew, 
their patron ; this was in the reign of Ungus, and in the ninth century alfo. If the 
Irifh had no other examples, France was fufficient for their imitation, in conftituting 
a tutelary deity for their Ifle ; France was the afylum of the learned Hibernians in 
the 9th age from the Danifh tyranny. This confideration well deferves attention, 
but I rely more on written evidence, liable to no miftake. 

It is an undoubted fact, that St. Patrick is not mentioned by any author or in any 
work of veracity in the 5th, 6th, 7th or 8th centuries. In 858, we find his name 
and miracles in a (64) fragment of Nennius : this fragment is compofed of the wild- 
eft incoherences and exactly in the ftyle of the incredible fictions of that age. It 
feems to have been compiled from an Irifh Legend, as in fome places it refers to it. 
About 880, Herric of Auxerre, in his life of St. German, calls St. Patrick, " Hi- 
bernian peculiaris Apoflolus," the proper apoflle of Ireland, and at the fame time 
he was inferted in Ufuard's Martyrology. Thefe, I apprehend, are the firfl and 
oldeft notices of our Patron Saint, for he was not heard of when Bede died in 

735- 
In Ufuard's and the Roman Martyrology, Bifhop Patrick of (65) Auvergne is 

placed at the 16th day of March, and on the fame day the office of the Lateran 

Canons, approved by Pope Pius V. celebrates the feflival of a Patrick the apoflle of 

Ireland. The 17th of March is dedicated to Patrick, Bifhop of Nola. Had not 

Doctor Maurice then the beft reafons for fuppofing that Patricius Avernenfis funk a 

day lower in the Calendar and made for the Irifh a Patricius Hibernenfis ? This 

feems exactly to be the cafe. It is very extraordinary the 16th and 17th of March 

fhould 

(63) UITer. p. 340. According to Rous, St. George did not begin his patronage of England ia n8o. Hift, rag, 
Anglia;, p. "42. Edit. Hearne. Matt. Weftni. adann. 1301. Hc<5t. Boeth. 1. 6. for St. Audrew. 

(64) Edit. Beiuam, p. ya. (6j) Ufll-r. p. 807. 



68 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY, 

..< .< ■< <<..<.<«■< *.<-i ■<■•<■<< < < < < .<<•■<•<■<•<<•■< •<•< •<■•<■< ■< <•<•<•<■•« •<*>>>■ >■•> >••>■ >■ > ■■>• >•>•>■>>■ >.■>>..>• >>■>>• >>>■>• > >■>•>•>> >■>>■ >>>> 
fhould have three Patrick's, one of Auvergne, another of Ireland, and a third of 
Nola! The Antiquities of Glaftonbury record three Patrick's, one of Auvergne, 
another Archbifhop of Ireland, and a third an Abbat. The laft, according to a 
Martyrology cited by Ulher, went on the million to Ireland, A. D. 850, but was 
unfuccefsful ; he returned and died at Glaftonbury. If all that is now advanced be 
not a fardel of monkifh fi&ions, which it certainly is, the laft Patrick was the man 
who was beatified by the bigotted Anglo-Saxons, for his endeavours to bring the 
Irifh to a conformity with the Romifh Church. Camden remarks, " that as for 
Patrick's miracles I verily think that fabulous writers in fueceeding ages ampli- 
fied them and forged others, yea and might in that ignorant and credulous age 
affix upon him thofe of St. Patrick of Bulgaria." This is fairly giving up the le- 
gend of St. Patrick as a ficlion. I know nothing of Patrick of Bulgaria, but the 
Bulgarian Prince, Boger, and his people received Chriftianity, A. D. 845. So that 
every circumftance and inquiry feem to point out the, 9th century as the precife time 
when a Patron Saint was bellowed on Ireland. 

St. Auguftine, fpeaking of the paffions of Fru&uofms and Eulogius, (66) obferves,. 
te we are taught but only to worfhip God : for we ought not to be (6y) fuch as the 
Pagans are, whom we lament upon that very account, becaufe they worfhip dead 
men." In another (68) place he declares, even Angels are not to be adored, and 
that they would be highly difpleafed at being worfhipped. "With fuch fentiments as 
thefe, and they were thofe of the age afcribed to St. Patrick, can we be furprifed 
at Doctor Ryves denying the exiftence of a Saint, whofe hiftory and miracles out- 
rage credibility ? Not one folid argument can be adduced from Calendars, Martyro*- 
lo<nes or Irifh Hagiography, that fuch a perfon lived in the 5th century ; but there 
are numberlefs ones drawn from the filence of writers in the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th 
centuries, as well as direft and pofitive proofs of the doctrine and difcipline of the 
Irifh church being different from the Roman which he taught. Is it not then to be 
hoped and earneftly wifhed, from this impartial evidence and the authorities on 
which it is founded being thus fairly laid before the public, that no fuch prayers as 
the following may be hereafter addreffed to him or others deified by wretched mor- 
tals ? ' 

" O God, (69) who vouchfafed to fend St. Patrick, a Confeffor and Bifhop, to 
preach thy glory to Gentiles, grant to thofe begotten by him through thy Gofpel in 

Jefus 

(66) Strm. IOJ. de Diverfis. 

(67) N<:que enim talcs efie debemii9 qualcs paganoBdolemus, & quidem ill! mortuos homines colunc. Auguft. fupra, 

(68) Tunc trbt irafcitur Angelus, quando ipi'um culere volueris. Auguft. in Pfalni. 96. , 

(69) Offvc, prop. S. Hiberniw, in fedo S. Patric, p. 80, A, D. 1 769. 



AND OF SAINT PATRICK. 6g 

■•« < •<<■<■< <■<<< < ■< .< ■< .< .< ■«.<.< <.<•<.< < < .< < <•<•<■■<••< < ■< •<■<■<•<■<■•<+>•>••>••>.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>•>->..>..>.>..>.>.■>. >..>..>.». >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>.. 

Jefus Chrift, that remaining unmoveably in the do&rine which he delivered, we may 
be able through him to fulfil what thou commanded !" Nor this. (70) " Increafe 
in us, O Lord, our belief of a refurreftion, thou who worked miracles by the re- 
liques of thy Saints, Patrick, Bridget and Columba, and make us partakers of im- 
mortal glory, of which we adore the pledges in their afhes !" 

Such addreffes to the Almighty and through fuch mediators are profane and mock- 
ing mockeries. Where, it may be afked, is the doctrine delivered by St. Patrick to 
be found ? Certainly not in the Practice of the ancient Irifh church. Columba and 
his Culdees, as I before fhewed, differed widely in religious opinions from the Ro- 
manifts, and yet he is joined with St. Patrick as if he held the fame belief. St. 
Bridget is an imaginary Saint like Patrick. The Roman Catholics of Ireland are a 
liberal and enlightened people, nor is it poffible they will be longer amufed with fic- 
titious legends, or pay their adoration to ideal perfonages. The night of igno- 
rance and fuperflition is paffed, and with it the ruftic and undifcerning piety of 
dark ages. A fcriptural, rational and manly religion is alone calculated for their 
prefent improvements in fcience and manners : this alone will eftablifh an empire in 
the heart of every thinking and well difpofed man, which no revolution will be able; 
to make. 

Pratcn'ta veniam dabit ignorantia culpa. 

(70) Ofiic.prop. fupra. dc Invent. SS. Patric. Brigid. & Columb. p. 128. 




ANECDOTES 



( 70 ) 



v, + + + + + * + + ** + + + + *+* + *** + + * + + ** + + * + * + + + + + + * + + + + * + + + 
'*«»»' '**»•* '*•»•* *•.*•* *'*»«' *»«,•• *•*.«• •*#»•' *•#»■* '*«#»* *'#•»* *'<»•* **«#*' *•«»•" *'#••* *•*••" **«••' *'*•»* '«•» '''••'"''•••** ,, *«»* , * , «»«"*' , #»»' , ' , #«»**''«,« , "'»# e »'"'. i »** 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 

WHEN mankind, in the middle ages, deferted the fimple, intelligible and 
holy Religion revealed in the infpired writings, and adopted a compound, 
pagan and fuperftitious polytheifm : when the merits of a redeeming Saviour were 
thought infufficient without the mediatorial aid of deified mortals to procure falva- 
tion, very little could be urged in extenuation of fo ominous a dereliction of chris- 
tian principles. But that fomething mud unavoidably be conceded to human infir- 
mity and to converts, ignorant, barbarous, and emerging from idolatry, to long 
habits and ftrong prepofieffions, is the voice of reafon, fanctioned by facred hiflory. 
This is a very different cafe from the former: the one was a vicious pruriency, arifing 
from too profperous a flate of chriflianity ; the other could not be remedied without 
the interpofition of miraculous powers. Our firfl miffioners therefore did as little 
violence as poffible, to the prejudices of our Heathen anceflors, in eftablifhing the 
Gofpel among them, and by judicious condefcenfions gained their affections and 
attention. It mufl be confeffed, they too frequently yielded more than could be 
juflified : perhaps the cloud that obfcured Chriflianity in thofe ages prevented their 
feeing the criminality and danger of fuch a conduct : or they might imagine they 
were not injuring its effentials, when they admitted fome pagan practices as tempo- 
rary expedients. Let this matter be as it may, when the firft preachers of the 
Gofpel began their labours in thislfle, they found an heathen Hierarchy everywhere 
exercifing their offices in groves, caves, and ftone-circles ; at fingle upright pillars, 
or amid the gloom of ponderous trilithons. Exifling monuments authenticate this 
fact, and this fact and fimilar ones open new profpects of our Antiquities, intereft- 
ing, instructive and curious. The following, connected with my fubject, may ferve 
as a fpecimen; for on this and every other fubject much remains for the ingenuity 
and erudition of others. 

The firfl chriflian miffioners fucceeding the Druids, confecrated the circuit of the 
grove anew to religion, and called it Doire, in Irifh the Oak. Thus Columba (i) 

founded 

(i) ArchdaL** Monaft. Hib. p. 84. 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 71. 

founded in the 6th century, two celebrated monafteries, one in the oaken grove in 
the town of Doire, after corrupted to Derry : the other at Doire-magh, or Durrow, 
the field of oaks, in the King's county. The names of other chriftian churches, as 
Doire-macaidecain, Doire-mella, Doire-more, Dar-inis, Dar-neagh, Dore-Arda, 
Dore-Bruchais, Dore-Chaochain, Dore-Chuifcrigh, Dore-dunchon, have the fame 
origin. Others were named Kil-doire, Kil-derry, &c. literally the oaken church. 
Kil at firft was in Irifh a grave ; but when relicks were introduced, then it expreifed 
the tomb of the particular Saint, and in this our miflioners adapted themfelves to 
the Druidic practice, and this Kil or tomb fucceeded the — Secretum illud — that holy 
fpot, the object of veneration. Hence Kildare, Kilabban, Kilbrige, Kilcatain j St. 
Alban's, St. Bridget's and St. Catain's churches. 

Though Scythifm had polluted the Celtic ritual, and abolifhed mod of its purer 
practices, it yet retained the greateft refpect for trees ; they identified (2) them with 
their deities, and appropriated them to facred and civil purpofes. The act of cut- 
ting or injuring them, incurred a fevere (3) penalty. Some (4) archers, who in the 
1 2th century deflroyed the facred timber in the church-yard of Finglas near Dublin, 
were fuppofed to have died of an uncommon peftilence. Thus our firit preachers 
endeavoured to fupplant the Druids and their grove-worfhip by erecting chriftian 
edifices in oaken groves. A procedure more effectual than the (5) decrees of coun- 
cils. 

The holinefs of Caves was as firmly believed as that of Groves. In thefe the 
Druids (6) performed divine offices and taught their difciples. Of thefe the Chrif- 
tian miflioners loon difpofieffed them. At Rofcarbury are fome of thefe (7) ancient 
Caves, and there St. Fachnan very early founded a See and literary feminary. At 

(8) Lifmore is a Druidic Cave, and there was alfo a celebrated fchool and Cathedral; 
and near the latter was the refidence of an Anachoret from the remoteft time. He 
was the genuine fucceffor of the Druidic Semnotheift. This name is given by 

(9) Diogenes Laertius to our Druidic afcetics. Neither Cafaubon or Menage fatis- 

factorily 

(a) Arborcm iHam excidi oportere, quia eflet djcmoni dedicata. S. Sev. vit. S. Martin, p. 310. Mallet, fup. V. a 
p. 57. Barthol. fup. p. .20. 

(3) TaxusSaneli libram vaiet. Leg. Wall. p. 262. The Editor's note is: Sancto alicui dedicata Dubricio, Telao, 
quales apud Wallos in coeniiterio etiamnimi, (A. D. 1730) frequentes vifuntur. 

(4) Ea tempeflate (about 1 1 70) fagittarii apud Finglas in arbores Sanclorum manibus per coemeterium plantatas enor- 
initer defevi^mes, fuigulari pefte confumpti. Gir. Camb. p. p. 1 176. 

(;) Lindenborg. p. 155 7. Cone. Nairn, c. 2. Burchard. 1. 10. c. 1. 

(6) Mel. 1 3- c. 3. (7) Smith's Cork, V. 1. p. 267. (8) Smith's Yv'aterford, p. 333. 

(9) In proem. Edit. Menagii. Dickinfon, Dclp, Phosn. p. 186. Schcd. de Dis Germ. p. 423. Bruker. T. 1. p. 3*3. 



• 7 2 ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 

••«•«•<■<•«■■<•<■<■<■<■•< •<<■< .«.♦.<..<■.<..<..< .< .<..<.«..<..<..<..<..<.< .<..<•< •<■■<<•<•<+>■>••>••>• >••>••>••>••>.>..>..>..>..>• >•>• >.>..>..>.>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>.»..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..». >„ 

fadtorily explain this word, and others are as unfuccefsful. Semnotheus feems to 
have been a folitary (10) religionift, who in a fecret and devious cell gave himfelf 
up to the contemplation of heavenly things. The Druids were indebted to their 
abftra&ion from the world (clam & diu, are Mela's words) for the refpecl: and reve- 
rence in which they were held, and fo were the Monks, who fucceeded them. The 
veneration for the one was eafily transferred to the other. The Druids called their 
retreats, (n) Cluain, which the Monks expreffed by an equivalent word, Difert 
from the Latin Difertum. We have between feventy and eighty Cluains, Clones 
and Cloynes in Colgan and Archdall, and a great number of Diferts, both pre- 
fixed to the names of churches $ at once pointing out and preferving to this day 
their origin. 

A very remarkable inflance occurs in France to corroborate what has been ad- 
vanced. Felibien, (12) fpeaking of the Caves under the church of Chartres, fays: 
Les grottes qui font fous cette eglife, & qu'on pretend avoir efte commencees 
dans les temps que les Druydes y dedicerent un autel a une vierge qui devoit en- 
fanter, ont prefque autant d'efpace que l'eglife haute, &c. The grand aflembly of 
the Gaulifh and Britifh Druids, according to Csefar, was held " in finibus (13) Car- 
jiutum," probably at this very place, and over thefe Caves a Chriftian church was 
ere&ed. 

In the compound religion, (as heretofore explained) profefled by the Druids, 
ftone pillars, circles, and trilithons were temples : no ftronger inftance can be given 
of the Chriftian coming direclly into the place of the Pagan clergy than that of 
St. Iltut. In Brecknockfhire is Ty Ilhtud, or St. Iltut's cell. This was compofed 
of three upright flones and an impoft, forming an oblong fquare of eight feet by 
four, and as many high. Here the Saint led an eremetic life. In this cell are nine 
different forts of crofles, and yet the Editor of Camden very truly obferves, that 
notwithftanding thefe the cell was made in the time of paganifm, and originally 
ftood in a ftone circle. His other facred ftru&ure at Llan Iltut or Llantwit in Gla- 
morganshire, as the word (15) Llan imports, ftood within a Druidic grove. The 
Scythic here added tothe Celtic fuperftition ftone-pyramids, which are in the church- 
yard, and were after converted into crofles. Here alfo St. Iltut had a (16) famed 

fchool 

(10) Sccreta & inaccefia loca vocant Semna, Rhodog. p. 316. Suid. in tiftmov. Philo fays: mata isiv oixr.ftu »/<» » 
iccXtirai trifivtm. De vit. theor. , 

(11) O'Brien in voce. (ia) Recueil hiftoriq. p. 189, 

(',}) In Cnibus Carnutum, confidunt loco confecrato. Csf. 1. 6. (14) Camden in loco. 

(ij) Rowland's Mon. Antic}, p. 8;. CoJgan for Llans. (16) Utter. Prim. p. 49*- 



I 




x> 






Nj,| 






J 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 73 

fchool in which the mofl eminent Welfh ecclefiaftics received the rudiments of 
learning. 

In Ireland things proceeded exactly as in Wales. Not far from the church of 
(17) Templebrien is a ftone-circle with a central pyramidal pillar : near the church- 
yard is another pyramid, and not far diftant a third. A few paces from the laft, 
there is an artificial cave, probably, fays Smith, a fepulchre or the retreat of the 
Pried or Druid who belonged to the Pagan temple. Both might be true. The 
Highlanders fay they are going to the (18) Clachans, meaning the ftone-circle, when 
they are going to the Kirk or Church : an irrefragable living proof of the idea here 
purfued. Our Cloghar, which now (19) fignifies a congregation, originally im- 
ported a (lone, about which people met for religious duties : nor can there be any 
doubt but the natives faid they were going to the Cloghars as the Scotch to the 
Clachans. Our Antiquaries for want of better information, make hiftories from 
etymologies. Thus of Clogher they have made (20) Clochor, or the golden-ftone, 
with fictions too contemptible to be retailed. The church of Benachie in Scotland 
is built in a Druidic circle, not the effect of chance as the ingenious (21) Anti- 
quary remarks, but of choice to allure the heathen inhabitants to chriftianity. At 
Skirk, in the Queen's county, is a pagan fane, a view of which is here given. It 
is fituated on a lofty hill, where the eye has an extenfive range, as Ci Erk contracted 
into Skirk intimates. Its area is furrounded with a deep intrenchment, and within 
it is a pyramidal (tone fix feet high, with the flumps of others which made the 
temple. Towards the Eaft is a cromleadf, and to the North an high keep or explo- 
ratory fort, and contiguous is the parochial church. The cuitom of erecting churches 
on the fite of heathen temples continued in Scotland to the 10th century: for Pa- 
trick, Bifhop of the Hebudes, defires (22) Orlygus to found a church where he 
mould find three upright (tones. Thefe pillars were preferved by the firft builders 
of churches: they (23) appear in England and Scotland. At the weft end of the 
abbey of Downpatrick is a very high one, and another was in the abbey church of 
St. Thomas, Dublin. 

u A curious 

(17) Smith's Cork, V. l. p. 411. 

(18) Archxologi3, V. 1. p. 312. Shaw apiul Penant'i tour in Scotland. 

(19) O'Brien in voce. (to) Harri»'s Ware, p. 124, 
(21) Cordincr's Views and Scenery, p. 34. 

(21) Johnftone's Antiq. Ceko. Scand. p. l<\ 

(a 3 ) Archxologia, V. 5. for Rudilon pillar, and for that *f Ruthwcll, Pennant'* tour ia Scotland BanhoUne giv«< 1 
curiuue iriftar.ee, Sup. p. 6Z7. 



74 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 



.<■■< ■< •<-■<■•<•<-<•< •< •< ■<• 



< < -•< < ■<•<•< ■<<■<■<■■< < < < •<<■<•■<••< ■<- 



••>■•>■■>■>■>•>••>■•>■>■>■'►•>•• 



A curious inftance of the union of the Scythic and Druidic rituals occurs in (24) 
Holftein ; confirming and explaining what has been advanced. '* At a place, called 
the Bride's-field, is a hill furrounded by a grove of oaks, and on it a cave or room 
made up of five uprights, and fome fmaller ftones, and on them is laid an import of 
great length and thicknefs ; the lower part of which is fmoother than the top, 
which in its middle has an excavation to ferve as a chanel. The length of the room 
is feven feet, and its height three and an half. This is evidently our Cromleach. 
It is plain, fays the writer, that this was formerly a place of worfhip and facrifice, 
for Wormius teaches us, fuch were the Altars of the Cimbri and northern people. 
How untruly then does Casfar (25) fay, that the Germans had neither Druids or 
facrifices, when great numbers of places, fimilar to this now mentioned, occur 
every where at this day. So that Glareanus, in his notes, had good reafon to cor- 
rect and charge him with negligence." 

But, continues our author, you will inquire perhaps, what fort of gentile fuper- 
ftition was pra&ifed in this grove ? If any inference can be drawn from the name, 
Bride's-field, it is not -unlikely but that the newly married reforted there with their 
offerings, vows and fupplications for future happinefs : for as Servius on Virgil ob- 
ferves : no marriage, or ploughing of ground was undertaken until the facrifices 
were firft offered. So great was the veneration for thefe groves, that no one vifited 
them without leaving a prefent. — Thus far this author, and in other parts of the lad 
cited work, Leibnitz, Sperling, and other German antiquaries clearly perceive the 
difference between Celtic and Scythic practices, as well as the mixture of both in 
many exifting monuments. 

In the early ages of Chriftianity, churches were not common, the Bifhop and 
Clergy refided together in Cathedra, which was the epifcopal fee, and where after- 
wards a cathedral church was conftru&ed.- This was founded on the ruins of fome 
celebrated pagan temple, as that (26) of Kil-dare in a Druidic grove, that of Deny 
is the fame, thofe of Rofcarbury and Lifmore near Druidic caves and Cloghar in a 
Druidic Hone-circle. The cafe was the fame with every ancient fee in Ireland, but 

time 



(24) Nov. liter, maris Baltici. Sep. 1699, p. 287, 288. 

(15) Quam falfo igitur de Gernianis eorumque vicinis borealibus J. Cffifar dixerit, neque Dru ides habent, neque fa- 
craficiis ftudent. Nov. lit. fup. See alfo Nov. liter. Jul. 1700, p. 194. There was found in a barrow a knife, with a 
Runic infcription, fhewing it was ufcd in facrificing to Thor. Other inftances of Scythic monuments in Druidic grove* 
may be feen in this work. 

(26) Hanmer, from the legend, fays : " Bridget builder! a Cell for her abode under a goodly faire oke, which after- 
wards grew to be a monafterie of virgins, called Cylldara, in Latin, selia ^uercus." Sup, p. 45. 




/^ 



c 











F i G D '!'. ES on a SfOWJP CR&SS at TKIIiClTLJUEJlN", 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. y $ 

time has deprived us of documents to authenticate it. The converts having no 
(27J fixed chapels or paftors, the latter were fent to inftrucl: them occafionally, and 
the place of meeting was always where fuch aflemblies were ufually held in times of 
paganifm, at upright pyramidal ftones or in (tone-circles. Thefe upright ftones 
were, by an eafy operation of carving a (28) crofs on them, changed from an hea- 
then to a chriftian fymbol ; and they ferved for churches among the Saxons in 740, 
as a (29) Britifh miilioner informs us, and among the Irifli, as is evident from what 
has been related. 

AYe have in this ifland an infinite variety of erodes, one of great rudenefs, and 
another elegantly defigned and executed I mail now lay before the reader. The firft 
here given is the (haft of a crofs at old Kilcullen, in the county of Kildare. The 
ftyle is grotefque and very uncommon in this kingdom, and in a great meafure was 
confined to the Danifh ages. The nine figures in three compartments, fknilarly 
drefled, are ecclefiaftics. They have bonnets, tunics and trowfers, and the fa/hion 
of their beards is lingular. In another compartment a clergyman holds the crofier 
and part of the epifcopal garments of a prelate who lies dead. The figures in the 
other compartments are grotefque. On comparing them with thofe at Adderbury 
church, at Grymbald's crypt, and particularly with the carved ftones in Rosfhire, 
at Neig, and with others given by the ingenious Mr. Cordiner in his remarkable 
ruins in Scotland, all of them the work of the Danifh ages, a perfeft refemblance 
of ftyle will be found between them. I therefore conjecture they are coeval or 
nearly fo with the round Towe at KilcuJIen, and that chefe figures were carved 
about the 10th century. f *L^r 

The other ornamented crofs is at (30) Clonmacnois. The ftone is fifteen feet 
hio-h, and ftands near the weftern door of Teampull Mac Diarmuid. Over the 
Northern door of this church are three figures : the middle St. Patrick in pontifica- 
libus, the other two St. Francis and St. Dominic in the habits of their Orders. 
Below thefe are portraits of the fame three Saints and Odo, and on the fillet is this 
infcription : " Dous Odo Decanus Cluanm. fierit fecit." Mafter Odd, Dean of 
Clonmacnois caufed this to be made. This infcription refers to Dean Odo's re-edi- 
fying the church, and muft have been about the year 1280, when the Dominicans 

and 

(17) StUlingfleet's ecc. cafes, paiT. 

(28) Campbell's polit. Survey, fup. p. 591. Pennant's Tour in Scotland. 

(39) Sandtae crucis fignum ad commodam divinae orationis fedulitatem folent habere. Pereg. Wlllabal. apud Cams. 
Antiq. LecT:. T. 4. p. 286. Ridley's view of the Civ. and Ecc. Law. p. 377. 

(30) Ware's Bifliops, in Clonmacnois. An erroneous account of thefe remains is given in thelaft edition of Camden, in 
Kiing's County, 



7 6 ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 

-< < •<<■•<••< < ■«■■<■•<<■■<••< ■<■•<<■<■< <•■<■•< < < ■<•■<•■<••< <<•<< < •<-<••<••<-< <+>■> >• > ■>■ >••>■ > >• >• >••>>> » > > >..>•>■> >..>.+. ,. , >>.>..>.>..>..>>. > >. ►. > >.. 
and (3 1 J Francifcans were fettled here and held in the highefl: efteem, as new Or- 
ders of extraordinary holinefs. The figures on this Crofs are commemorative of St. 
Kiaran and this laudable aft of the Dean. Its eaftern fide, like the others, is di- 
vided into compartments. Its center, or head and arms, exhibit St. Kiaran at full 
length, being the Patron of Clonmacnois. In one hand he holds an hammer, and 
in the other a mallet, exprefling his defcent, his father being a Carpenter. Near 
him are three men and a dog dancing, and in the arms are eight men more, and' 
above the Saint is the portrait of Dean Odo. The men are the artificers employed 
by Odo, who mow their joy for the honour done to their patron. On the fhaft are 
two men, one dripping the other of his old garments, alluding to the new repairs. 
Under thefe are two fGldiers, with their fwords ready to defend the church and re- 
ligion. Next are Adam and Eve and the tree .of life, and beneath an imperfect 
Irifh infeription. On the pedeftal are equeftrian and chariot fports. On the North 
fide is a pauper carrying a child, indicating the Chriftian virtue, Charity. Below 
thefe a Ihepherd plays on his pipe, and under him is an ecclefiaftic fitting in a chair, 
holding a teacher's ferula, on the top of which is an owl, the fymbol of Wifdom, 
and its end refts on a beaft, denoting Ignorance. The other fides are finely adorned - 
with lozenge net-work, nebule mouldings, rofes and flowers. 

But the accommodating fpirit of our miffioners is no where more apparent that at 
Kildare, where they eftablifhed a female monkifh order in the place of the heathen 
DruidefTes, who pieferved from the remotefl ages the inextinguifhable fire. This 
(32) element was adored by the Celtce and Scythians, and by the Irifh, as is 
well known from their celebrated Feftival of f 33) Bel-tein. All fires (34) with us 
were to be extinguifhed until this was lighted. "We are not 'told how this holy 
flame was excited in Ireland, but the manner differed in. Scotland and Scandinavia. 
In the laft, flints were ufed, and they are found about all the old Altars (35) there. 
In Scotland they rubbed (36) planks together till they blazed. This fire was kept 

from 

(31) Burke. Hib. Dominic, c. %, 

(3a) Galli, Viridomaro rege, Romana arma Vulcano promiferant, Flor. I. z. c. 4. Gentilis rc'.igio eft, five quis fo- 
Jefti. lunam, ignem coluerit. Leg. Canut. apud Lindenbrog. p. 1473. Spclman. Cone. p. 449— joo, et Capit. Karoli. 
pajfim. 

{33) Macpherfon'j Introd. p. 17a. 

(34) Non accenderetur nee videretur ignis donee prius in Themoria rogus accenderetur : Uffcr, p, 849. Wallh's profi. 
peft, p. 430. 

(35) Rarutn eft fi hk ignibus excutiendis aptos filiccs non invenias. Worm. Mon. Dan. p, 7. 

(36) Martin's Weftern l'flands, p. 113. 



/ 





> OUTH 15 OOP. of TlMril M c JDiET-iiMOT at CLOIMAC^OIS, 



— < Ziwaj/ic{ fry font/, /encj ~ ' e '^S xMrtde J/.-rr&i^ ' <//-/ot ? 



\ 






ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND, ?; 

»■>■* ■< ■« < < ■< •■< ■■« < < <<<■<■•< < < •<•<■•<•<•< < .<<..<..<.<..<■.<•.< •<•.<.<•.<■.<■.<•.<■.<+>.>.•>>. >. >. >. >■.>..>.>..>..>..»..»..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>.>..>..>..>..>..>.. 

from Scattering by (tf) iron curbs and was perpetual. Altars, fays the Edda, were 
made and covered with iron, in which was kept the extinguifhable fire. 

Csefar and Tacitus are full on the predictive and facred qualities of the German 
women ; Velleda, a Druidefs, was long looked up to by them as a deity. The 
Northerns (38) called them Alirunse, and in (39) Irifli Alarunaighe is the wife man 
acquainted with fecrets. Keyfler, in the work laft cited, has colle&ed fome curious 
particulars refpe&ing thefe women : they wore a particular drefs and we may readily 
fuppofe were the predeceflbrs of the Nuns at Kildare. St. Brigit, we are told, 
planted the latter there, and entrufted to their care the holy fire. This, as the le- 
gend informs us, though conftantly fupplied with fuel yet (40) never increafed in 
afhes. The fire was furrounded with a wattled orbicular fence, within which no 
male prefumed to enter. To keep this fire free from human pollution, it was never 
to be (41) blown with the mouth, but with Vans or Bellows. The parallel is too 
exact to leave any doubt of the origin of this holy fire. The ruins of a building 
are at prefent mown at Kildare, and called the Fire-Houfe, where, it is faid, the 
facred flame was preferved ; but in this inftance, I believe tradition erroneous, for 
from the foregoing account it would have been a profanation of the holy element to 
confine it within walls. It is now time to clofe thefe enquiries how curious and 
amufing foever : this fpecimen is fufficient to prove, that there are views of our An- 
tiquities hitherto unnoticed, and which merit (42) inveftigation. 

When Profper (43) in his corrupt and interpolated Chronicle tells us under the: 
year 430, that Palladius was the firft Bifhop fent by Pope Celeftine to the believing 
Scots, he evidently allows there were chriftians in Ireland antecedent to that miffion. 
If fo, had they no bifhops ? They certainly had, for epifcopacy is coeval with chrif- 
tianity, but thefe bifhops did not acknowledge the fovereignty of the Roman pontiff, 
as we fhall foon fee ; the believing Irifh were therefore thofe who were attached to 

x to 

(37) Ferro fuperne inveAits, ne igni, qui. ib! perennis efTe debuit, Iaederetur. Worm, fupra. Barthol. p. 273. 

(38) Ktyfler. Antiq. Septen. Selec. p. 371. Sched. p. 430. (39) O'Brien in voc. 

(40) Cum tanta lignorum ftrues, tanto in tempore fit hie confumpta, nunquam tamen cinis excrevit. Gir. Cambrenv 

P- 179- 

(41) Non oris flatu, fed follibus tantum et ventilabris. Gir. Camb. fupra. 

{41) I wifh 1 had room to enlarge, I can only hint that our oldeft and molt curious Antiquities may be thus explained. 
At Innis Murray is a ftone pillar, formerly an eminent deity and greatly venerated, and clofe to it Druidic cells. The 
•christian Monks furrounded the whole with a wall, and built chapels contiguous to them. See Camden in Sligo, laft edi- 
tion, and plate 43. Fig. 13 — 14. 

(43) Hammond's Vind. of Epifcopacy, p. 160. Bafnage. ad Canis. Antiq, Lect. V. I. p. 2$l. Ufier. p. 70.9. Cave. 
HiA. Lit. p. 248. Vofs. de Hift. Lat. p. 2ij. 



7$ . ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND; 

..<-< •<•<<< .<•<•.<-<••<•<.<..<..<..< .<..<.<.<..<••<••<•<•<••<•< <■■<<•<••< <•< ■<■<•<■.<••<■•<+>•>.■>••>.•>.■>•■>•>•■>..>.>>..>..>..>.>. >..>.>,..>..>>..>. >..>..>..,. >.>..>.>>>.»,>. »..».->. ** 

to the papal fee, for the diffident Irifh had abundance of bifhops among them. 
What was the fuccefs of Palladius in Ireland? It is briefly this, as recorded by 
Uiher. He arrives in Ireland with four aiTociates, bringing with him the books of 
the old and new teftament, the reliques of the apoftles Peter and Paul and others :- 
he erects three wooden churches ; is unfuccefsful, withdraws to Scotland, and 
there dies. Why were his labours to fo little effect and his (lay fo fhort ? Nennius 
dryly obferves, that no man can receive any thing upon earth, unlefs it be given 
him from heaven. Probus remarks the Irifh were wild and barbarous, and would 
not receive the doctrine of Palladius. Joceline fays, becaufe they would not believe 
his preaching but mofl obftinately oppofed him, he departed their country. Thefe 
are filly evafions of the truth : Palladius was an intruder into a church which was- 
complete and independent ; it would not liften to his foreign commiffion, or obey 
an extra-national jurisdiction, and therefore it (44) rejected the Pope and his dele- 
gate, and this is the tenourof our ecclefiaftical hiftory to the 12th century. 

It has before been feen what little neceffity there was for the Pope to fend miflioners 
to Ireland, where a regular hierarchy had been long fettled. The neceffity was jufl 
the fame for fending Auftin to England, where was a numerous and learned clergy, 
and fo refpectable as to occupy feats in all the continental councils in the 5th century. 
This clergy would, after the firft fury of conquefl had fubfided, have eafily con- 
verted the Anglo-Saxons, but not fubjected them to papal fupremacy. Hence the 
uniform language of Romifh writers in every age is, to call that people bar- 
barous and that nation pagan which did not implicitly yield to their luft of wealth and . 
p'ower. Thus Biihop Laurence, in Bede -tells us, Pope Gregory fent him and Auftin 
to preach the Gofpel in Britain, as if it never before had there been heard, whereas • 
the latter met feven Britim Bifhops who nobly oppofed him. In like manner Pope 
Adrian commiffioned Henry II. to enlarge the bounds of the church, and plant the 
faith in Ireland, when it had already been evangelized for eight hundred years. The 
faith to be planted was (45J blind fubmilTion to Rome, and the annual payment of 
Peter's pence. 

Until 'the emilTaries of Rome began to tamper with our ecclefiaflics, very little is 
recorded of our church-policy : the few hints fcattered in authors of various ages, 

and 

(44) An old writer allures us he was put to death by the pagan Scots of Albany. UlTer. p. 814. It is likely he fufferej 
in his zeal for Rome. 

(45) Ad fubdendum ilium populum Iegibus, et vitiorum plantaria inde extirpanda et de fingulis domibus annuam unsuj 
denarii B. Petro folvere pcnfiouem. Uffer. Syllog. p. no. Very remarkable words to ftiow the chriftianity of that age. 









ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 79 

..(.<„< « .<..< .< .< .< .<..< .< .< .<.<.<.<.<•<.<.<<•<■<•'<■<•-<< ■<<<< <•< < ••< •<<+>>-> >>>■>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>.>■>• >►.>.>.>.»■>••>••►•>>■>■>■ > '"•' 
and here collected, evince a fcheme very different from the Roman and nearly ap- 
proaching that of the oriental. But no plan could be devifed that would not in 
fome meafure be modified by the political conftitution and municipal laws of each 
country, and this was particularly fo in Ireland. This ifland in the 6th century was 
divided into four provinces, over each of which a Bifhop, as Metropolitan but with- 
out any fuch title, prefided. Thus Adamnan in his life of Columba mentions Co- 
lumbanus as (46) Bifhop of Leinfter, and in the year 1096, Ferdomnach was Bifhop 
of (47) the fame. Not a word of Armagh, its Bifhop or primacy appears in this 
large work of Adamnan, which is the more extraordinary, as he was a powerful in- 
ftrument in perverting the Irifh from their original faith to that of Rome. " He en- 
deavoured, fays Bede, to bring his own people who were in the Ifle of Hy, or who 
v ere fubject to that monaftery, into the way of truth, which he had learned and em- 
braced with all his heart, but could not prevail. Not fucceeding with the Albanian 
clergy he failed over into Ireland, and there preaching, modeflly declared the legal 
time of Eafter, reduced many of them and almoft all who were exempt from the do- 
minion of Hy to the catholic unity. Returning to Hy after celebrating the catholic 
Eafter in Ireland, and mo ft earneflly recommending it to his Monks, yet without 
being able to prevail, he departed this life." Would a man, fo much in earneft as 
Bede here reprefents Adamnan to have been, omit to urge the conduct of St. Patrick 
and his fucceffors at Armagh fo oppofite to that of the heretical Irifh ? Or would Bede 
himfelf have fo flightly paffed over this matter when reciting the merits of Adamnan, 
when both of them dwell on the obfcure actions of obfcure Irifli Monks folely from 
their devotion to the Roman fee ? It is abfolutely afTerting meridional light to be noc- 
turnal darknefs to maintain the exiftence, miffion or primacy of St. Patrick : nor is 
it lefs incredible and abfurd to affirm Armagh was the head of the Irifli Church. 
Where is the evidence ? In monkifh legends of late invention and fabrication, which 
no one believes. In the conteft between Talbot and Mac Mahon before referred to, 
the latter in his very firft page, tells us from thefe fabulous chronicles, that an angel 
ordered St. Patrick to betake himfelf to Armagh, and there build a cathedral church: 
that the fame angelic monitor directed him to Rome, and there pointed out 
what reliques he fhould procure and carry back : that he felected a. cloth flamed 
with the blood of Chvift, part of the Virgin's hair, the reliques of Peter, 
Paul, Stephen, Laurence, and others. In virtue of thefe reliques, Armagh 

became 

(46) Vit.Sanft. Scoti*, a Pinkerton. f. 167. (47) Uffer. Syllog. p. pj., 



So ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND, 

».«-,..<,«..«..<..< •<.<..<■.« .«.. <-<<■.<■.<■.«.< .<•.« .< .«..<..<..<•.<•.<•<.<■.< •<<••< •<•■<•<•<••<+>■>■>••>• >.•>••>■>..>.>..>..>..>..>. >..>. >. >..>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>.»..>.>..>..>. >.>.>..>..>..>..»,.>..». >., 

became the Metropolitan church. " The (48) prime fee of Ireland is faid to be 
at Armagh in honour of the blefled Patrick and other national Saints, whofe facred 
reliques reft there." Here an intelligent writer and good fcholar knew nothing of 
Armagh but from report. The adoration (49) of reliques, gave rife to facred ftruc- 
tures for their reception, and in Ireland to our cryptical chapels : thefe were the 
works of the Oilmen in the 9th century, after their converfion to chriflianity. At 
-this very time the name of St. Patrick firft appeared, and at this time the Oftmen 
were in pofleflion of Ireland and of Armagh in (50) particular, and now his reliques 
were placed there. Thefe fads and dates moft exactly agree, and therefore I con- 
jecture, and I think on good grounds, that the chriftian Oftmen who feized the old 
(51) Culdean Abbey at Armagh, in imitation of others of that age, procured re- 
liques and fixt on St. Patrick as their owner, then had a flaming legend compofed, 
fetting forth the wonderful life, actions, and miracles of the new Saint. To turn 
this tale to fome profitable account the law of St. Patrick was added and firft 
promulgated in Munfter in the fame (52) century j which law was the (53) Caane 
Phadruig, or penfion claimed by the prelates of Armagh by metropolitical right 
as fucceflors of St. Patrick. The religious tenets of the Oftmen were different 
from thofe of the Irifh, fo that we need not be furprifed at the destruction 
of our churches and clergy by thefe femi-pagans. To confirm what is ad- 
vanced, we have no authentic account of the primacy of Armagh before 11 22, 
when the Clergy and Citizens of Dublin tell Ralph, Archbifhop of Canterbury, 
that the Bifhop, who (54) refided at Armagh, harboured the greateft refentment 
and indignation againft them for fending to him Gregory to be confecrated. A new 
proof this of the attachment of the Irifli Oftmen to the religion of their Norman 
"brethren. As for Lanfranc's letter to Domnald, Bifhop of Ireland, in the Collection 
laft cited, Ufher confeffes it is not in Lanfranc's genuine epiftles, but in the fpurious 
works of that infamous forger, Ifidore Mercator, another broacher of novelties in 
the 9th century. 

By the canons of the (55) Greek church in the 3d century, every province had 
a prime bifhop invefted with and exercifing metropolitical power. "With us they 

changed 

{48) Ardemachise effe dicitur prima fedesHibernise, propter honoremB. Patricii atque aliorum inditjenaruni Sanctorum, 
quorum ibidem facrje reliquiae requiefcunt. Guil. Neubrig. 1. 3. c. 9. 

(49) Hofpinian. de templis, p. 37. (50) Warxi Difquif. p. 126. 

(51) Archdall's Mon. Hib. p. 19. (5a) Ware's Bifliops, p. 44. 

(53) J u ^ P r ' mat< Armac. p. 166. 

(54) Maxime ille cpifcopus qui habitat Ardimachx, UJTcr. Syllog. p.' IOO. 
^53) Can. Apoft, e. 35. Johnfon in loco. 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. , Si 



•■< < ■< •■< < •<■•< ■<<<•<< < <.<••< ■<■< <■<•< 



■•<■<•■< -<4«>->->">->->-->- >•>••>• >••>->••>• >•■>->■•>•>->• >..>..>..>.>.->..>..>».>.•>..>.■>■•>.•>. >..>..>.>..>.>.. 



($6) changed and multiplied bifliops at pleafure, and not contented with placing a 
bifhop over a fee, almofl every church had its bifhop. Anfelm complains, (57) that 
our bifliops were every where elected, and ordained without a title and by but one 
bifhop inftead of three. The number of bifhops in the early Irifh church was 
prodigious, confidering the extent of the lfle. I fliall firft eftablifh the fa£t, and 
next endeavour to account for it. No objection can be made to what St. Bernard and 
Anfelm deliver on this head, but the truth of it does not depend on their teftimony 
alone. Virgil and feven Irifh bifhops emigrated to (58) Germany together in the 
middle of the 8th century. In the 7th they fwarmed in Britain, as may be feen in 
Bede : in that kingdom not three could be found to ordain Wilfrid, a Romanift, 
all the reft being of Irifh confecration, communion and almofl natives of our lfle. 
In 670, Theodore Archbifhop of Canterbury decreed that they who were confe- 
crated by Irifh or Britifh bifhops, fhould be confirmed anew by a Catholic one. 
The 5th canon of the council of Cealc-hythe in 816, requires " that none of Irifh 
extraction be permitted to ufurp to himfelf the facred miniftry in any one's diocefe, 
nor let it be allowed fuch an one to touch any thing which belongs to thofe of the 
holy order, nor to receive any thing from them in baptifm, or in the celebration of 
the mafs, or that they adminifler the eucharift to the people, becaufe we are not 
certain how, or by whom they were ordained. We know how it is enjoined in 
the canons, that no bifhop or prefbyter invade the parifh of another without the 
bifhop's confent, fo much the rather fhould we refufe to receive the facred mini- 
ftrations from other nations, where there is no fuch order as that of metropolitans, 
nor any regard paid to other orders." By metropolitans is here meant an hierarchy 
on the plan of the Roman, with its incident titles, which we had not. Can there 
be a more decifive argument againft the exiftence, million and primacy of St. Pa_ 
trick ; or a ftronger proof that his legend was not yet compofed, than this canon ? 
Would the Anglo-Saxon clergy, the devoted flaves of Rome, have thus abjured the 
fpiritual children of that fee, had our pretended Apoflle been a Roman miflioner ? 
they never would. This canon fhews they were acquainted with the conflitution of 
our church, the number and zeal of our bifhops and the danger that awaited them» 
The fears of the Saxons were communicated to the continental clergy. The 42d 
canon of Chalons in 813, forbids certain Irifhmen who gave themfelves out to be 

y bifhops,. 

(56) Mutabantur et multiplicantur epifcopi pro libitu Metropolitan!, ita ut unus epifcopatus uno non eflet contentus, fed 
finguhe pene ecclefise fingulos haberent cpifcopos. S. Bernard, vit. Malach, p. 1937. 
< 57) Epifcopos in terra veftra paffim eiigi, & fine certo epifcopatus loco, S« ab uno epifcopo ordinari. Uffer. Syllog- p. 96. 
(58) UiTer. Syllog. p. 5.. 



8 2 ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. - 

..<..< .<..<..<..<-< .<•<■•<•.<••<••< .<..<..<..<..<••<<••< < •< <•<•■<••< •<■•<-<■•<•■< .<..<■.<•.<■.<■.<+>■>..>. > ..>. >.,>.>.>..>. >.+..>..>. >.»..>. >..>..>. »..>..>>. >.>..>. >. >•■>•>■■>.>. > >. .». >. >. 
bifhops, to ordain priefls or deacons without the confent of the ordinary. The 
fame year the council of Aix la Chapelle obferves, that in fome places there were 
Irifh who called themfelves (59) bifhops, and ordained many improper perfons, 
without the confent of their Lords or of the Magiftrates. Thefe alarms could only 
be excited by the number of Irifh bifliops in every part of Europe in thefe ages. 
Though we have abundant proofs of this facl: in foreign literary memorials, I know 
of but one domeftic document which confirms it and clearly explains to us the na- 
ture of our ancient epifcopacy. This very curious and authentic record is preferved 
in Wilkins's councils, and is thus: " A. D. 12 16. ConftitutiOns made in the 
cathedral church of St. Peter and St. Paul of Newtown near Athunry by Simon 
Rochfort, by the Grace of God, Bifhop of Meath. Cardinal Paparo, Legate of 
the fovereign Pontiff, Eugenius III. having directed in the third general council 
held at Kells in Meath, in the year 1152, among other falutary canons, that on the 
death of a Chorepifcopus or village-bifhop, or of bifhops who pofTeffed fmall fees 
in Ireland, Archiprefbyters or rural Deans mould be appointed by the Diocefans to 
fucceed them, who fhould fuperintend the clergy and laity, in their refpe&ive dif- 
tricls, and that each of their fees fhould be erected into a rural deanery. We, in 
obedience to fuch regulation, do conflitute and appoint, that in the churches of 
Athunry, Kells, Slane, Skrine and Dunfhaghlin, being heretofore bifhop's fees in 
Meath, fhall hereafter be the heads of rural deaneries, with Archiprefbyters perfo- 
nally refident therein." Here we have a full and clear developement of the ftate 
of our ancient hierarchy, and a confirmation of what has been delivered. Ireland 
was full of chorepifcopi, village or rural bifliops. In Meath were (60) Clonard, 
Duleek, Kells, Trim, Ardbraccan, Dunfhaghlin, Slane, Foure, Skrine, Mullingar, 
Loughfeedy, Athunry, Ardnurchor and Ballyloughort. In Dublin were Swords, 
Lufk, Finglas, Newcaftle, Tawney, Salmon-leap, or Leixlip, Bray, Wicklow, Ark- 
low, Ballymore, Clondalkin, Tallaght and O'Murthy, which included the rural 
deaneries of Caflledermot and Athy. Thefe were all rural deaneries, and of courfe 
rural Sees before the year 1152: however the tranfmutation of one into the other 
proceeded flowly, for by Bifhop Rochfort's conftitutions before, we find it was far 
from being completed in the 13th century. If the number of rural deaneries at 
their firfl ere&ion and afterwards in confequence of Paparo's regulation could be 
difcovered from records in the Vatican or elfewhere, it would give us the number of 

our 

(59) Uffer. Syllog. fupra. Cone. Cabill. c. 43. Cyron and Gonfalez. apud Sarnelli. 

(60) War/. Bifliops, p. 138. 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 83 

our rural fees. The rural deaneries in the common diocefan regiflers are not cor- 
rect, or I might eafily have adduced them. Our Bifhops, I fuppofe, might have 
amounted to above three hundred. Our ignorant (61) legendary writers to account 
for this number had recourfe to the fable of St. Patrick's ordaining three hundred 
and fifty, or fixty five. 

There is not a circumflance in our ecclefiaftical polity more flrongly indicative of 
an eaftern origin than that now related. For (62) Salmafius has evinced the apof. 
tolic pra&ice to be, to place bifhops in every rural church, and in cities more than 
one. Hence the firfl obtained the name of (63) Chorepifcopus. St. Bafil, in the 
4th century had (64) fifty of thefe rural Bifhops in his diocefe, which was probably 
one for each church. By the ancient difcipline the extention of Chriflianity de« 
pended on their multiplication, for to them alone the great offices of religion were 
(6$) confined ; they alone could execute them, and they alone preached in the African 
church to the 5th century. As the epifcopal dignity was leflened in the public 
efteem by the number of village-Bifhops, their ordination was reflrained by the 
Antiochian, Ancyran and other canons ; in the Laodicean council their name was 
(66) changed from Chorepifcopus to Periodeutes, or Vifitor-itinerant, he was to be 
a priefl and to have the infpe&ion of a certain number of churches and clergymen : 
thus giving him fome diftinction to fave appearances and prevent oppofition. The 
Archiprefbyter in the Roman church was nearly fuch an officer as the Periodeutes. 
About the time of the Norman {6j) conqueft the Archiprefbyter was called a rural 
dean. At this period, an old writer informs us, the (68) See of Canterbury had a 
Chorepifcopus, who dwelt in the church of St. Martin without Canterbury. On 
the arrival of Lanfranc he was turned out, as we have heard the others were through- 
out England. As a municipal law, foon to be noticed, hindered the operation of 
the canons here ; and as no foreign power had as yet interfered, like the Anglo- 
Saxons and Normans in England, either to compel us to fubmiflion or conformity 
to them, we continued to preferve that plan of epifcopacy delivered to us and fet- 
tled by our firft preachers of the Gpfpel, and which at length was mofl reluctantly 
relinquifhed. 

Tha 

(6i) Nennius. Colgan. fup. 432. (62) Apparat. de Primat. 54 — 55. 

ibx) Non tks x u ? as fed **>* XT*? " epifcopi. noil regionum fed vicoium. Suicer. Thcf. ecc. in voc. yoift*itrK.D*i%.. 

{64) Greg. Naz. car. 2. There were above 500 Seos in the fix African provinces. Bingham. B. 9. c. 8, Appendix. 

(65) Pclid. vit. Auguft, c. 8. Tertull. de hapti*. c. 17, Cone. Arlct. c. 1,9, Leonis. Epift. (>». 

(66) Can. Laod. 57. (67) Stillingflcct's ecc. cafes. V. 1. fupra, 
(6S) Ger. Dorob. hift. pontif. ecc. Cant. 



84 ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 



r.« •<■■<■<-•<•■< ■<.<■.<■•<■< ■< •<•■<■•<■.«•.<■.<.<..<.< .«.< <•<•<•<•< .«..« .<-.<< .<-.<..< .<.•<••< .<.(., .,„>. >..>..>..>..>..>, 



The oriental pra&ice of hereditary fucceffion was firmly eftablifhed in the Irifh 
church j St. Bernard, in his life of Malachy, thus complains of it. " A mod per- 
nicious cuftom had gained ftrength by the diabolical ambition of fome men in power, 
who poffefTed themfelves of bifhopricks by hereditary fucceffion ; nor did they fuffer 
any to be put in election for them but fuch as were of their own tribe or family. 
And this kind of execrable fucceflion made no fmall progrefs : for fifteen genera- 
tions had pafled over in this mifchievous cuftom. And fo far had this wicked and 
adulterous generation confirmed itfelf in this untoward privilege, that although it 
fometimes happened, that clergymen of their family failing, yet Bifhops of it never 
failed. In fine, eight married men and not in orders, though men of learning, 
were predeceflors of Celfus in Armagh." To which I add, that Columba, founder 
of the celebrated Culdean monaftery of Hy, being of the (69) Tyrconnallian blood, 
the Abbots his fucceffors were of the fame race. The firfl twenty feven bifhops of 
(70) Rofcarbury were of the family of St. Fachnan, its firfl prelate. Hereditary 
fucceffion became a fixt municipal law, and pervaded church and flate. And hence 
the ftruggle in the fee of Armagh, to which Malachy O Morgair was appointed in 
1 1 29, to the exclufion of the old family j which was proving nearly fatal to Ma- 
lachy, and called forth the warm refentment of St. Bernard his friend. On the 
whole it may fafely be affirmed, that (71) every mother-church, and there were none 
others in early ages, had a bifhcp : that inferior toparchs and fmall towns, as Dub- 
lin confined to a few acres within its walls, erefted fees ; add to thefe the number 
generated, if I may fo fay, by the exercife of metropolitical power, altogether made 
fo many of the epifcopal order as would be, if not fo well authenticated, utterly 
incredible. When once a fee was formed, vanity and ambition perpetuated ir, nor 
was any power, not even the papal able to divert the Sept of the patronage of or to 
diflblve it. Thus after the confolidation of Glendaloch with Dublin in 1152 and 
1 179, the Tooles, the original proprietaries, (till retained the title and prefentation 
to 1497. Our chorepifcopi or archiprefbyters were married, as the other clerical 
orders were to the 12th century: about that time the Romanifts called them (72) 
Corbes, an opprobrious name, as if they indulged in incefi. and lewdnefs, and to 
this St. Bernard refers, when he fays they were a wicked and adulterous genera- 
tion. 

Lanfranc, 

(69) Uffer. Prim. p. 689. Ogyf. vind. p. I34. O'Brien's Die. p 360. (70) Archdall in loco. 

(71) Bingham gives one and fuggefts other inftances. B. IX. c. 8. §. and § 6, where he cites Kennct and Wharton. 

(72) O'Brien, in Corba, See fome ridiculous etymologies of the name in Harris's Ware, p. 33*. 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 85 

Lanfranc, in 11 00, remonflrated with our Monarch Mortogh on fome defeats in 
our ecclefiaftical dicipline ; one was that bifhops were not canonically elected by the 
Metropolitan and his Bifhops, but by the Sept, for that is his meaning, as it is 
explained by St. Bernard, who tells us, none were permitted to be put in election 
but one of the fame family. This was a confequence of hereditary fucceffion which 
admitted no foreign interference. Though I know of no documents to prove how 
far our provincial bifhops carried their rights, I think it likely they were commen- 
furate with thofe of our provincial Monarchs, of whofe family they always were. If 
the life of Kentigern deferves credit, we have in it the ancient manner of electing 
and ordaining a bifhop among us. This faint lived in great abftinence, until (y$) the 
King, Clergy, and people of Galloway in Scotland elefted him for their bifhop. 
Sending for a fingle bifhop out of Ireland, they caufed him to be confecrated after 
the cuftom then ufual among the Britons and Irifh, which was to pour the facred 
chrifm on his head, with invocation of the holy fpirit, benediction and impofition 
of hands. Thefe ads were primitive, except the chrifmation, which an (74) emi- 
nent Roman catholic writer afferts to have been no part of the office in the firfl ages. 
So that we have the greatefl reafon to be on our guard when reading thefe lives of 
faints, they having been (75) newly drefTed up in the 12th century, by men devoted to 
Rome. Confecration by but one bifhop was common in the firfl ages of chriflianity, 
but after forbidden by the 4th Nicene canon. The many inflances already, and here- 
after to be produced, mufl eflablifh the veracity of the opinion infilled on in thefe 
pages, of our reception of the gofpel from eaitern milTioners or their difciples. 

From what fource arcfe the revenues of our clergy is not eafy to difcover. St. Ber- 
nard and Giraldus Cambrenfis declare the Irifh did not pay tithes. If the fact was fo, 
and there are grounds to believe it, then the clergy were fupported by oblations, 
which for a long time they (j6) received in lieu of tithes : thefe were fo large that 
Agobard obferves, " the devotion of perfons in the firfl ages was fo great, that there 
was no need to make laws or canons for the fupplies of churches, they being amply 
provided for by the liberality of the people." Included in oblations were firfl-fruits, 
which were paid in the early ages of chriflianity : as to altarage, mortuary and 
obventions they feem to have been at length introduced into the Irifh as into other 
churches. The whole ecclefiaftical revenue to a late period was divided in 

z four 

(73) Rex & Clerus regionis Cambrenfis cum caeteris chriftianis, " licet perpauci eflent." "Pinkcrton. Vit. j. Scot. p. 238. 
Here though there were very few chriftians they yet would have a Bifhop. 

(7A) Habert. obferv. in pontif. grac. p. 386. (75) Boland. ad 17 Maftii. 

(76) Tanquam decimas ex frusStibus. Cyprian. Epift. 64. ChryCailom. hom. 86. in Matt. Poffid. vit. Aiiguft. e. 25. 



66 ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 

(yy~) four parts j one went to the bifhop, another to the clergy, a third to the poor, 
and a fourth fupported the fabric of the church and other ufes. This four-fold 
partition prevailed generally in Ireland, and exifts at this day in the diocefe of 
(78) Clonfert. Moft of our ancient fees were deambulatory, having neither Ca- 
thedrals, Deans or Chapters : fuch is Meath at prefent, and fuch is Kilmore, 
except the addition of a Dean in 1458. Our parifhes had their beginning with 
the fuppreflion of our chorepifcopal Sees in 11 52; as the annihilation of the 
latter was not effected in the 13th century, as appears by Bifhop Rochfort's con- 
ftitutions before, the parochial divifion of diocefes was late before it was finally 
fettled. 

Whoever will take the trouble to examine the account of our ancient Sees and 
Bifhops in Harris's edition of Ware's Bifhops, will fee abundant reafon to be dif- 
fatisfied with it. Thefe writers obferve, in fpeaking of Meath, " that there are 
but flender memoirs remaining of the fucceffors of St. Finian in the See of Clonard 
until the arrival of the Englifh in Ireland." Now Meath was always the moft open, 
fertile and befl inhabited part of Ireland, and of courfe the people moft civilized ; 
and Clonard was not only the oldefl See, being founded in 520, but continued an 
epifcopal church to 1152. Under thefe circumftances we might expect accurate 
ecclefiaftical records of the poffeflions and privileges of this church j the names 
and fucceffion of its Bifhops, along with other interefting hiftorical notices : but a9 
nothing of this fort has furvived the ruins of time, we may be certain a fimilar 
fate attended our other fees. Here then is a darknefs which no induftry, ingenuity 
or learning can ever enlighten. There was indeed the fhadow but not the reality 
of a civil and ecclefiaftical government in this ifle, but no public records relative 
to the adminiftration of either were kept, becaufe no rude people ever had fuch. 
When men in the progrefs of fociety have written laws and fubmit to them, then 
and not before public documents became neceffary and are preferved. Our Bre- 
hons, our Seanachies and a few Monkifh annals, of little authority, were almoft 
our only vouchers for the hiftory and tranfaclions of remote ages. Domeftic dif- 
fenfions and a petty warfare, not to mention foreign invafions, were perpetually 
extinguifhing and creating our Sees. As their revenues were mean and their 
political confequence nothing, they fhared the viciifitudes of civil affairs without 
particular obfervation. This concifely and truly was the exact fituation of our 
ancient bifhopricks, and the unavailing labours of Ware and Harris evince it to 

have 

(77) Stillingflcet, fup. p, 771. (78) Ware 1 * Bifliops, p. 619. 

i 



ANECDOTES OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN IRELAND. 87 

have been fo. Neither of them feems to have entered into the fpirit, or to have 
even a tolerable idea of our original epifcopacy : nor had Primate Ufher, for if they 
had, I can conceive no reafon why they mould have concealed it from public 
view. It reflected not the fmalleft difgrace on the firfl preachers of chriflianity in 
Ireland to have promulgated fuch doctrines and eftablifhed fuch difcipline here as 
prevailed univerfally. To reduce the latter to its prefent ftandard was the work of 
many revolving centuries : I am neither ignorant of its defects, or an apologift 
for its imperfections ; but imperfect and erroneous as it was, it vaftly furpaffed that 
fyftem which fucceeded it, and thofe flaves of intolerance and fuperftition who 
directed it. 




OF 



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*" * * ' ' ' ' '* ' '" '*' ■*" " "* '•' '•• '. 

* + + * + + + + + + + **+ + + + + ** + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + *+ + + + + + + + + '$ 

'•..• , "'«»,.**''.»»""'*.«.''**.»»' ,, '.«*' '*»»»" "••••' *'•••" '•*•»" '•«•»* ''i*'" *««« *'•#••* '•*••' '**»•' ''*••* '•*•** , '•«f•' ,, *#»»*' , '*»•''"•*^«*'''*»* ,, ' , .4•*''^it ,,, *»»'* , '•#,•* , *•.,••*'•••• ,, 



OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 

MONACHISM, a faithful tranfcript from an (i) Egyptian original, was early- 
cultivated in this ifle. When Athanafius retreated from the fury of the 
Arians, in 347, he carried with him to Rome the praifes and inftitutions of the 
Egyptian Monks, and exhaufted his zeal and eloquence in proclaiming the celeftial 
felicity of the afcetic life. With its progrefs on the continent, I am but little con- 
cerned : it might be expe&ed that countries evangelized by Greek miffioners, would 
eagerly embrace a discipline fo earnestly recommended by a Greek Father. Accord- 
ingly in Gaul we find it made fo rapid a progrefs, that in the year of Chrift 400, 
two thoufand monks from the vicinity of Tours attended the (2) funeral of Saint 
Martin. Egypt poured out her fwarms to preach a new do&rine to the chriftian 
world : they particularly fettled in the fmall ifle of (3) Lerins, on the fouthern coafl 
of Gaul, and from thence propagated their inflitutes over weftern Europe. There 
were monafteries among the Britons, wherein human learning was well underftood. 
At Glaftonbury the (4) Egyptian plan was followed. The Bangorian monks adopted 
the rule (5) of St. Bafil, as did the (6) feminaries of Dubricius, Congel, and Co- 
lumba. The Abbe Mac Geoghegan thinks our rules were Oriental. " II y (7) a ap- 
parence que les moines d'Irlande s'etoient choifi des regies particulieres qu'ils avoient 
apportees du Levant des regies de S. Antoine, de S. Pachome ou de S. Bafile, ou 
peut-etre celles de ces fameux folitaires du mont Carmel ou de la Thebaide, ce qui 
n'eft pas fans quelque vraifemblance." In the laft century it had been aliened, that 
all our antient Englifh monks were of the order of St. Equitius. Sir Robert Cot- 
ton, 

(1) This is proved by La Croze. Hift. du Chriftian. des Indes, p. 433. The ingenious Mr. Gibbon did not confult 
this writer, who would have opened up the origin of monkery better than Helyot or Thomafin. Roman Hift. c. 37. 
(a) Qui eo die fere duo millia convenifle dicuntur. S. Sever, ep, ad Bafs. p. 372. 

(3) Hjec nunc habet fandtos fenes illos, qui c diverfis ccllulis iEgyptios patrc? noftris Galliis intulere, fays Eucheriuij 
Hifhop of Lyons, with fome pride. This was in the 5th Cent. 

(4) Ufler. Prim. p. no. (5) Tanner's Notitia. Preface. 

(6) Spelman, p. 25. Pits, de vir. ill. Twifden's rife of munaftic ftatcs. p. 36. 
(7} Hift. d'Irlande. T. 1. p. 275. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 89 

-i <■<■■< < < ■« < < < < < <<•<< < < •<<<<<•<•< < < <■<■«■<■•< < < ■<<< •< < < <+> >■ >>•>>• >>..>►.>. >>..>. > >.>..>..>. >..>..>. >..>..>. >..>.>. >..>>..>.>..>..>. >. >..,. .>... 

ton, Sir Henry Spelman, William Camden and John Selden were appealed to, 
who drew up a certificate, wherein they declared, that previous to the coming of 
Augufline in 597, the (8) Egyptian rule was only in ufe. 

As we and the Britons received our faith from the Eaft, fo we did Monachifm. 
The latter mull have taken deep root in this ifle in the 5th, for it flourilhed greatly 
in the 6th century in the perfons and monafteries of Columba, Congel and Carthag. 
In Cumineus's and Adamnan's (9} lives of the firft we in vain look for his monaf- 
tic rule, the names and fituations of his numerous foundations, the peculiarities 
which diftingui fried his from other Orders, and many other interefting particulars 
which would enable us to afcertain the ftate of monkery at this time. Inftead of 
thefe we are prefented in Adamnan's three books, with nothing but the common 
legendary and irreligious abfurdities. In the firft are Columba's prophecies, in the 
fecond his miracles, and in the third his angelical apparitions. If ever he writ a 
life of our Ccenobiarch, it has been worked up by fome of the infamous forgers of 
fuch things in the (10) twelfth century, an era fruitful of fuch impoftures. The pre- 
fent has many internal proofs of being fuppofititious. He never mentions the fenti- 
ments of Columba or his Culdees on the points difputed between them and Rome, 
as Bede does, nor his dying command to his difciples to continue C)uartadecimans. 
It is an heap of credulity and fuperftition. 

The oriental monks were divided into three clafies, the Coenobites, Anachorets 
and Sarabaites. The firft conftituted a community, attended ftudy and fpiritual ex- 
ercifes, laboured for their fupport and were ruled by a prefident named Abbat. Imi- 
tating the pattern of the Jewifh difcipline, by which all fynagogues had (11) fchools, 
and in which our Redeemer difputed at twelve years of age, fo our Abbies or 
Monafteries were places of devotion and letters. Their heads, as among the Jews, 
were (tiled Abbats. Thus in Samuel it is afked, Who is their Abba or Father ? 
This the Targum of Jonathan interprets by, Who is their Doctor or Teacher ? Hence 
molt of our ancient Prelates are called (12) Abbats and Doctors. After a monk 
had proved his fincerity, obedience, and prudence, he was permitted to be an Ana- 
choret, to abftract himfelf from his fociety to a feparate cell and remote folitude. 
Furfeus, fays Bede, had a brother named Ultan, who after a long monaflical proba- 

2 a tion 



(8) Qui JEgyptiorum mores fecuti. Reyner. Apofi. Eenedic. p. 202. 

(9) S. Scot, a Pinkerton. Lond. 1788. (10} Warton's Hift. of Englifb poetry. V. I. Sec. t; 
(11) Scldcn. de Succcfl". Hoornbeek. Mifc. Sac. p j6o. (12) Ware'.- B;fi:C[j>, ^afi, 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 



*■<<••< •<■«•< < < ■■< <■■< i < < < <(•<<< ■< ■<■.<■■<•■<■■<■•<■■<■•*•<•<■<•<•■< <■•<■■<•<+>•>• >■*>•• 



•->••>••>••>••>■->■■>•>• >■■> •! 



tion arrived at an (13) anachoretical life. Thefe hermits retreated to defert iflands, 
wild and bleak mountains, and, as at Glendaloch, hollowed living rocks for cells. 
The fame of their aufterities and miracles attracted numbers, villages were formed 
in improbable and unlikely places, and buildings and civility were promoted. The 
Sarabaites were, as to exterior, monks, but confined to no rules, nor attached to 
any community. They are noticed in our (14) Canons. If St. Patrick (15) lived 
at the time it is pretended, and if he founded monafteries as is afferted, would not 
the " monks of the order of St. Patrick " have been mentioned by fome ancient 
writer, and would not his rule have been univerfal throughout the ifle ? The infe- 
rior orders of Columba, Congel and Carthag would never have fwallowed up and 
annihilated every remembrance of that given by our great apoflle had it ever exifted. 
Very little is recorded of Carthag. It is (16) faid he was abbat of Ratheny in 
"Weftmeath, where he governed more than eight hundred monks, who led a life of 
great feveiity and mortification. He died in 657. Congel was one of Columba's 
difciples, and had a monaftery and flourifhing fchool at (17) Bangor, on the fouth 
fide of Carricfergus bay, in the county of Down. " This was a noble foundation," 
fays St. Bernard, " containing many thoufand monks. So fruitful was it in holy 
men, and multiplying fo greatly to the Lord, that Luanus alone, a fcholar of this 
houfe, founded not lefs than a hundred monafteries." Columbanus was an eleve of 
this fchool. His rule has been publifhed by Holftein, and is divided into ten titles. 

1. "Of Obedience." It is allied what are the bounds of obedience. The an- 
fwer is, it extends even to (18) death. The true difciples of Chrifl are to refufe 
nothing, let it be ever fo arduous or difficult. It is evident mental and corporeal 
bondage was coeval with monachifm, and this is the language of Bafil, Palladius, 
and Caflian. 

2. " Of Silence." The (19) Egyptians, and from them the Pythagoreans en- 
joined five years filence to thofe who were admitted into their facred myfteries. 

This 

(13) Bed. I. 3. c. 19. Finanus, qui vitam multis anachoretkam annis irreprehenfibiliter ducebat. Adamnan. vit. 
Columb. p. 9?. 

(14) Can. S. Pat. c. %i. Synod, c. 3. Opufc. S. Patr. p. 36—41. 

(15) Creffy fpeaks of St. Patrick's monadic inftitutes, but where are they recorded ? If not in the works afcribed to 
him, which I (hall prove are fuppofititious, they are no where to be found. Thefe inftitutes are, like their author, 
creatures of imagination. For Creffy to affirm, p. 356, Columba's rule was a rivulet from St. Patrick's, is a fhaineful 
impofition and want of truth. 

{ 1 C) Ware's Bifhops, p. 548. (17) Uffer. p. 441 — 869 — 911. S. Bernard fup. p. 1034. 

(1!-!) Ufquc ad mortem definitur, ufque ad mortem certe prxcepta eft. 

(19) Admiffini tandem in contubcrnium quinquennii filentium as xaXiirerarsti iyxfun-jiiu. injungebant. Holftein. ad vit. 
Pybag. Cafaub. Excrc. in Baron. 16. Bruker. T. a. p. 1015. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. . v 
... < < < « <«<<<< < < <<<<■<•< <•<*■< <<<■<< •<<<<•<••<■<<< <<■<+>■>••>.». ...>..>..». >..>..>.>..>..>. »..>..>..>..>..»..>..>..>. >. >..>..,..>..>..>. ,,.>. »..>..>..»„>,.,. 

This was their celebrated Echemythia, which the chriftian afcetics zealoufly 

imitated. 

3. " Of Meat and Drink." He allows herbs, pulfe, meal, bread baked under 
embers, in a word, food barely (20) fufficient for fuftenance. The ftricl: fafts of 
the Irifh were on Wednefday and Friday, and in this they conformed rather to the 
Greek than the Roman cuftom, and on thefe days, Bede teflifies, the Culdees did 
not eat till three in the afternoon. In fevere abftinence they kept clofe to the (21) 
Egyptian original, and that to the time of the (22) Norman invafion. 

4. " Of Poverty and fubduing Concupifcence." The monks, bidding adieu to . 
the world and all its concerns, gave themfelves up (23) to an holy life, and the con* 
templation of divine things, and embraced a voluntary poverty. But as it was im- 
pofTible to eradicate the human paflions, and entirely to take away a languifhing for 
the defirable things of this world, which is here termed (24) Concupifcence, they 
are directed to attend to inward emotions and fubdue them. To be always intent, 
lay the Egyptian priefts, on the knowledge and infpiration of God is the certain 
way to place a man beyond immoderate cupidity, to reftrain mental paflions and to 
make him intuitive. Nakednefs and a contempt of wealth, fays our rule, are the 
excellencies of a monk. The fecond is the purgation of vices ; and the Iafl and 
mod perfect, is the continued love of God. 

5. " Of conquering our Vanity." 

6. " Of Chaflity." The Egyptian priefts would not bear the. intercourfe of their 
(25) neareft friends, during the time of their purification, nor did they ever aflb- 
ciate with females. The rigid chaflity of the Egyptian afcetics was introduced into 
Ireland : let Archbifhop Comyn fpeak for us in 1 1 86. " Since the (26) clergy of 
Ireland, among other virtues, have been always eminent for their chaflity, and that 
it would be ignominious if they mould be corrupted through our negligence, by the 
foul contagion of flrangers." The flrangers here were the debauched Normans, 
his countrymen. 

7. " Of 

(ao) Vivitur pane, leguminibus & oleribus, qua 1 , folo I'ale condiuntur. Hienjn. a.i F.uftoch. , 

(21) Aimrx h Jjih x<tn\x? up<ru; fen xfo oA«f xf u l ti '""' i^rartira tvirnhurat, &c» Porphyr. dc abftin, 1. 4.0. I$o— i?t, 
of the Egyptian Priefts. 

(M) Ware's Bifhops, p. 439. 

(23) This Porphyry elegantly exprefles. Ktruaa/iMoi ?s Tacric aXX»» i^yafiat xoj •rajs; a&gaviytis, «WsW«v«;i»v r*» 
^it> rn ruv 9;aiv Siwwos. Sup. p. I49. 

(14) Porphyry here ufes Xi\unlnx. as the Stoics did TlpcuuS'att & UaSnc Hlb Suwovf 'u a word of peculiar force. 

{%$) Porphyr. (up. p. 1,0—1^. (26) Gir. Cambrens. Expug. L. 3. c. »,$. Ware's Biihops, p. 317. 



9 2 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 



••< •«•<<■•<<■<•<•< •< < •< •< •< •■< -n ■<•<■•«•■< •< ■< •<■<■<•<•■<■■<.<.<•-< •« <•« <■<<■< •<+>. >..>. >.. 



7. "Of the courfe of the Pfalms." In thofe times each Abbat gave particular 
offices of prayers, pfalms and hymns to the religious of his monaftery. Thefe in 
the Weft were called Curfus, by the Greeks Liturgias. Columbanus prefcribes, that 
his monks fhall meet together three times in the night, and as often in the day : 
that in the office in the day, they fhall fay three pfalms and other prayers : that the 
night-office is to be fhortened or lengthened according to the feafon of the year : 
that from October to February they muft fay in the ordinary office of the night, 
thirty-fix pfalms and twelve anthems at three feveral times ; and in the reft of the 
year twenty-four pfalms only with eight anthems,' but for Saturday and Sunday 
nights, the office is to be made up of feventy-five pfalms and twenty-five anthems in 
winter, which number is to be augmented or leflened as the nights increafe or de- 
creafe. 

In (27) Pfalmody-ifle, in the diocefe of Nifmes, was a monaftery founded by 
Corbella, a Syrian monk, about the end of the 4th century, where was obferved a 
" Laus perennis," a perpetual pfalmody. The great promoters of monkery are 
quite rapturous and bombaftic in their praifes of finging. A pfalm, fays (28) St. 
Bafil, banifhes daemons, procures dngelic protection, is a fhield amid nightly terrors, 
a fecurity to infants, the ornament of youth, the comfort of old age ; and much 
more to the fame purpofe. Thus powerfully recommended, it was warmly cultivated 
by our afcetics. 

8. " Of Difcretion." 

9. " Of Mortification." 

10. " Of the Diverfity of Faults." This is a code of monaftic crimes and pu- 
nifhments ; and called a Penitential. This fpecimen of our ancient monkifh difcipline 
will be fufficient to gratify the reader's curiofity. Of Columbanus I muft obferve, 
that when Theoderic or Theodobert II. king of the Franks, Bertefrid Bifhop of 
Amiens, Hildulph Bifhop of Triers, and Leodobod Abbot of St. Anian, erected 
their different abbies, they inferted in their charters that their monks fhould follow 
the rules of Columbanus and Benedict ; not that (29) they were the fame, but as 
from both an excellent body of monaftic difcipline might be framed. 

There were in Ireland other celebrated Ccenobiarchs, from whole fchools iflued 
incredible numbers of monks and hermits : thefe difperfed themfelves over the 

country, 

(37) Burney'j Hiftory of Mufic. V. i, p. 9. (18) Horn. i. in pfalm. p. isj. 

(19) Nor quod una eadcmque cffet utriufque regula, fed quod Columbani feCUtures, nwjoris profcllus ergo; duas 
jil»"> celeberrimaB afcetit;* vies mtrmas conjunxiffent. Uff«r, p. lojj. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 93 

country, nor was there an (30) ifle on our furrounding coafts where an afcetic might 
not be found. This phrenzy in favour of monkery equally affected the Laity, who 
thought they could perform no acts more meritorious than bellowing on thofe reli- 
gious large poifeffions. Bede, in his epiflle to Ecgbriht, laments the profufenefs of 
kings and ethers in thefe endowments, and wifely forefaw the ill confequences of it. 
He knew, that when the fervour of piety, which prompted to this generofity, fub- 
fided, lefs liberal motives would induce their defendants to repoflefs themfelves of 
eftates thus inconfiderately alienated. This was in the 8th century. He fpoke from 
experience ; for it (31) appears by the 5th of Wihtred's laws in 692, by the 7th 
anfwer of Ecgbriht in 734, and by the 5th of Cuthbert's canons, that many opulent 
monasteries were in the hands of laymen, as being heirs to the donors, or by direct 
temporal right, as being founded out of their eftates. About the year 730 Charles 
Martel converted ecclefiaftical into lay fiefs, on which the new pofTeuors took the 
ftyle of (32) Abbacomites. The Oftmen did the fame in (33) Ireland, a few years 
after. Thefe Lay-abbots were common in (34) Ireland and Wales in the 12th cen- 
tury. Giraldus Cambrenfis, who acquaints us with this fact, did not fcrutinize 
their origin, and therefore miftakes it. 

The monks, the faithful fatellites of Rome, firft betrayed our ancient religion, 
and finally fubjected our church to a foreign Bifhop. The fuccefs of the Roman 
miffioners in the 7th century, in eftablifhing papal doctrines among the Anglo- 
Saxons, and the repeated victories of the latter over the Britons, feemed to counte- 
nance an opinion zealoufly propagated, that the religion they had embraced was the 
favourite one of heaven. Similar notions found their way into Ireland. The ad- 
dreffes of Bilhop Laurence of Canterbury, of Pope Honorius and others, with a 
fondnefs for innovation always confequent on refinement in learning, with perhaps ' 
many unknown caufes, operated ftrongly on our ancient monks and made them too 
eafily relinquifh their old doctrines. Adamnan, Abbot of Hy, as B^de tells us, by 
his preaching brought over moft of the fouthern monks to Rome, except thofe 
under the dominion of Hy. If the latter were, as Cummian confeffes, the (35) 
heads and eyes of the nation, the mod enlightened eccldiatics in the kingdom, 

2 b Adarnnan's 

(ic) See Martin's Weftern Iflnnds, pafs. (;i) Wilkins. fub Ann. (j») Du Cange, in vo«. 

(5 3) J us P'im- Armac. p. 166 — 14 7. 

(34) Notanduni autcm, quod h*t eccicfia, ficiu & alix per Hibeniia.n & Walliam plures, Abbafem lakum bihit 
Ititicr, Camb. p. 863. 

l3\5J Voa eiiim citi» capita & oculi populi, fup. p. 48. -— 



94 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 

Adamnan's conqueft over the ignorant and bigotted was not much to be boafted of 
or envied. 

Among other fuperftitions we fee that of reliques was introduced, but corruption 
was powerfully retarded by the firmnefs of the Hierarchy and the Culdees. The 
latter were looked up to as the depofitories of the original national faith, and were 
mod highly refpe&ed by the people for their fanctity and learning. Add to this the 
impenetrable barrier in the alliance between the church and (late to Roman machi- 
nations. The Irifh princes and their great lords would not furrender willingly to 
any earthly power the patronage of fees or benefices endowed out of their eftates ; 
nor would any Clan fubmit to the innovation. But the Oilman power and in confe- 
quence the debilitated date of the Irifh monarchy opened new and flattering profpe&s 
to the fovereign Pontiff and his watchful emiffaries. As they were not able by rea- 
foning to reclaim the diffident Irifh, they quickly reforted to ftronger arguments. 
Auguftine fhowed how far his papal injunctions extended, when he excited Ethelbert, 
King of Kent, to (36) flaughter the Britifh bifhops, who ftood up for their ancient 
liberties. In 684, the fame party urged Egfrid, King of Northumberland, to fend 
his General Beohrt into Ireland, " who miferably wafted that harmlefs nation," fays 
(37) Bede, " which had always been mofl friendly to the Englifh ; infomuch that 
their hoftile rage fpared not even the churches or monafleries. To the utmofl of 
their power they repelled force with force, and implored the affiftance of the divine 
mercy, and prayed continually to be revenged. Nor did they pray in vain, for 
Egfrid fell the next year by the hands of the Pi&s." Bede, as a man of virtue and 
humanity, does not attempt to apologize for, or palliate this bloody outrage, and 
as a man of letters he abhorred it, well remembering the hofpitable afylum Ireland 
afforded to the great numbers of Englifh who flocked thither for inftruction. At 
the fame time, Aidhelm (38) prevailed on Ina to make war on Gerontius, King of 
Cornwall, becaufe his Britifh fubjecls would not embrace the Romifh doctrines. 
When the Oilmen received the faith in the 9th century, it was not that profef- 
fed by the Irifh but by the Anglo-Saxons. If they did not arrive here chriilians, 
which I think probable, they liflened to our apoflate monks alone ; for all others 
they maffacred or put to flight and erafed the foundations of their religious fh uctures. 

This 



(36) Ex Beda & Hen. Hunt, coiligci-e eft, Auguftinum monachum excitafTe Ethelhcrtum adverfus Britomim Epifcopnj, 
quod illi pro vetcre libertate Britannica rcnuerent fe fuafque ecclefias Romano legato fubdere. Uiler. Je lib. tec. Biit. 
fup. p. 118. 

(37) Vaftavit mifcre gentetn innoxiam &. nation! Anglorum femper amiciflimam. Lib, 4, c. a6. 

(38) Creffy, fup. p. 513- 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 95 

_< « < « < •« « •«-«■.«•«■•« •< •<-<»<•■< .«-<■<■<•<••< -< •< ■«■■<.«••«.<••«•■<-« •<-<••<-<••«-<+►->->• »■■>.•>••>..»->-»->.>->.>. >.>■■>■•♦ >..>. >.>.->. >_». >•>■ >>.>•►••>■ ►• ►->■ >>•>•■ 
This cruel conduct of thefe bigotted femi-pagans has never been obferved, though 
the fa£t is indifputable ; for thefe fame Oftmen would not fuffer their Bifhops to be 
ordained by the (39) Irifh, but fent them to Canterbury. It was thefe Oilmen who 
firft introduced a foreign order, the (40) Benedictine, into this ifle : they firft 
erected flone-roofed crypts and round towers for fuperftitious ufes, and forced on a 
reluctant people all the corruptions of Rome. Their fubmiflion to Canterbury firft 
fuggefted to the Englifh princes the acquifition of Ireland through the donation of 
the Pope, an event, which however human wifdom might then and for ages after 
deplore, the infcrutable providence of God defigned for the final happinefs of the 
Ifle. Crowded as fhe is at this day with inhabitants, enjoying all the comforts and 
fecurity of juft laws and mild government, and advancing rapidly in wealth and civil 
improvement, fhe has great reafon to adore the Author of fuch bleffings, and by 
fteady virtue and loyalty endeavour to preferve them. 

Another proof of the furious rage of the Oftmen againft our ancient national 
religion, is the thick cloud of ignorance which immediately followed. We have 
before feen that the moft enlightened clergy were thofe who adhered to their original 
faith : when fuch bright ftars as Claudius, Sedulius and Johannes Scotus Erigena 
difappeared, it is no wonder darknefs fucceeded. There were none to oppofe the 
worfhip of images, or tranfubftantiation, or to give the genuine meaning of holy 
writ, to teach the learned languages or to cultivate philofophy. Our renegade 
monks found out other and more profitable employment in proclaiming the virtues 
of reliques, of litanies and procefhons, in prayers for the dead, and in compofmg 
the lives of Saints, in deifying miferable mortals, and dedicating facred edifices to 
them. The Culdees never placed their (41) churches under the invocation of the 
Virgin Mary, or any Saint, but of the holy Trinity. Spelman mentions (42) his 
having a Pfalter, written about 754, with a prayer annexed to the end of many of 
the pialms : that there were iyi fuch prayers, yet not one of them addrefTed to the 
Virgin Mary, the Apoftles or other inferior Saints. This evinces how late it was 
before Saint-worfhip was received in England. St. Auftin ufes very ftrong expref- 
fions againft fuch (43) dedications, thereby declaring the fentiments of the chriftian 
church in his age. For the prefent I mult omit many particulars reflecting the mo- 
nadic 

(i9) I us Prim. Armac. p. 105. (40) Archdall. p. 132. 

(41) Dalrymplc's Collec. for Scotland, p. 448. Conltautine dedicated hi* thurchss to God. Sozom. 1, a, c. 3. The 
legends report the lame of St. Patrick. Hanmer, p. 43. 

(41) Cone. V. [. p. 219. 

(43) Nentie, ii templum alicui fan&o Angcjo excellentififrno de Kgnis & lapidibus faceremm, anathematuaremnr a v«ri- 
• tate Chrhli & ab ecclelia Dei ; t}uoniajn creaturis cam vxiiiocremuu tervitucew que* uni taiuuui debecor Deo, Co«. Mas, 
Augatt. De. Civ. del. 1. i%. c. 10. 



o6 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 

• < < < < < < ..< < < < < < < < < < < <•< < < < < < < < < < < < < <<<•<< < <+->>> > ■•>■ > ■•>■ >• >■ >■ ■>■ >>>>>■ >•>■>•>•>>• >•>■•>■■>■•>•>•>■■>..>.>.>..>.>..>. >. >.. 

naftic ftate of Ireland, to lay before the reader a curious old Catalogue of Irifh 
Saints preferved by (44) Primate Ufher. It is an ipitome of our ancient hiftory, 
and extremely valuable. It is to be lamented that he did not take more pains in 
illuftrating it. 

" The firft order of catholic Saints," fays that writer, " began in the time of St. 
Patrick ; all of them illuflrious and holy, and filled with the holy fpirit, the found- 
ers of many churches, and in number 350. They had one head, who was Chrift, 
one leader who was St. Patrick, and one tonfure from ear to ear. They had one 
Mafs, one celebration and one Eafter, the 14th of the month after the vernal equi- 
nox. Whoever was anathematized by one church was fo by all. They did not re- 
ject the attendance and company of women, becaufe being founded on Chrift their 
rock, they did not fear the wind of temptation, all thefe were Roman, French, 
Britifh and Irifh Bifliops. They continued for four reigns, from the year 433 to 
534 : this order was the holieft." 

1. They had one head, who was Chrift, and one leader who was Patrick. Thefe 
words prove the writer of this catalogue lived about the 12th century, when the 
legend of St. Patrick was implicitly acquiefced in, and when critical examinations 
of hagiography were fo far from being common, that the lives of Saints were the 
favourite compofitions of the age. The writer was one of the old religion, this 
I infer with certainty by his placing Chrift as the head, and St. Patrick as the leader 
of the Irifh church ; whereas had he been devoted to Rome, the Pope would have 
been preferred to either. 

2. All the Saints of this clafs were bifhops ; their number 350. This, though 
it alludes to the bifhops confecrated by St. Patrick, confirms what was before ad- 
vanced of the primitive ftate of our hierarchy. There can be no doubt but thefe 
firft bifhops were French, Britifh and Irifh ; but I know of no Roman. 

3. They had one tonfure from ear to ear. This rite, like the other monkifh 
ones, was derived from Egypt, the fruitful land of fuperftition and idolatry. St. 
Jerome, who flourifhed in 380, feverely cenfures thole whofe heads were fhaven like 
the minifters of Ifis and Serapis. Herodotus (45) tells us, the Egyptian priefts 
every third day fhaved themfelves as part of their religion. From them the (46) 
Jews adopted the cuftom. The form and efficacy of tonfure as a facred rite was re- 
ceived 

{44) Primord. p. 913. 

(45) Lib c. 30. The circular tonfure was ufed by the Arabians in honour of their prime deity. Herod. 1. 3. c. 8. 
/nd therefore forbidden in I.evit. 19. 27. bee a remarkable ptacc in Baruch. 6, 30. Oupftr. Harpocrat. p. 27,5. 
^ 46) Numb. 8. 7. Lev. 10. 6. ai. 10. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 97 



..<•<■■<-<•<+>• >••>■•>■•>■•>•■>>>• >•■>■■>■■>■ >..>..>..>..>..>..)..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..> >..»..»..>„ 



ceived but a few years (47) prior to the age of Gregory of Tours, who lived A. D. 
570. Gregory Nazienzen about 363 writes thus. " All I have feen brings to my 
remembrance your watchings, your fadings, your prayers, your (48) hair cut fho r t 
and negle&ed." Directions for trimming the long hair of ecclefiaftics are to be 
found in the early Fathers, but this was merely in regard of decency, though after, 
under the fanclion of the Nazarites, this regulation came to be confidered as an in- 
difpenfable chara&eriftic of the priefthood. St. Jerome never dreamed of its divi- 
nity, and his words are (49) very remarkable. Even (50) Bede, though an advo- 
cate for papal ceremonies and rites, acknowledges all were not (horn alike ; that 
form adds he, was preferred, which it is reported St. Peter ufed, refembling a 
crown of thorns. The (51) Britifh and Irilh tonfure, (for thefe nations were weak 
enough to adopt this filly cuftom) was by their enemies ftyled Simon Magus's ton. 
fure ; it, as may be collected from Ceolfrid's letter in Bede, took in the front half 
orb of the head, going from ear to ear. This was the eaftern mode as is evident 
by (52) Theodore's waiting four months to let his hair grow for making the Ro- 
man circular tonfure : coming from Cilicia in Afia it was the oriental tonfure 
he had. 

4. They had one Mafs, one Celebration and one Eafter. By Mafs is meant the 
liturgy, before fpoken of, delivered by the difciples of the Apoftles to the Gallic 
converts, and by them to the Britons and Irifh. Our orthodox author faw and 
lamented the corruptions of popery in her numberlefs mafies for Saints, the dead, 
and fuch like. The fcriptural fimplicity of our firft Curfus or Liturgy, and the 
blefied Trinity the great objects adored therein, formed a contraft with the Romifh 
MafTes very painful to a religious mind. 

Celebration or rather (53) celebrity, may either refer to the feftivals, in which* 
fenfe celebration is ufed by Cicero, or to the manner of administering the Sacra- 
ment of the Lord's Supper, which I rather think. For in this there was great di- 
verfity among Chriftians : fome (54) received the Eucharifl twice a day, at fun-rile 
and in the evening. At fun-rile they took (55) water inftead of wir.e. Some failed, 
others did not. In many churches the communicants took the bread from the prielt 

2 c ia 

(47) Richardfon, fup. a88. (48) Horn. 1a. (49) Ope r. T. 3. p. 1029. Edit. Bened. 

(.50) Lib. 5. c. 11. Marfham. propyl, ad Monaft. Anglic. 

(51) Hi (Scoti) Afiaticaruni ccclefiarum excmpla atque authoritatem obtendebant, Langhorn p. 213. 

(52) Bed. 1. 4. c. 1. ( 5i ) Ifid. Grig. 1. 6. c. i£. (54) S. ftugoft. Epift. 118. c. 4. 

(Si) Cyprian. Epift. 63. In England the focramant was given fyitietiivici 4 ;. —t and a: otUsrs it) water, WilkJBS Cent'!}* 
c. 6. A. D. 10-6. 



$8 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM tN IRELAND. 






< < .< <■<.<<■<■<■<< 



.<*.<< ■< .<■.<•■<■■<••<■•< -<4«>-> •>• >•■>••>■ >• >•■>••>• >■■>■ >.>..>.->..>.->..>.■>. >. >..>.>..>..>..>■>.>..>..>. >->.>. >.-v- >■ >•>•>■• 



in their hands, in others it was put into their mouths. Formerly, fays (56) Ru- 
pertus Tuitenfis, writing in 1 135, Mafs was not celebrated with fo much external 
pomp and ceremony : nor was it holier than before, when the words of Chrift and 
the Lord's prayer were only ufed. So late as 1076, ale and water were given in 
($y) England inflead of wine. Ufher has (58) mown that the Irifh manner of ad- 
miniftering the Eucharift was fcripturai 

5. Whoever was anathemized by one church was fo by all. This was the cuftom 
of the pureft ages. Let the excommunicated, fays Tertullian, be banifhed from 
the communion of prayers, from affemblies and all holy converfe. And in the 
excerptions of Ecgbriht, in 740, is a cannon of St. Bafil, which makes it unlawful 
to pray, eat or fpeak with the excommunicated 5 a practice followed by our 
church. - 

6. They did not rejed the attendance and company of women. In other words 
they were married and not fubject to temptation. Ware will not (59) allow the 
authority of this catalogue, becaufe an old canon of an uncertain age and Joceline 
intimate that St. Patrick feparated the fexes. Joceline's idea of religion on the 
12th, was very different from what it really was in the 5th century. 

The fecond clafs was that of the catholic prefbyters : in this were few bifhops, 
but the prefbyters 300. They had one head who was our Lord ; they celebrated 
divers Mattes and had various rules ; they rejected the fociety of women, feparating 
them from their monasteries. They received the mafs (60) from Gilla, David and 
Docus, Britons ; they kept Eafter on" the 14th of the month, and had one tonfure 
from, ear to ear, this clafs continued four reigns, from 543 to 598, and was lefs 

holy. 

1 . In this interval the eaftern tonfure and Eafter were ftill preferved. 

2. In this clafs were few bifhops, but 300 prefbyters. Here this writer clearly 
marks the progrefs of monachifm in the ifle under Columba and the other cele- 
brated Ccenobiarchs. There were but few bifhops, that is, the fecular were yield- 
ing to the regular clergy in fan&ity, riches and reputation ; the title of bifhop was 
lefs honourable than that of abbat, to whom the bifhop was iometimes fubordi- 

nate. 

They 

(56) Lib. 2. c. 11. (57) Wilkins. Cone. c. 5. de Winchefler. (j8) Religion of the ancient Irifh. c. 5. 

(59) Opufc. S. Patric. p. 124. Sec Greg.Tur. 1. 2. c. 17. c. 23, and elfewhere for married Saints. 
X 60) Gilla was Gildas. UITer. p. 471—473. David as well as the foregoing was an c/iiiiier.t Biitifh Scholar in the 6th 
century. Uflcr. p. 953- 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 99 



■ .« .1 <<«■< « < < < ■<. < •<<<<<■<•<■< < < « < ■<. < << « < ■<••<•■« < < .<•<•<•.<•<+>• >•>■►»■ ►.. 



They celebrated divers mafles ^ad had various rules. Chrifl: and not the Pope 
was (till their head, but they had new leaders, thefe were the founders of monaste- 
ries, who gave new rules to their monks and new offices for their performance. 
Innovations were admitted ; the ancient liturgy was interpolated and new ones in- 
troduced. To thefe Mac Geoghegan alludes, when fpeaking of the liturgy of St. 
Patrick, which never exifted. Cette (61; liturgie fouffrit quelque changement dans 
cette eglife par la fuite. II y avoit dans cette eglife plufieurs autres rits, " comme 
celui des Grecs ou des Orientaux," & celui des Romains &c tous ces differentes li- 
turgies y ont ete long-tems en ufage puifque fur la fin du onzieme fiecle." 

4. They rejected the company of women, feparating them from their monafteries. 
That manly religion, founded on fcripture and reafon, wanted not meretricious 
decorations to catch the vulgar, nor did it, under the fhow of fuperior fanttity 
fly from thofe temptations it was unable to refill. When matrimony was interdicted 
the clergy, to fecure their reputation, it was neceflary to have diftin£t dwellings for 
the fexes. Our author did not entertain great ideas of celibacy, otherwife this and 
the following clafs would have been exalted to the fkies. No, he thought them very 
inferior in holinefs to the firft. Among us no female was to enter into the ifle of 
(62) Inifcatty, nor into the larger one at Monaincha, nor into the monafteries of 
Clonfert, Lifmore or that of St. Cuthbert, nor into St. Fechin's mill. This ridicu- 
lous affectation of purity extended even to the grave : at Clonenagh near Montrath 
are cemeteries for men and women, diftinct from each other : fuch were the orders 
of St. Fintan. It had been a breach of chaltity for monks and nuns to lie interred 
within the fame inclofure. So firmly did they believe the axiom ; 

Locus femper pudor abfit in arclis. 

All this is copied from Egyptian originals and adopted by paganifm. {6^) 
Sacra bona maribus non adeunda Dea. 

It is very extraordinary our rigid afcetics did not carry their practice as far as theii 
exemplars, for the latter had the mafculine pictures in their temples covered with, 
vails, as Juvenal records. 

Ubi velar i plclura jubetur , 
£>u<zcunque alterius fexics imiiata figuranu 

In 

(C\) Hift.d'Irlande. Cup. p. 224. 

(6i) Ufler. p. 943 — 944, gives many inftances, and fo does Colgan, A&. Sanift. paff. Cir Csmbriens p, 729. Se« 
Martin's Weftern Iflands. p. 49. 

(6j) Tibull. 1. 1. eleg. (T, Propert. ), 4. eleg. 16. Ovid. &c. e. 



ioo ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 



• < < < < < ■<<<..< <<..<..<•.< <<<..< <<■.<■<.<•<.<■<■<.<..< .<..<..<..<..< .< .< .<..<..<■(.>..>..>.. 



In the third clafs were holy prefbyters and few bifhops, in number one hundred : 
they inhabited deferts, fed on herbs, water and alms : poffefled nothing of their 
own : had different rules, manes and tonfures, forae with their crowns fhaven, 
others with long hair. They celebrated the pafchal feaft, fome on the 14th, others 
on the 1 6th of the month with great feverity. This clafs continued for four reigns, 
from 598 to 658, and was holy. In this order we may trace the aufterities of the 
monkifli life fo zealoufly cultivated in this period, corruptions are noticed, but as 
yet no direct acknowledgement of Rome or her doctrines. The compofer of this 
catalogue, with Angular impartiality and judgment, affixes to each clafs an expref- 
iive epithet. The firft was the holieft, it fhone like the brightnefs of (64) the fun. 
Like the great luminary, the pure religion of our miffioners illuminated the dark- 
nefs of heathenifm, and convinced the ignorant and incredulous of its divinity by 
the lives of its preachers. The fecond clafs was lefs holy, it fhone as the (65) moon. 
Corruptions began to appear in the church ; the brilliant fun of chriftianity was 
mom by his beams, and pofleffed only the light of an inferior planet : when reli- 
gion became clouded with fuperftition and human invention the third clafs appeared, 
this refembled the faint glimmerings of a (66) flar. In the mofl degenerate times 
there were always a number of pious men and true believers to adorn the doctrine 
of Chrift. If our author was a Culdee, as I fufpedt, he facrificed much by plac- 
ing Columba in the fecond clafs, but it had been a much greater facrifice to have 
obfcured the truth, and preferred the folitary to the focial virtues. Here he acted 
.agreeably to the charaderiftic uprightnefs of his order. If he was not a Culdee, 
it was fcarcely poflible to avoid betraying fome fondnefs for Roman cufloms. In 
either cafe, we may obferve, an admirable equilibrium of temper, well becoming a 
fenfible, candid and learned man. 

Thus we fee, that the Irifh who adhered to their ancient faith ftill preferved the 
doctrine and difcipline delivered to them by the firft preachers, and this abhorrence 
of Romifh innovations made Archbifhop (67) Spottif wood, Hammond, Richardfon, 
Macpherfon, and others agree in deducing from the Eafl the chriftianity they pro T 
feffed. No one has been more explicit on this head than the learned bifhop God- 



wyn. 



(64) Primus, ficut Sol. ardefcit. Ufler. p. 91 J. 

{6;) .Secundum, ficut. Luna. UfTer. fup. 

(66) Tertius, ficuf. ftella. UiTcr. fup. 

467) Mwkenfic'i Antiq. of the royal line, p <h\. Richwrdfon. Prn;J.e>St. p. 245. Macpherfon's Crit. Diff. p. 331. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MONACHISM IN IRELAND. 101 



..« <<<<<< < < 



•<•<-<■■< ■<■•<••<+>->••»••>■•>•■>•>•■>••>•>■• 



■ >•■>•>•>•■>•>••>•>••>■•>■ >.>..>.*••>■•>•■>•■>••>->• >•>•>■ >•■>•>" 



wyn. " It is very certain, fays (68) he, that at the time Auftin came here, moft of the 
churches, I might indeed fay all, of Ireland, Scotland and Wales differed in moft 
things from the Roman practice and discipline. Even fix hundred years after, as 
may be feen in Cambrenfis, fome Irilh rites will be found to be more conformable 
to the Greek than the Latin church." The learned Centuriators of Magdeburg 
tell us, Auftin, theEnglifh Apoftle, " obtruded on the Britifh churches the Romiih 
rites and cuftoms hitherto unknown to the Britons, who were contented with the 
(70) Afiatic and Greek ceremonies. I have adduced the fentiments of thefe emi- 
nent writers to vindicate myfelf from the imputation of novelty in thefe purfuits. 
Novelty has her charms, but truth many more. 

Eft quoque cunftarum Veritas gratijfima rerum. 

(63) Certo fiquidem certius eft plerafque ecclefias (cur non dicam omnes) Hiberniae, ScotUe, ac Wallise, in plurlmis rebus 
a praxi & difciplina Romatia difcrepaffe. Bed. 1. 3. c. 25- qno tempore Auguftinus hue veoit. Imo fexcentis port, annis ficut 
in Giraldo videre eft. Top. 1. 3. c. 15. Hibernorura nonnulla inftatuta reperies, Grxcorum quam Latinorum ecclefii* 
magis conformia. Godwin, de prxful, p. 14. 

(69) Cest. 6. fi. 448. 




<2 X> 



CV 



C I02 ) 



? > ++ + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + ** + +++* + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 

■v^.•^.•''^/^••' , v'^.•'^/^.''^.' , '^/^l• , '^/^,"^/v'^ 1 '•'v , v'^..'^,/ , ^/^/^'/^/^,/^,/•.,,,'• 



OF THE IRISH CULDEES, WITH THE ANTIQUITIES OF THEIR ABBEY OF MONAINCHA. 

IT will very much illuflrate and eftabliih what has been advanced in the forego- 
ing efiay of the early monaflic ftate in Ireland, to detail at fome length the hif- 
tory of the Culdees. In this remote corner of the world and in the 6th century, 
this celebrated monaftic order commenced. Diftinguifhed for letters and an invio- 
lable attachment to their religion ; their (0 adverfaries, devoted to the Roman See, 
have configned their name and tenets to oblivion ; while others of inferior merit 
are pompoufly brought forward, and extolled for virtues which they never pofTefled, 
and for actions which they never performed. Nor have thofe, who (2) collected 
memorials of the champions of evangelical truth, recorded their merits : but the 
writings of Bede, Lhoyd, Ufher, and above all thofe (3J of Sir Robert Sibbald 
and (4) Sir James Dalrymple have placed their reputation and noble defence of their 
doctrines and liberties on the moft folid bafis. To reftore them, and the luftre 
which their actions acquired to their native country, are the objects of the enfuing 
Eflay. 

Their name has given rife to various fanciful conjectures ; Toland will (5) have 
it, Ceili-de, the feparated or efpoufed to God. Bifhop Nicolfon (6) thinks it de- 
rived from Coul-du, a black hood, which without authority he fuppofes the prin- 
cipal part of their drefs ; whereas from a pafiage (7) in Bede, it is probable their 
garments were white. Shaw's (8) opinion is, that Ceil-de, or fervant of God, was 
Latinized Keledeus and Colideus, and in jinglifli Culdees. The great difficulty in 
accounting for the name of Culdee, arifes from not knowing the precife time when 
it was given : if it was late Nicolfon is probably right ; but not fo, if early ; for 

fanctity was attached to drefs only by the late monaftic orders. 

Columba, 

(1) So unfriendly were the Columbean inftitutes to the caiife of popery, that the feflival of St. Columba was not per* 
3nitted to be kept in Ireland, till 1741. This is very remarkable. Burke. Hib, Doruin. p. 12, 
(i) Catal. teft. verit. Argent. 1,561. Mofheim and others have omitted to mention them. 
(3) Hiftory of Fife and Kinrofs. (4) Collections for an Hiftory of Scotland. 

(5) Toland's Nazaren. p. ji. (6) Irifh Hift. Library, prelate. (7) Vit. S. Cuthberti, c. 16. 

(8) Hiftory of Moray, p. 25 1. Buchan. 1. 6. p. 181. 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 103 



■<<■<■<■<■< ■*. --< < < * ■< « <<-•<■<■<■■< <■%-<■*•>->■>• >■• 



(oj Columba, their founder, was born of illuftrious parents, A. D. 522. The 
fafhion of the times and his own propenfity led him to the cultivation of afcetic 
virtues, and their preparatory exercifes. Monachiim had taken root in this king- 
dom, and was already flourifhing in its numerous profeflbrs and learned feminaries, 
The mod remarkable of the latter was that of St. Finian, at Clonard, where, at the 
age of twenty. five, we find St. Columba engaged in ftudy, and acquiring the rudi- 
ments of that knowledge and difcipline, which were afterwards productive of fuch 
eminent advantages to chriftianity in Ireland, Scotland and England, 

Having completed his monaftic education, in 546 he founded the monaftery of 
Durrogh, and eftablifhed fuch admirable rules for his Monks, that they foon became 
as confpicuous for erudition as fanctity of do) manners, and were from thence- 
forward diftinguilhed by the honourable appellation of Culdees, The Scots, rivals 
of the Irifh in every branch of antiquities, have claimed thefe Monks as their own, 
and as fpringing up in their country fo early as the beginning of the 4th century : 
nor do they want the aid of forged in) charters, or the plaufible tales of elegant 
(12) writers to- fupport this fiction; which is full as probable, as that the idea of 
Culdeifm had its origin in (13) Greece. Bifhop NicoHbn, no friend of the order, 
exprefsly fays : " the Culdees were of the Irifh rule, and carried into Scotland by 
St. Columba, and from thence difperfed into the northern parts of England," But 
to remrn to Columba. 

Brilliant parts, and an unaba ing zeal in the fefvice of religion, with a ftrain of 
powerful eloquence, -exalted his reputation among his countrymen, to a degree 
fcarcely inferior to that of the moft celebrated Apoltle. Such talents were too large 
to be confined within the narrow pale of a monkifli ceil, they were (14) called forth 
to the regulation of flare affairs, and in thefe "he held as decided a fuperiority. 
Amid this fplendor of authority and of parts, it would have been miraculous, if 
human weaknefs did not fometimes betray him into error, from which his biogra- 
graphers do not attempt to exculpate him. He mitigated a bloody war without juft 
caufe, of which being made fenfible, he abjured his native Ib.nd by a voluntary 

ile, and impofed on himfelf a million to. the unconverted Picts.. Of this event 
ikde thus (15) fpeaks : 

<Un 

(9) He It commonly called Columbanus, hut fee that error corrected in UlTer. Prim. p. 68?, 6*g, Ttji , 

Moribus & vita parum vulgalas obfervationis. H. lioeth, p, 166. Broughton, for a particular purpofc, dssn.gM 
parum for patrura. True Memorial, p, $12, 
{ii; Fordun, Boetb, &c. (it) O.fian. The battle of Lora. 

Ui) Cie.tfy's Church Hiftory, p-. 16a. (14) Adamuan. Vic. Colurab. paflim, :'Sj) L ; .b, 3. \ *, 



104 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 



■'<■<•'<■•<■•<■■<•■< ■<-< ■<-<■<•■<-<•< •<••<•■<— .+ > >••>■ >->••>■•; 



** In the year of our Lord's Incarnation 565, there came out of Ireland into Bri- 
tain, a Prefbyter and Abbat ; a Monk in life and habit, very famous, by name Co- 
lumba, to preach the word of God to the provinces of the northern Pi&s. This 
Columba came into Britain, when King Bridius, fon of Meilochon, reigned over 
the Picts. It was in the 9th year of his reign, that by his preaching and example, 
he converted this nation to the faith of Chrift." A few remarks will illuftrate this 
extract.. The proof is here direct and pofitive of the late reception of Chriflianity 
among the Picts. Ninian's fpiritual legation to the northern Picts is attended with 
(16) too many improbabilities not to feem at lead doubtful. If this be fo, Columba 
and his Difciples have clearly the merit of promulgating the Gofpel with effect, 
notwithftandiug the partial labours of earlier miffioners, and the date of the arrival 
of the Culdees in Scotland is immoveably fixed. 

Bede is very accurate in his description of the profeffion and exterior of Columba: 
i4 he was a Prefbyter and Abbat, a Monk in life and habit." The ancient Monks 
had no office in the Church, but retired from the common employments of the world 
to ftudy and devotion. If, fays St. (17) Jerome, (alluding to the practice of the 
eaftern Monks) you will enter on -the miniftry of the church, and perform the 
functions of the priefthood, keep in towns : but if you would be a Monk, that is, 
a folitary, what do you do i^i towns, which are no. habitations for Monks, but for 
thofe who love the world ? According to Dionyfius Areopagita, the moft excellent 
flate among the Laics is the Holy Monks, called Afcetics. Pope Gregory, in many 
parts of his epiflles, expreifes his difapprob^tion of having priefts chofen for Abbats, 
for the clerical, adds he, is perfectly diftinct from the Monaftic Order. Nor (18) 
had monkifh abbats the priefthood antecedent to the 1 2th century. Columba then 
was no anachorite or farabaite, but a coenobite ; not only connected with, but the 
head of a regular community. By being a Prefbyter.and Abbat, we are to under- 
stand fuch a junction, as was not only highly honourable, but very unufual. 

Upon account of his preaching, example and fuccefs, was the Ifle of Hy given 
him, whereon to construct a Monaftery. This ifle is one of the Hebudes or He- 
brides, not large, but furficient, fays Bede, for the maintenance of five families, 
according to the computation of the Englilh. It was called by the Scots, I, Hy, 
Hu, and H|ii ; thefe are obvioufly the (,20) Gothic Ai, Ei, referring to its oval, or 

e SS" 

(16) Macpherfon's Diff p. .139. (17) Ad Paulin. 

(*8) Concil. Pi&av. A. U. 1 100. And Lctterc Ecclefiallicba di Pomp. Sarnclli. Ep. 3. Tanner's notit. mouall. pref. 

(iy) I.hujd, Arclijcol, in infula, * (n?) Grot, ad Piocop. p. ,584. 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 105 



..«.<..< <-<••<-< <<-<-<<<<-<-•< -<■*.-< < < ■< .«■<■<•<■<-<■<■<< •<■<■•< < •<••< • 



egg-like fhape. By the (21) Pitts it was called Onas, and from both, was made 
Ionas, or as it at prefent is named, Iona. This accidental compound, which in 
(22) Hebrew fignifies a Dove, as Columba does in Latin, did not efcape the notice 
of the learned in Hy. Adamnan, one of its abbats, early remarked it, and from 
what he fays on (23) the occafion, there is reafon to believe, that Greek and Ori- 
ental Literature was not unknown in that feminary. Mr. Pennant defcribes it, aa 
three miles long and one broad, and details at fome length its antiquities. It was 
in the genuine fpirit of monkery that Columba feledled an ifland for his retreat : at 
once a barrier againft the intrufions of curiofity, and the impertinence of vifitors, 
and he was clofely imitated by his difclples. Bede proceeds : 

" Before Columba came into Britain, he formed a noble monaftery in Ireland, 
called Dearmach, from which and Hy, many others by his difciples have been pro- 
pagated in Britain and Ireland. Over all, this Ifland-abbey, where he lies interred, 
has fupreme rule. It is always wont to have a Prefbyter-abbat for its Re&or j and 
even the Bimops themfelves, after an unufual or inverted order, ought to be fubjecl:, 
according to the example of that firfl Do&or, who was no Bifhop, but a Prefbyter 
and Monk." 

Dearmach, mentioned by Bede, Camden and (24) Walfh, is fuppofed to be Armagh, 
but improperly ; the word is Doir-magh, commonly written Durrogh, and which 
Bede and Adamnan rightly interpret — " the oaken field." 

From Bede's faying, the Bifhops were fubjeft to the Abbats of Hy, and fome ab- 
furd amplifications of Fordun, Major and Heftor Boethius, affirming the Scottifh 
Church was originally ruled by Monks, who were only Prefbyters, Selden, Blon- 
del, Smectymnus, and the London Minifters Jus Divinum, took occafion to ground 
arguments in favour of the antiquity of Prefbyterianifm and its precedence of epif- 
copal church government. Rather the eminence of the writers than the validity of 
their proofs, made an impreflion on the public. In the warmth of controverfy, 
the things that would have ended the difpute are pafied over. One inftance will 
fuffice : Ofwald (25) fends to the Culdees, " ad majores natu Scotorum, petens ut 
iibi mitteretur Antilles." Upon this, " accepit Aidanum pontificem." Again, 

2 e " veniente 

(21) Baxter. GlnlT. voce Sodorin. (2-2) HDJ' 

(23) Vir erat (Columba) vitas venerabilis & beatae memoriae, monafteriorum pater & fundator, cum Jona propheta ho- 
sronvmon fortitus nomen. Nam licet diverfo trium diverfarum fono linguarum, unam tantum eandemque rem fignificat : 
hoc quod Hebraice dicitur Jona, Graeckas vero Perifteran vocitat, & Latina lingua Columba nuncupatur. In exord. fee. 
prxf. 

{24) Profpetf, p. 67. UlTer. p. 690. (25) Bed. I. 3. c, 3. 



io6 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 

••<••<•<•<■<••<■■<■•<••<••<■•<■•<••<•<•<■<••<■<■•<■<•■<••<■■<■•<••<■•<•<•■«■•<•■<■•<•■<••<••<•<■<•<■•<+>••>•>•>■>•> >•■>••>••>•>■>•>■>■>>■•>■>•.>•>..>.■>•.>.•>..>..>..>..>..>.•>..>..>..>.•>.>.>■>..>. >. >.. 
" veniente ad fe epifcopo." In thefe notices in Bede, the very foundation of 
Selden's and his brethren's arguments is effe&ually fapped. Bifhop (26) Lhoyd has 
completely pr-oflrated the adverfaries of his order, and demonflrated epifcopacy to 
be coeval with Chriflianity in thefe ifles. I fhall take the liberty to add a few ob- 
fervations which did not occur to him. 

There were but (27) two epifcopal fees in Scotland in thofe early ages ; one for 
the Pi&s at Abernathy, the other for the Scots at Iona or Hy. Their diocefes were 
(28) regionary, and like the Irifh Bifhops of thofe times, they exercifed their func- 
tions at large. Thus, about the year 560, Columbanus is filled by Adamnan, 
" Epifcopus Laginenfis," or Bifhop of Leinfler. Bede's words imply, that Bifhops 
were eftablifhed in Scotland immediately on its converfion, otherwife how could they 
be fubject to the Abbat's power ? The Irifh multiplied Bifhops like the Eaflern 
church, for the extenfion of Chriflianity depended on them ; confequently the Irifh 
miffioners eftablifhed epifcopacy wherever they preached ; and hence our annals (29) 
teflify, that there were a Bifhop and Abbat together at Hy at this time. Before 
(30) Columba had fixt the feat of his little fpiritual kingdom at Iona, his character 
had rifen to a great height. The controverfies of Kings were fettled by him : he 
could therefore eafily procure what places or powers were mofl conducive to the 
convenience and aggrandifement of his inflitutions : a prince at once his debtor and 
admirer could refufe nothing he afked, or which royalty could beflow. The (31) 
-canons of general and provincial councils, and thefe confirmed by an imperial law, 
placed abfoluteiy the difcipline, care and correction of Monks in the hands of the 
Bifhop. Brideus inverted this Order, and beflowed thofe rights on Columba, to- 
gether with the (32) alloidiality of Hy, and incidental prerogatives, thereby fubjecl:- 
ing the Bifhop to his temporal power, without however affedting the inherent rights 
of epifcopacy, as is evident from the refpecl Columba himfelf paid to a (33) Bifhop 
at the confecration of the euchariflic elements, 

In 

(16) On Church Government, chap. 7. 

(27) Non levibus momentis & auctoritatiluis pnAari poffet, habuiffe ohm tani Pidos quam Scotos ante regnorum 
conjunctioncm unum faltem pro unoquoque regno epifcopum projirium, atque fedem epiicopalem Pidlorum fuifle apud 
Abernethy in Scratherne ; fedem vero epifcopi Scotorum in Iona infula litam, Wilkins, p. a8. 

(z3) Spehnan v p. 342. Nicholfoii's Scot. Hift. lib. p. aio. (29) Apud UiTcr. p. 701. 

(30) Macpherfon, fupra, p. 354. 

(31) Cliaked. can. 4— S. Aurel. x. can. at. Agath. can. 38. Herd- can. 3. Cod. Juftin. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Epifc. leg. 
40. Nov 5. c. 9. 

1 (32) This appears in Buchan. 1. t. p. 29. Le Droit public dc France, par Bouquet. T. I. p. 209 Lhoyd flip, p< 
ICO— iSo. Velly, T. 1. p. 108. 
(33) Adamnan. fupra. 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 107 

In the obfervation of Eafter, Columba was a CKiartadeciman : he left it in (34) 
charge to his religious at Hy, to keep it from the 14th to the 20th of the moon, 
which they did to the year 716. This eminent miflioner, worn out in the fervice 
of religion, died at Hy, A. D. 597, aged y$ years. To diftinguifh him from others 
of the fame name, he was ($5) called Colum-celle, from being the father of above 
an hundred monasteries. Bede, though clofely attached to the See of Rome, yet 
with candour and truth confefles the merits of the Culde.es. " Whatever he was 
himfelf," fays he, " we know of him for certain, that he left fucceflbrs renowned 
for much continence, the love of God, and regular obfervance. It is true (f) they 
followed uncertain rules in the obfervation of the great feflival, as having none to 
bring them the fynodical decrees for the keeping of Eafter, by reafon of their being 
feated fo far from the reft of the world ; therefore only practifing fuch works of 
charity and piety, as they could learn from the prophetical, evangelical and apofto- 
lical writings." Their warmeft panegyrift could not pronounce a finer eulogium on 
the purity of their faith and integrity of their pra&ice. It is true, they did not 
adopt the corruptions of the Anglo-Saxon church, or the. fuperftitions which had 
contaminated Chriftianity. For centuries they preferved their countrymen from the 
baleful contagion, and at length fell a facrifice in defence of their ancient faith. 

The (36) Abbats, who fuceeded Columba in Hy, were Baithen in 597 ; Fergna- 
nus in 598 ; Segienus in 623 ; Suibney in 652 ; Cummineus in 6$j ; Failbeus in 
669 ; Adamnan in 679 ; Conain in 704 ; and Dunchad in 710. No fooner had the 
papal power got footing in England, than it made attempts on our Irifh church, but 
the Culdees, the mod celebrated for learning and fanclity, oppofed it ? and their 
vigorous oppofition retarded its fuccefs. It was not a doubtful ray of fcience and 
fuperftition, as the elegant (^y) Hiftorian of the Roman Empire remarks, that thofe 
Monks diffufed over the northern regions. Superflition on the contrary found them 
her moft determined foes, and of their learning, let the reader judge from Cum- 
mian's (38) letter to Segienus, Abbat of Hy. Cummian was defirous to bring the 
Culdees over to the Roman manner of celebrating the pafchal feflival, and (39) 
addreffes his treatife to Segienus, as head of the Columbean monafteries, and the 
other Regents of tb.ei'e feminaries. He tells them he does not prefumptuoufly or in- 

confiderately 

(34) Bed. I. 3. c. 6. (35) Bed. 1. 5. c. 10. Notk. Balb. ad .,'. Id. Jan. 

( f ) " Repair," lays the viQon to Egbert, " ad Columba ruoiialteiia, ijuia aratra eorum ao« rede tncedunt." Bed. I. $, 
c. 10. A very gentle repreheufion. 

(36) Ufler. p. 701, 70a. (37) Gibbon, V. 6. p. 2?o. (3*; Uffer. Syllog. Epift. p. 14. 

(39) Dominis faactis 5c io Chrifto venerandis, Segieno Abbati Columbae fan&i & cxterorum fan&orura fucceflbrura. 
Ufler. fupra. 



xo8 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA, 



confiderately offer this apology to them : nor was it difrefpecl: for their cuftoms, or 
the pride of worldly wifdom that induced him to undertake the difcuffion of the 
pafchal controverfy. That after the introduction of the Cycle of 532 years, he 
was filent for a year, neither prefuming to praife or blame it. During this inter- 
val he examined the fcriptures and the hiftory of Cycles. The types of the pafchal 
ceremonies in Exodus he illuflrates by the comments of Origen and St. Jerome, 
and adverting to the oriental cuflom, with much acutenefs he endeavours to evince 
the impropriety of the Irifh manner of keeping Eafler. He infills largely on the 
unity of the Roman, Jerufalem, Antiochian and Alexandrian churches, on the de- 
crees of the Nicene council, and on that of Orleans on this fubjecl:. He cites St. 
Jerome warning the faithful, of Jews, heretics and conventicles entertaining perverfe 
opinions. " Do you confider," fays he, " which are the conventicles here fpoken 
of, whether thofe who agree in the obfervation of the holy folemnities, or the Bri- 
tons and Irifh, placed on the extremity of the earth, are as it were a tetter on the 
globe." " You," addreffing himfelf as before, " are the heads and eyes of the 
people ; if through your means they continue obflinate in error, the blood of each 
foul fhall be required of you ! Our elders fimply and faithfully obferved what, in 
their days, they knew to be befl: ; but they left it in command to try all things, 
and hold fafl that which was right." 

He then proceeds 'to eflablifh the doctrine of the church's unity on the authority 
of fcripture, reafon, and on that of St. Aufline, St. Jerome, Cyprian and Gregory. 
He then enters on an account of the various Cycles, as thofe of Patrick, Anatolius, 
Theophilus, Dionyfius, Cyril, Morinus, Auflin, Victor, Pachomius and the Nicene. 
Throughout his letter, he every where difcovers great ingenuity and erudition, with 
much knowledge of the facred writings. The works of Jerome, Origen, Cyril, 
Cyprian and Gregory are often quoted by him, as are the ads of the Nicene, and 
other councils. Nor was he inattentive to his ftile, for in the conclufion he intreats 
them to correct whatever may appear uncouth or vitious in his compofition. In this 
tract, we can difcover Cummian's acquaintance with the doctrine of time, and the 
chronological characters. He is no flranger to the folar, lunar and biffextile years, 
to the epactal days and embolifmal months, nor to the names of the Hebrew, Ma- 
cedonian and Egyptian months. To examine the various cyclical fyftems and to 
point out their conitruction and errors required no mean abilities : a large portion 
of Greek and Latin literature was alfo indifpenfibly neceflary. Though a man of 
learning, Cummian apoflatized, and liftened to Roman emiffaries. Like all new 
converts, he fees nothing but error and corruption in the religion he left. He up- 
braids 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 109. 



•<■■<■■<•■<■< •<■•<■•<••<•■< ■<■■<+>• >••>->■■>■>. >■■ 



>••>•>•>••>. >• >..>.>.>,.>..>. >.>. >.>..>.. 



braids the Irifh with diffenting from, the Greek, Hebrew, Scythian and Egyptian 
churches, and the Roman, in the obfervation of the pafchal feftival : that it was 
heretical pravity to affirm Rome erred, Jerufalem erred, and that the Britons and 
Scots were alone wife. He tells them that in the fynod of Lene, or Leighlin, where 
the Abbats, the fucceifors of Ailbe, Kiaran, Brendan, Neflan, and Lugid were 
affembled, it was determined to fend to Rome to know how the feflival was kept,, 
which on their return they reported to be every where the fame, and different from 
the Irifh : that thereupon it was refolved to conform to the practice of the univerfal 
church. Thefe mifTioners brought back with them, from the Italian metropolis, 
holy relicks and facred writings ; " in which," fays Cummian, " was proved to be 
the power of God : for I faw with mine eyes a blind maiden reflored to her fight 
by them, a paralytic made to walk, and many evil fpirits caft out. However," adds 
he, " there was a whited wall," fuppofed to be St. Munnu, " who recanted, and 
returned to the traditions of his fathers, whom God, I hope, will flrike in fome 
fignal manner." Here we perceive the intolerance of Cummian's new religion. 

In 63$, Ofwald, Prince of Northumberland, who had received (40) baptifm 
among the Irifh, and was no admirer of Roman (41) innovations, fent to Hy for 
a Culdee Bifhop to inftrucl: his people in evangelical truths. He took no notice of 
Paulinus, the ancient prelate of York, nor of James the Deacon, his companion, 
for they were devoted to Rome. Aidan, an Irifhman and a Culdee of Hy, was 
confecrated and fent. " He was a man," fays Bede, " of the greateft modefty, 
piety, and moderation ; having a zeal for God, but not fully according to know- 
ledge, for he kept the Lord's day of Eafler, according to the cuflom of his coun- 
try. This abatement of his merit could not be paffed over by an eleve of Rome,, 

but it is conveyed in no rancorous or intolerent language. " The King," continues. 
Bede, " gave the Bifhop the Ifle of Lindisfern on the coafl of Northumberland,, 
for his epifcopal fee. Gregory had before fixt the fee at York : this nominations 
Aidan rejected for two reafons : firft it was not agreeable to the fpirit of Culdeifm,, 
which chofe iflands in preference to the mainland, as its mafler Columba did ; and 
fecondly, as it would be an acquiefcence in the decifion of the Roman Pontiff, which, 
the Irifh hierarchy, complete and independent in itfelf, never fubmitted to. Ofwald 
personally attended Aiden's miniftry. When the latter preached, not perfectly un- 
derstanding the Anglo-Saxon tongue, the King was interpreter, for during his exile 

2 f in 

<4C) Bed. l.*3. c. 3. 

(41) Frincipi inftitutis Scoticis imbuto, Romani forfoc minus conJi erteat ritus. Langboni. Gim». Ang. g. 187-, 



no OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA, 

< < .<-< •< •< ■<•<•■<••<•■<•< .<•<■■<■<■■<..<•<<■< .<..<..<..<..<..<..<..<-.« ■<•<•<•.<■.<■<■•<••<••< + >■•>■>•■>■■>••>•■>••>.■>■.>.>•.>•>..>.>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>..>..,..,..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >. >. >..y. »t» 

in Ireland he had learned the language of the Ifle. Numbers of Culdees daily- 
arrived from Ireland : thofe who were priefls baptized the converted ; numbers 
flocked to them, and the church of Chrifl was greatly enlarged. Aidan gave a 
luminous example of charity, piety, and abftinence, and recommended his dodrine 
by his (42) pradice." Thus far Bede, whofe third book of Ecclefiaftical hiflory is 
principally employed in praife of the Culdees. Wherever he mentions their diflent 
from Rome, (and this was their only crime,) he does it with great delicacy, and 
when he fays it was from ignorance of fynodical decrees, we have feen he endan- 
gers his veracity in framing fuch an excufe. < 

Aidan died in 651, he was fucceeded by Finan (43), an Irifhman and Culdee of 
Hy : he baptized Peada, prince of the middle Angles, and gave him Diuma, a 
Culdee, for his Bifhop. After Diuma, Ceolla, another Culdee, was advanced to 
the epifcopate of Mercia, but he refigned and retired to Hy. To the Apoftolic la- 
bours of the Culdean miffioners were the Northern Englifh indebted for their con- 
version, and Dodor Innet, in his learned Origines Anglicanse, records their exer- 
tions in honorable terms. 

Finan departed this life, A. D. 661, and Colman, a Culdee of Hy, came in his 
room. He was an intrepid oppofer of papal dodrines, as his (44) difputation with 
the Romanifts who fupported them, fully proves. King Ofwy, who prefided at this 
conference at Whitby, had been too much tampered with by the Romifh party to 
be .a. fair .arbitrator. Colman, -when (45) he found his opinions rejeded, colleded 
all the Irifh Culdees at Lindisfern, and about thirty Englifh Monks who were ftudy- 
ing there, and (topping at Hy, he failed to Ireland. Immediately the Culdees were 
every where expelled by Ofwy, and replaced by (46) Benedidines. Not contented 
with this triumph, the Romifh clergy ufed Egfr-id, King of Northumberland, to 
wreak their vengeance, a few years after, on the diffident Irifh, an harmlefs and 
innocent people, (fays Bede, pitying their calamities,) and always friendly to the 
Englifh. johnfon, in his notes on the Saxon councils throws fome light on the 
tranfadions at Whitby. " The conference was held in the prefence of King Ofwy, 
in a nunnery ereded by Hilda, the Abbefs. Two Irifh bifhops were there, but 
Colman was the principal advocate for the Britifh and Irifh Eafter, and Wilfrid, chief 
fpeaker for the Roman. Ofwy, who had kept the Irifh manner yielded to Wilfrid, 

becaufe 

(41) The very words of Ecdc. Doctrinam ejus id maxime commendabat omnibus, quod noil aliter vivebat quam i[>fc 
^oceb3t. 1. 3. c 3. 

(43) Bed. 1. 3 c -17. (44) Bed. Aipra. (4.5) Bed. 1. 4. c. 4. 

, /.) Gull. Malnufb. 1. 3. 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. in 

>< « < < < < < < < < <■ < < <■■<<■■< < « « < < < < < » < < ■<•<••< <•.<.<•.<•<•.<..<■.<•<+>.>>..>..>..>. >. >..>..>. >..>..>. >..>.>. >.>.>..,.>..>..>.>.>.>■>.>•>•>.>.>.>.>>.>. >••>•>■>■■ 

becaufe he was told St. Peter was the author of the Roman manner, and that he 
was the key-keeper of heaven, from which Ofwy defired not to be excluded. The 
two Irifli Bifliops went away unconvinced ; the King pronounced fentence for him- 
felf only and for his family, for before this he had kept his Eaiter fometimes, while 
his Queen, who was a Kentifh Lady, and followed the Roman manner, was in her 
Palm Sunday. Ofwy paiTed fentence, not in confideration of the merits of the 
caufe, but in honour of St. Peter. Theodore made great exertions for the obferv- 
ance of this Roman Eafter, yet the Welfli continued their old practice till about the 
year 3oo, and then Elbodeus, a Bifliop of their own brought them into it." The 
controverfy on this fubjecl: may be ^een in Uflier, and other ecclefiaftical writers. 
At length Adamnan, the Culdean Abbat of Hy (48), apoftatized, and by the miti- 
gations of Ceolfred, Abbat of Girwy, Naitan, King of the Picts, expelled the 
Culdees from Hy. This happened A. D. 717. Thus expired thofe illuftrious femi- 
naries of Culdees at Hy and Lindisfern, after bravely preferving their tenets for 
more than a century againfl: the fecret machinations and open violence of their ene- 
mies ; at length they fell a facrifice to encroaching ambition and fpiritual intolerance. 
A great accefs, fays CrefTy in an high tone of exultation, was made to the. luflre of 
this year by the converfion (converfion !) of the Monks of Hy, and all the monaf- 
teries and churches fubjecl to them, to the unity of the catholic church. 

The monasteries of Columba were the bright conilellations of our hemifphere, en- 
lightening every part with the brilliant radiance of the gofpel and learning. Theo- 
dore, Archbifhop of Canterbury, fays Innet, fet up fehools in every place 10 out-do. 
the Irifli and break the interelt of ihe Quartadecinmns, for fo the Culdees were; 
called. The Culdees continued, as an excellent (49) writer obferves, until a new 
race of monks arofe, as inferior to them in learning and piety, as they furpafled 
them in wealth and ceremonies, by which they captivated the eyes, and infatuated 
the minds of men. 

It would be doing injuftice to the fubjecl, and leaving this little hiftory imperfect 
to omit fome practices of the Culdees, which deierve notice. They as well as the 
(50) Britifli monks fupported themfelves by the labour of their hands. In this they 
refembled their Archetypes of the Eaft. 'i he Culdees were ("51; married, but when 
it came to their turn to officiate they did not cohabit with their wives. By the 28th 
canon of the African Code, iub-deacons who handle the holy myfteries, deacons, 

priefty 

(4<i) Bed. 1. ?. c. 13, JJff. p. 702. ( 49 ) Buchan, fupra, p. 127, 

{So) Bed. fug, Toland, fupra. (51) Toland, fupra. 



ii2 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 

priefts and biftiops are directed at their feveral terms to abftain from their wives. 
By terms, as explained by the 13th of the Trullan canons, are meant the times of 
their miniflration j or as the old Scholiaft on the 3d African underftands it, fome 
time before and after the Eucharift. A practice derived from (52) Egypt to the 
Jews, and from them adopted by Chriftians. Celibacy was unknown for the firft 
300 years of the church. Northumberland, was converted by Irilh Culdees : in 
950, the priefts of that country publifhed canons ; one was, " if a pried difmifs one 
wife and take another let him be an anathema !" Here the cenfure falls on fe- 
cond marriages. The Culdees in St. Andrew's were (5$) married to the year 
1 100. 

The regiftry of St. Andrew's informs us, that the Culdees relaxing in difcipline 
were deprived of their pofleffions, but King Alexander reftored them conditionally, 
that they mould be more attentive in attending divine fervice, which they neglected, 
except when the King or Bifhop was prefent, performing however their own office 
in their own way in a fmall (54) corner of the church. This account is obfcure, 
merely becaufe the truth is not related. For the regiftry acquaints us, when Alex- 
ander began the reform in the church of St. Andrew, there was no one to ferve at 
the altar of the blefled Apoftle St. Andrew, or to celebrate Mafs. This mews, that 
the Culdees, who were fettled there, paid no refpect to thefe holy relicks or to the 
Mafs, but chofe rather to forfeit their church and property than defert their princi- 
ples ; preferring their ancient office with integrity of heart, in a corner, to the 
pofleflion of the Choir and its fuperftitious pageantry. Their office was Gallican, 
and very different from the Roman. We are fure it was not the Mafs, which Pope 
Gregory (55) confefles was the work of a private perfon, and not of Apoftolic 
authority. The Anglo-Saxons accepted the Roman office, but the Britons and Irifh 
retained their primitive forms. 

The conduct of the Romanift towards the Culdees was uniformly perfecuting in 
every place. A Charter (56) of David, King of Scotland, recites, that he had 
given to the Canons of St. Andrew the Ifle of Lochleven to inftitute there the 
canonical rule, and that the Culdees, its ancient poffeflbrs, if they thought fit to 
confonn to that rule, live peaceably and in fubjection to the Canons, might continue 

there j 

(ja) Porphyr. de Abft. p. 150. Vino abftinebant, &c in cafto erant tempore tfufafnai fuse iEgyptii faccrdotes, perinde 
UtEbraei. Huet. Dem. Evang. c. II, La Croze, Chrift. des Indes, p. 437. Rhegino, p. Ijj. 
(5S) Toland, fupra. 

{54) Keledei namque in angulo ecclefiae fuum officiuni fuo more celebrabant. Dalrymple, fupra. 
{Si) Epift. 63. 1. 7 (56) Maitland, V. 1. p. i6a. Sibbald, fupra. 



/ ^ 



■J 



s 




* 



v\ 



V 

1 



I 



OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. ii-j 

there ; but if they rejected thefe terms, they were to be expelled. This propofal, 
incompatible with their principles, not benlg acceded to, they were ejected. " In 
the greater churches in Ulfter, as at Cluaninnis and Daminnis, and particularly at 
Armagh, in our memory," fays Archbifhop ($j) Ufher, " were priefts called Cul- 
dees, who celebrated divine fervice in the Choir, their prefident was filled Prior of 
the Culdees, and he acted as Prascentor." It was not eafy to eradicate a reverence 
founded on folid piety, exemplary charily and fuperior learning ; or to commit fud- 
den violence on characters where fuch qualities were found. The Romifh emiflaries 
were therefore obliged to exert all their cunning to remove thofe favourable prejudices, 
and where force could not, feduclion often prevailed. The alternative of expulfion 
or acquiefcence mull ever flrongly operate on human imbecility : in a few inftances 
the latter was chofen: thus about the year 1127, Gregory, (58) Abbat of the Cul- 
dean monaflery of Dunkeld, and Andrew his fucceffor, were made Bifhops, the fir It 
of Dunkeld, the other of Caithnefs. The laft cited intelligent Antiquary confirms 
the wary manner in which the Culdees were treated, as making their Abbats, Bifhops, 
and preferving to thofe who had parifhes their benefices during life. The fame policy 
was followed in Ireland. The prefident of the Culdees was made Prsecentor ; he 
was to have the mod (59") honourable feat at table, and every refpect from his corps. 
Such little diftinctions, while they flattered and faved appearances, were fatal to the 
Culdees ; many breaches were made in their rights, and at lad they (60) loft all their 
privileges, their old inftitute, and retained barely the name of their priftine celebrity. 
Such as they were in latter ages, they continued to exift, and fo late as 1625, they 
had confiderable property in Armagh, as feven townlands, with fmaller parcels ; a 
great number of Rectories, Vicarages, Tithes, MefTuages, and Houfes. 

Let us now attend to the Antiquities of one of their ancient feats : this in old 
records is named Inchenemeo, corrupted from Innifnabeo, or the " Ifland of the liv- 
ing," but from its fituation mod commonly called Monaincha, or the " Boggy Ifle :" 
it lies about a mile South from the road leading from Burros-in-Ofibry to Rofcrea, 
and about three miles from the latter. Giraldus Cambrenfis, who came here with 
King John in 1 185, thus i'peaks of (61) it : " In (62) North Munfter is a lake con- 
taining two iiles : in the greater is a church of the ancient religion, and in the leffer, 

2 g a chapel, 

(Si) Primord. p. 637. (58) Dalrymple, fupra, p. 246. 

(59) 'Priori Colideorum locus primus in menfa & a Colideis cxteris reverentia congrua debeatur. UiTsr. fupra. 

(60) Ufher may be confulted, p. 659. (61) Topog. z. c. 4. p. 716. 

(62) This was Thuomond, which .was one of the ft Yen iudependcut provinces of Ireland, ruled by the O'Briens, at 
die Norman invafion. O'Connor, p: 174, 



ii 4 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 



..<•<•■< <■•< •< •< ■<■■<■<■< •<■•<••<-<-•<■•<"< •<•■<■■< •<■■<■'<■•< •<■■<■■<■■<••< .<..<..<..<..<■■<..<■.<..< •<•{•>->->•>->• >■•>->. >..>.>..>..; 



■>•>•>•>■>.■>>.>.»,' 



a chapel, wherein a few monks, called Culdees, devoutly ferve God. In the greater, 
no woman or any animal of the feminine gender ever enters, but it immediately dies. 
This has been proved by many experiments. In the lefler ifle, no one can die, 
hence it is called, * Infula Viventum/ or the ifland of the living. Often people are 
afflicted with difeafes in it, and are almoft in the agonies of death : when all hopes 
of life are at an end, and that the fick would rather quit the world than lead longer 
a life of mifery, they are put into a little boat and wafted over to the larger ifle, 
where, as foon as they land, they expire." Thus far our Author. This infula vi- 
ventum is exactly the fame as the Icelandic Udainfaker, or the land of the immor- 
tals, and of which Bartholine tells us : that this place is fituated in North Iceland: 
that the natives believe no one can die there, although labouring under a deadly 
ficknefs, (etiamfi letali morbo infe&um,) until he is carried out of its precincts : 
that therefore the inhabitants have deferted it, fearing all the terrors of death, with- 
out enjoying the profpect of releafe. 

Monaincha is fituated almoft in the centre of a widely-extended bog, called the 
bog of Monela, and feems a continuation of the bog of Allen, which runs from 
Eaft to Weft through the kingdom. Since the age of Cambrenfis, and from the 
operation of natural caufes, the lefler ifle is now the greater, and Monaincha, which 
contains about two acres of dry arable ground, is*of greater extent than the women's 
iiland. In the latter is a fmall chapel, and in the former the Culdean Abbey, and 
an Oratory to the Eaft of it. Monaincha is elevated a little above the furrounding 
bog ; the foil gravel and fmall ftones. We may eafily underftand what Cambrenfis 
means by the Church here being of the " old religion." The Culdees, its pofleffors, 
had not even at this period, when the Council of Cafliel had decreed uniformity of 
faith and practice, conformed to the reigning fuperftition : they devoutly ferved God 
in this wild and dreary retreat, facrificing all the flattering profpects of the world 
for their ancient doctrine and difcipline. Their bittereft enemies bear teftimony to 
their (63) extraordinary purity and piety. In more places than one of his Topogra- 
phy, Cambrenfis mentions this ancient religion as exifting in many parts of Ireland : 
his language breathes the vindictive fpirit of their old perfecutors. " There is," 
fays (64) he, " a lake in Ulfter, in which is an ifle divided into two parts : in the 
one, which is pleafant and beautiful, is a church of the orthodox faith ; the other 
rough and horrible, and inhabited by daemons." In the latter the Culdees, no doubt, 

refided. 

When 

(6.?) Devote" Deum defcrviunt, fays Cambrenfis of the Monaincha Culdees, and the Wellh Culdees he flyles, .Monacbi 
leligioDflimi. Itincr. Camb. p. 86j. 
(64) Topog. p. 717—718. 




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OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 115 

..i t ..« « t < < . •< .< < 1 .< < < < .<<.<■<•<■< < < < < < < < < < < < ■■« < •<•<<•<+>• >>>.>>.»..>•>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>. >..>..>..>.>.>..>.>..>>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>.>..>..>..>. >.. 

When Columba fele&ed iflands above other places for his Monks, he clofely imi- 
tated the firft profeffors of the afcetic life. A Latin {6$) poet thus writes about the 
year 417, 

Proccffii pelagi jam fe Capraria tollif, 
Sqiiallit lucifugis infula plena viris. 
Ipfi fe monachos, Graio cognomine, dicunt, 
Quod foli nullo vivere tefie volunt. 

The monafteries in the ides of (66) Canobus and Lerins were, very early, famous. 
The Scottifh ifles were filled with Culdees, and their infular eftablifhments in Wales 
and Ireland were numerous. 

Cambrenfis tells us no one ever died or could die in Monaincha, thereby infinu- 
ating, that death, the only comfort of the wretched and difeafed, was denied to the 
heretical ifle. But this is a mameful and mean perverfion of the honourable deno- 
mination of Innifnabeo, or the ifland of the Living, given from remote ages to 
Monaincha. Buchanan exprefsly afiures us, the (6y) cells of the Culdees were con- 
verted into churches : fo that it was not in the grofs and vulgar fenfe, given by 
Cambrenfis, the name is to be underftood, of no one ever dying there, but in a 
refined and fpiritual one, of men acquiring immortality by the exercifes of religion 
r.nd the cultivation of virtue. In Scotland are many fmall ifles, named the iflands 
of Saints, wherein people have a mod fuperftitious defire of being interred, which 
(68) Mr. Pennant erroneoufly fuppofes to arife from the fear of having their bodies 
devoured on the mainland by wolves : but the true reafon is, the holinefs of thefe 
places, fanctified D^r1*e refidence of Culdees, and before them by the Druids. 

The length of our Culdean Abbey in Monaincha is thirty-three feet, the breadth 
eighteen. The nave is lighted by two windows to the South, and the chancel by 
one at its Eaft end. The former are contracted arches, the latter fallen down. The 
height of the portal, or Weftern entrance, is feven feet three inches to the fillet, by 
four feet fix inches wide. The arch of this, and that of the choir are femicircular. 
Sculpture feems here to have exhaufted her treafures. A nebule moulding adorns the 
outward femicircle of the portal, a double nebule with beads the fecond, a chevron 

the 

(65) Rutil. Itincr. I. i. 

(66) Hieron. prolog, ad reg. "Pachom. Savaro. Not. in Sid. Apoll. The Teutonic people held both ifland? and label 
facred. Tacit. Ger. c. 40. Greg. Turon. de glor. cenf. c. a. Tacitus mentions a — caftum nemus, — an unpolluted Druidic 
^rove in an ifle. The monks adopted the holinefs of fuch places into their ritual. 

(67) Tanta fanftitatis opinione apud onines vixerunt ut vita fun&oruni cell*, in templa commutarentur. Lib. 4 p ; ;6 
^6iS; Tour in Scotland. 



1 1 6 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 

the third, interfperfed with the triangular frette, rofes and other ornaments. It 
is alfo decorated with chalices, artfully made at every Section of the ftone, fo as to 
conceal the joint. The Hones are of a whitifh grit, brought from the neighbour- 
ing hills of Ballaghmore : being porous, they have fufFered much from the weather; 
but the columns of the choir are of an harder texture, (though grits) clofe-grained 
and receiving a good polifh. Being of a * reddifh colour, they mud have been 
handfome objects. They were quarried on the fouth-weft fide of the bog, and are 
a fpecies of lapidum fchiflarum, fplitting into laminse, fix feet long, with which 
moft of the Abbey is cafed without. By fome accident amen keys have been drop- 
ped on the walls of this building, in a number of years they have become large 
trees. Their roots have infinuated into every crevice, burfl the walls every where, 
and threaten the whole with ruin. Such was the flate of the Roman edifices, after 
the deftrudlion of the capital by the Goths, as is minutely and affectedly defcribed 
by (6g) Caffiodorus. 

It will readily occur, how great mud have been the labour and expence of trans- 
porting the materials of this and the other Structures in cots of excavated trees to 
Monaincha, and before this was done, the carrying them a great diftance over a 
deep, miry and fhaking bog, before they reached the margin of the water. It ap- 
pears by the tradition of the old inhabitants, that about a century ago, the ifland 
was not acceflible but in boats : every drain for the fprings, and every paflage for 
the river Nore being choked up with mud and fallen trees ; the furface, in confe- 
quence to a vaft extent was covered with water. Prefent appearances fu$y confirm 
this account. ^^^^0&lr*B* 

Adjoining the Abbey on the north fide was the Prior's ch'amber, which commu- 
nicated with the church by a door with a Gothic arch, 'as exhibited in the Plate. 
There were a good garden and orchard, in the memory of living people, and many 
heaps of {tones and fome crofies, were difperfed over the Ifle. One of the latter 
is given in the Plate ; it has perforations, through wl .ch various parts of drefs were 
drawn to affift women in labour, and to protect their wearers. I have been favoured 
with fome ancient inscriptions, which I fhall not tranfcribe, as they do not at pre- 
fent appear, nor am I certain of their authenticity : the purfuit of truth and ge- 
nuine antiquities, fo far as I am able to diftinguifh, are the fole and invariable ob- 
jects 

( * ) Garnett's tour through the Highlands. 

(69) Virgulta quaque noxia importunitatc nafccntia evulfis cefpitlbus auferantur, ne radicum quidem capilli paulatim 
turgcntes fabricarum vifceribus infcrantur, & more vipereo, prolem fibl facunditate contraria uuciiant, unde fe conipago 
cafura difrumpat, &c. Variar. p. 75. and Not. Foruerii. 



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OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 117 

,.< ^ « < < .«.< .< < < .< < /. .<■•<■« <<•»■<•<<■<•< .<•<■<■■<<<<•<•<■<■<•<<•■<••< <+>•>>->>■ >• >• >■ >••>>>> >>>.>>. >..>..>. >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >>.>■>. >..>.. 

je&s of thefe pages ; and on my bed endeavours to illuftrate thefe, I alone found 
my hopes of public favour. 

At what time the prefent Abbey of Monaincha was built is not eafy to determine. 
The poverty and fewnefs of the Culdees in this ifle in the age of Cambrenfis, and 
his omiflion of their beautiful fabrick ftrongly incline me to think, that the Abbey 
was conftructed after this author wrote. Mr. Bentham (70) defcribes the Norman 
ftyle of ecclefiaftical architecture in general ufe to the end of the firft Henry's 
reign, A. D. 1135, to be constituted of circular round-headed doors, maflive pillars, 
with a kind of regular bafe and capital, and thick walls. The arches were adorned 
with the various mouldings, like thofe already noticed on the weftern portal of our 
church. But befides this Saxon or early Norman, we difcover plainly the Gothic 
ftyle mixed with it at Monaincha, which ftyle Doctor Ducarel(7i) fuppofes to have 
been introduced about the end of the 12th century, and he farther obferves, that 
this mixture of ftyles was frequently ufed for ornament or beauty. If we acquiefce 
in the opinion of thefe ingenious and learned Antiquaries, the date of our Abbey 
will be about the beginning of the 13th century. At which time (y 2) Auguftinians 
were fettled there, and the Culdees removed to (73) Corbally, a fmall diftance from 
their former refidence, where they erefted a curious little chapel, of a cruciform 
fhape, the windows long and very narrow : it ftiil remains in tolerable preferv^tion. 
The Auguftinians did not appear in this kingdom until 11 93, for at that time Earl 
Strongbow brought four from Bodmyn in Cornwall, to his (74) Abbey of Kells, in 
the county'of Kilkenny, which he had dedicated to this Order, fo that here are 
circumftances and a coincidence in point of time agreeing very well with the con- 
jecture refpe&ing the age of our Monaincha Monaftery. As to its being under the 
invocation of the blefTed Virgin, St. Hilary and St. Donan, the Monks of St. Auftin 
might have deferted it, and others of different orders poflefs it. Wherever the 
influence of Rome prevailed, the Culdees were removed, and Columba hhnfelf, 
was not fupplicated in Ireland (75) as a Patron Saint before the year 1741. The 
compiler of his office has committed fome wilful miftakes, which, for the fake of 
our enlightened Roman Catholic brethren, are here noticed. 

2 h 1. It 



{70) Antiquities of Ely, p. 34. (71) Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. joz. 

'»?') Warsi Difquis. p. 240- (73) Prior & Conventus loci fedciu fixerunt Corballia:. Ware, fupra* 

(74) ArchdaU'a Mon. Hi'j, p. 361, (7,5) Officia propria Hib, Sandt. p. 92. 



u8 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 

■ < < <<.<< < « < < <<*<■< ■« ■« t< ■< ■< <■ < .< < <<<.<<<< .< .<•<■<•< •<■<■<+>•>■■>•>•■>.■>■■>.>..►..>.>..>..>..>.>..>.>..>.>..>.>.>..>..>. ,..>..>..,..»..>..,..>..»..>. >..>.*. >..,,.*. 

i. It is faid he went to St. Etchene, a bifhop in Leinfter, to be confecrated to the 
epifcopal order : but from a particular interpofition of Heaven, this ordination did 
not take place. From the tenor of Columba's hiftory in Bede, and which alone 
can be relied on, he never affected Prelacy. 

2. The 5th leflbn of his office informs us, that he refolved to go to Rome, (76) 
knowing that his preaching would be in vain, unlefs his doctrine was the fame with 
that delivered by St. Peter. If St. Patrick was ordained and fent by Pope Celeftine 
to this ifland, and the religion he propagated was .conformable to the Roman, could 
there be any reafon for Columba's going fo far as Italy to be allured of what were 
the faith and practice of the church there? There certainly could not, efpecially a.s 
Columba was born but 29 years after the death of St. Patrick. But there is p.ofitive 
proof in Bede that the doctrine and difcipline taught by Columba were .different 
from that of the Romanifts. " Columba, fays Wilfrid in the conference at Whitby, 
was a devout iervant of God, of pious intention though ruftic fimplicity. Shall his 
authority outweigh that of St. Peter ?" This whole (yj) chapter .of the ecclefiaftic 
hiftorian demonltrates, and fo do many other places, the diftance there was between 
the belief of Columba, and thole who profefled to follow St. Peter. 

3. In the 6th leffon we are (78) told, that being honourably received at Rome 
by St. Gregory the Great, and loaded with apoftolical benedictions, he returned to 
his monaftery of Hy. This is a palpable fiction, for the reafons given before. The 
Culdees we have feen ftrenuoufly oppofing papal innovations and authority in every 
age, and that with fo flubborn a pertinacity as brought on them numberlefs perfe- 
ctions, and in the end a dilfolution of their order. I need not infifl.on the age 
of Columba, which was fixty-eight, and *which mult have made fo long a journey 
as to Rome, very irkfome : nor on the difficulty and danger of paffing through fo 
many barbarous nations before he reached the Italian capital. The detection of thefe 
errors and many more that will, in the courfe of :this work, be brought forward, 
cannot but have an happy influence in opening the eyes of every rational man, who 
muft,fee with concern the unjuflifiable attempts that have been made to enthrall the 
underftanding by bold fictions and grofs untruths. 



In 



-(76) Certus fe in vanum currere, n!fi idom cum Petro pnedicaflet evangelium. Offic. fupra. j>. 98. 
(77) Lib. 3. c. 25. 
fo.Z) Rorme i Sanilo Gregorio Magno honorifice exceptus, &c. Offk, (up. p, 98, 



0F THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 1 1$ 

■■*<<< < < < < < < < < < < •<<<■<■< <•< < < <<<•<•<<■<< < < < .<.<•<■<■.<+>•■>■•>.>•>••>.>.>..>. >..>..>..>..>. ►..>. >..».>.*, (,»..,+ ►..>.>..>..»..►.». >.>.>.>.>. k. >.>..>.. *.. 

In the chief Remembrancer's office is found a record relative to Monaincha, of 
which the following are the contents. It is an Inquifition taken at (79) Lemyvanane 
in Ely. O'Carrol's country, before Michael Fitz-Wyllyam and Francis Delahyde, 
Commiflioners of our Lady the Queen, to inquire for the Queen of all land, tene- 
ments and hereditaments, and of all and fingular other things that might be in- 
quired into by Efcheators and Barons of the Exchequer. Taken the 27th of De» 
cember 1568 on the oaths of thefe good men, the Jury : 

Thomas O'Flanagan, Dermoyd O'Towgha, Dermoyd oge O'Dolgen, 
Thomas Mac Donell, Moyell O'Rendall, Malone O'Dolgen, 

Donogh Mac Owens, Lyfagh Mac Edmond, Donogh O'Dolgen, 
Owne Mac Kilfoyle, Dough O'Triefte, Thomas Mac Teige. 

Donogh Mac Kilfoyle, 
They find that the monaftery of the Virgin Mary in Inchenemo, or ifland of the 
living, with all its appurtenances and profits belong to the Queen by virtue of an 
Act of Parliament : that the faid ifle contains three acres of moor land, wherein 
are two chapels, (80) belonging to the Priory ; and near the ifle is the village of 
Corballi, wherein the (81) Prior and convent dwelt, and where alfo was formerly a 
church that was Parochial as well as Monaflic. The village confifts of eight wafle 
cottages, and the land of the Priory there, in arable and pafture, 180 acres, of the 
annual value of thirty-two millings and fix-pence : there are alfo one hundred and 
forty acres of unprofitable, and fixteen acres of wood and underwood, annual va- 
lue, two fhillings and eight penee. The village of Kerneyttys, now wafle, and 
thirty acres of arable and pafture in it, annual value five fhillings. The village of 
Cowlefhyle, now wafle, and thirty acres of arable and pafture, and twenty-four of 
wood and underwood, annual value ten fhillings. The village of Lytter, now wafte, 
and fifty-two acres of arable and pafture in it, annual value nine fhillings. The 
village of Kylecolman, now wafte, and twenty acres of arable and pafture, wood, 
underwood and moor, annual value four fhillings. The village of Killenperfone and 
Seventeen acres of arable and pafture, annual value fourteen fhillings. The village 
of Ahancon, and twenty-four acres of arable and pafture, wood, underwood, and 
moor, annual value four fhillings, all belonged to the faid, Monaftery, As alfo the 

redories 

(79) From Leim, a leap, now the Leap in the King's County. 

(So) But one of thefe chapels now remains. 

(81) This *lfo came into the poffeffion of the Au^uftinjans on the fupprefiiun of the Culdees, 



120 OF THE CULDEES, AND ANTIQUITIES OF MONAINCHA. 



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• >•>•■>■•>■>••>->• >.*. 



re&ories of Corballi and Ballyfhenagh, the third part of the redtory of Rofcomroh, 
the rectories of Kymutze, Towomahone, Lytter, Kylecolman, with the vicarage of 
Ahancon, the whole, over and above flipends and incumbrances, of the annual va- 
lue of forty millings, (the villages being all wafte) belonging to faid Monaftery. 

This record exhibits a curious but affecting piclure of the ftate of Ireland in the 
early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, when five hundred and thirty-three acres of 
land were worth but four pounds two millings and two pence, and ecclefiaflical pof- 
feffions were equally fmall. The (82) O'Mores, O'Conors, O'Dempfies and O'Car- 
rols were, in thofe times, perpetually in arms againfl the Englilh government : the 
country about Monaincha was alternately walled by the Britifh and Trim forces : 
the labours of the plough ceafed, and the terrified peafants, almoft ftarved, deferted 
their rniferable cabbins ? and withdrew to mountains, bogs and woods, to prolong a 
wretched exiftence. 

(8z) Sydney's ftate papers by Collins. 




OF 



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OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 

THE firft fevere fhock received by the Irifh. church was from the Oilmen after 
their conversion to chriftianity in the 9th century. The exiftence of a pri- 
matial fee founded on the fuperftitious fiction of St. Patrick's reliques was unknown 
before that age and the domination of thefe (hangers : for the religious tenets and 
ecclefiaftical difcipline of the Irifh were very different from thofe of the Oftmen, 
as Ufher and thefe pages fully evince. Inflead of uniting in refloring the purity of 
our church, or of reviving the fplendour of our inftitutions and literary feminaries 
which their pagan zeal had nearly annihilated, they introduced the Benedictine 
Order, which fought admiration more from the mummery of external performances 
than the cultivation of ufeful literature or fubftantial piety. This was in the 10th 
century; in the nth, thefe piratical foreigners had (1) kings in almofl every part 
of our ifle. Sihtric, one of them, ruled Dublin in 1038, and erected a See there, 
making Donat, his countryman, its firft Bifhop. He received confecration, and the 
(2) epifcopal dignity from the Archbifhop of Canterbury. On the death of Donat, 
the clergy and people of Dublin elected Patrick, and recommended him to Lanfranc 
the Englifh Primate for ordination, and they ftyle Dublin the metropolis of Ireland. 
Here is abundant evidence of the early attachment of the Oftmen to the Roman 
See. How, it may be afked, is this to be reconciled with the making Dublin the 
metropolis, or in other words, the primatial See ; when the fame Oftmen had fixt 
the fpiritual fovereignty of the Ifle before at Armagh ? One reafon occurs which 
feems adequate to the. folution of the difficulty; it is, that the Armachian Prelates, 
rejecting the rules and orders of the canon law, continued the cuftom, common, as 
I have mown, with the Irifh and Oftmen, of hereditary fucceffion, which the Dub- 
linian Oftmen, better fchooled, did not : the latter firft accepting the erection of 
their city into a Bifhoprick from, and after fubmitting the approbation of their 

2 1 Bifhops 

(1) Johnflone's Antiq. Celto-Scand. p. 68 — 69. 

(a) Antecefforutn enim veftrorum magiflerio Temper noftros llbenter fubdimus a quo recovdatnur noftros arcep'ffc digil - 
tatea: ecclcfiafticam. Uffer. Syjlog. p 100. 



i22 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCfT 



• < •<••<< <<<-<<•< .<»*■< <<•< <••<<■.< .< < < < < <<<<<■< <•<<■< .<•<< <+> 






Bifliops to the See of Canterbury. This canonical acquiefcence weighed more in 
the eftimation of fo exact a difciplinarian as Lanfranc than the pretended reliques 
of St. Patrick or his holy legend. And hence Dublin and not Armagh came to be 
called the metropolis of Ireland. It is not lefs probable, that Armagh endeavoured 
to eftabliftVthe independency of the Irilh church, which the Britifh Primate oppofed, 
confidering himfelf the fupreme fpiritual head of the Normen wherever (4) difperfed 
for Lanfranc is ftyled, " Primate of the Britifh Ifles." 

Befides the foregoing reafons for not acknowledging the fupremacy of Armagh, 
the Oilmen had apopted many of the tenets held by the ancient Irifh church and 
contrary to the Roman ; fo that a zealous Romanift was necefiitated to reprobate 
both. Thefe tenets appear in Lanfranc's (4) anfwers to queftions propofed by Do- 
nat, the Oilman, Bifhop of Dublin. The Primate tells him, it is expedient that 
all people, living and dying, mould be fortified with the holy Sacrament j but if it 
fhould happen that a perfon baptized, died before he received the Sacrament, God 
forbid he fhould perifh eternally. That if an Infant not baptized, fo he be in the 
article of death, fhould be baptized by a Laic in defect of a Priefl' and die imme- 
diately after, that fuch infant fhould not be excluded from the body of the faithful. 
From thefe anfwers it is evident, that the Irifh believed the reception of the Eu- 
charifl immediately after baptifm indifpenfably neceffary to falva.tion ; and this was 
the opinion of the (5) primitive church, though not of the Roman in Lanfranc's 
age. Secondly, the Britifh Primate allows laical baptifm in the article of death, 
but the (6) Greek church, and the Irifli derived from it, never admitted it : St, 
Bafil (7) orders thofe to be re-baptized who received baptifm from laics. The Irifh 
and Britons administered this rite at Eafter, Pentecoft and Epiphany, the Romanics 
only at Eafter and Pentecoft.. The latter ufed chrifm, exorcifm and other ceremo« 
nies which the others did not. It is recorded by (8) Benedict, Abbat of Peterbo- 
rough and Brompton, about the middle of the 1 2th century, that the richer Irifh 
immerfed their children thrice in milk, the poorer thrice in water. The father or 
any other was the agent. The early chriftians, through the blindnefs and perye-rfe.' 
ngfs pf their new converts, were obliged to retain practifes which they .abhorxed j 

jthus 

{3) Ufler. Sup p. 118— l6i. (4) Warc'i Biftiope, p. 306. 

(5) Bingham, fup. C- 12. c. I. p. 5*9~ 53'' 

(6) AX>.' vri >.a.'Uoit frirproptv vroiti* n rut iifariHtm tpyuv. Cotlft. Apoft. Lib. 3. C. 10. 

(7) AXi(W SaTrri<r/4*.ri aya.KaSaifi?6ui. Ep. ad Aniphil. p. 759, 

I Mos enlt per diverfa loca Hibernise, quod ftatim cum pu«r na/ceretur, pater ipCue veJ quilihet aliui t\\n\ mergprct 
Ctr in a^ua, & Q divitU filius tflet, ter in laite racrgcretur, Brompt. p. 1971. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER, raj 

thus they gave (9) milk and honey after baptifm to infants as euchariftic elements, as 
the learned (10) Bingham has proved, though Salmafius and (u) Suicer fupport the 
contrary opinion. But none of them give a probable explanation of the origin of 
this cuftom, which prevailed in the church to the 9th, and in Ireland to the J2th 
century. Initiation into the facred rnyfteries was looked on as a (12) regeneration, 
and the beginning of a new life j and hence, according to Apuleius, the Egyptian 
priefts, as a fignificant fymbol, gave milk to the initiated, The lacteal circle was 
alfo fuppofed to be made up of human fouls, and therefore the Greeks in the (13) 
evocation of them ufed oblations of milk and honey. From this fource our cuf- 
tom was derived. 

It was ufuai with the Oilmen in the 10th and nth ages to give the (14) firfl: Agn- 
ation, that is the fign of the Crofs, to new converts, whereby, fays the writer, they 
were put in a fituation to live either with pagans or christians ; the meaning of which 
is, that they received the figure of a Crofs on fome part of their body not expofed 
to view. It is certain, chriftians mull have had private marks whereby to know each 
other in times of perfecution, and (15) Procopius allures us this was the crofs punc- 
tured on their hands or arms, 

Lanfranc accompanied the confecration of Bifliop Patrick of Dublin with a letter 
to (16) Gothric the glorious King of Ireland, and another to (17) Turlogh the 
magnificent King of Ireland. I have before (18) Ihown why the Oftmen Princes 
were ftyled Kings of Ireland ; and how their devotion to Lanfranc's religion intitled 
them to the epithet of glorious has already been declared. In his epiftle to Gothric, 
the Primate ftates fome cufloms which he defires him to correct, as the marriage of 
women too near a-kin by confanguinity and affinity, and the feparation of wives from 
(19) their lawful huibands, and alfo the exchange of wives, O'Conor, in (20) his 
Diflertations, confeiTes, that in ages preceding the fecond century there were aborai» 
cations among our Princes, which difgraced humanity, and that the Taltionian 

regulations 

(9) Tcrtull, 37- Can Afric. (10) Boolf ia, e, 4. (n) Thef. voc. X»*«$<f. 

;<2) Warburton on the Elcufinian Myfteriei, Div. Legation. 

^13) ft ikxi fTmhiv swat; r»( ^»#«y«y« piM KtHf«ptin y«?.««r(. Porphyr. d« antra Nymph, p. z6?< 
(14) Johnftone's Antiq. CeUo-Scand. p. 32. J)u Gangs, voce Signati, 

(16) He is alfo called Godred Grovsn and Qodred Mac Regnal. Jobnftofie, f»p, p. 7~6*o. 
(</) Magcifieo Hikemlz rtgi. Uffer. Sjrll p. 7'. (<8) Antiquitki of jreisnd, fuprfl, 

(19) Alii legitime ttbi copulatj pro aibitrjo re»ino,uer<e. Utter, fup- p. 7P. 
Jw) Pag. 1*3. 



124 



OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 



.•< < < < < •<••« < •< •< < •« <<■< < < .<.<..<<..« < .<.<..<..<.<..<.<•■< .<..<•<.<•<•<<<+»>■>•> >■ >. > > >>.>..>..>. 



regulations permitted polygamy. The Suiones and other (21) northerns, who ar- 
rived here about that time, had each two, three or more wives ; princes and rich 
men without number ; nor was illegitimacy attached to the offspring of fuch con- 
nexions. Nor had they reformed this practice in 1200, when Pope Innocent III. 
writ to the Archbifhop of (22) Lunden. From the various colonies of thefe north- 
erns fettled from the earliefl ages in this ifle, it is not to be wondered at if the Irifh 
had exactly their cuftoms and manners. St. Bernard and Giraldus Cambrenfis affert 
we had no marriage-contracts, but the — conjnges legitime copulate — of Lanfranc 
before, mufl remove this afperfion. Camden (23) affures us in his time beyond the 
precincts of towns marriage was rarely contracted, that the Iriih united and feparated 
on the mod trifling occafions, and that all had a wonderful propenfity to inceft. 
Againft this evidence it is ridiculous for (24) Macpherfon to argue, or attempt to 
extenuate the turpitude of fuch cuftoms. Our municipal laws of gavelkind and 
taniftry confirmed the evil to a late age. By the firfl an inheritance was provided 
for the illegitimate, and by the laft the clan was kept diftinct from any other, fo 
that marriage was conftantly among near relations. 

Lanfranc aflured of the attachment of the Oilmen, endeavoured by the moft flat- 
tering language to infmuate himfelf into the good opinion of the Irifh monarch, 
Turlogh. He tells him, God beftows no greater mercies upon the earth than when 
he promotes to the government of fouls and bodies fuch as affect peace, and love 
juflice, and efpecially when he commits the kingdom of the world to good kings. 
From hence peace arifes, difcord is extinguished, and to fum up all, the obfervance 
of chriftian religion is eftablifhed ; which bleflings every prudent obferver perceives 
to have been conferred on the people of Ireland, when the omnipotent God granted 
to your Excellency the right of kingly power over the land. He adds, that Bifhop 
Patrick had declared fo many great and good things of him, that he loved him 
though unfeen, as if he had known (25) him. All this is polite and handfome but 
full of infincerity, for nothing in the Irifh church could pleafe Lanfranc : her 
hierarchy acknowledged no fubjection to him, her clergy were married and her 
rites and ceremonies not in unifon with his. He artfully touches on matters which 
could give no great offence to the Irifh clergy, and that in the gentlefl manner : he 

remarks 



(ax) Quifque fecunJum facultatem virium fuarum duas aut tres vel amplius fimul habct uxores, divites & principes 
abfque numero ; nam ct filios ex tali conjunclione genitos habent lcgitimos. A. Brem. apud. Grot, Prolog, in Proeep, 
p. 10 1. 

(n) Grot. fup. p. 139. (23) Britannia, in Ireland. 

(14) Differtation XI. £05) Ufler. Syllog. fupra. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 125 

-« < < •« « •< « •< •<••<■•< < < •■« ■•< ■•< ■<■<•<••< <<<■< ■<<■< ■< -« ■■< < -< •■< •< ■<<•<■< <•<+>>■■»■■>•>•>■■>■>..>>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>..>.»..*. >..>..>..>..] 
remarks their unranonical marriages ; that Bifhops were confecrated but by one, and 
children baptized without chrifm, and holy orders conferred for money. Lanfranc 
defires Turlogh to afTemble a (26) fynod of his Bifhops and Clergy. This proves 
our monarchy and hierarchy were complete and independent, not fubject to a Le- 
gate, the Primate of Canterbury or the Pope. 

This correfpondence with the Englifh Primate was leaven to the Irifh Clergy ; it 
foured many of them againfl their old religion and difpofed them to innovation. 
Dazzled with the recent fuccefs of the Normans in England, and perhaps terrified 
at the fate of that kingdom and the fpiritual fovereignty claimed by the Britifh Pri- 
mate over this ifle, they thought it better to (how fome condefcenfion on this occa- 
fion than provoke a doubtful contelt, and therefore at the end, or about the be- 
ginning of the 1 2th century they admitted Gille or Gillebert, or more correctly 
Gifelbert, an Oftman as his (27) name intimates, as f Legate; he was at the fame 
time Bifhop of Limerick, a great Oftman fettlement. The legatine authority could 
not be in fafer hands or more obfequious to the court of Rome and to Anfelm, who 
fucceeded Lanfranc, and with whom he was acquainted at (28) Rouen. He was a 
man of fome ingenuity and learning, as his (29) tract in UfTer evinces. It is a 
plain fimple outline of the members and difcipline of the Roman church, and ob- 
vioufly compofed to inftruct the Irifh with what they before were not well acquaint- 
ed, and to prevail on them to adopt an uniformity in the celebration of divine 
offices. In the prologue he fays, " at the requefl and even command of many of 
you, dearly beloved, I have endeavoured to fet down in writing the canonical cuf- 
tom in faying of hours and performing the office of the whole ecclefiaflical order ; 
not prefumptuoufly but through defire to ferve your moft godly command ; to the 
end that thofe divers and fchifmatical orders wherewith, in a manner, all Ireland is 
deluded, may give place to one Catholic and Roman office. What can appear 
more indecent and fchifmatical than that the moft learned in one order mail be as 
ignorant as a layman in another ? As the difperfion of tongues arofe from pride, 
and were again joined in apoflolic humility, fo the conf'ufion of Orders, from negli- 
gence or corruption, is to be brought by your pious endeavours to the holy rule of 

2 k the 

(6) Epifcopos & religiofo? quofque viros jn unum cojivenire jubete, facro eorum conventui prasfentiam veflram cum 
veftiis opiimatibus exhibete. Ufler. Syll. fup. p. 71. 

(27) Kilian & Skinner in voce. Ware's Bifhops, p. 504. 

f St. Bernard does not fpeak pofitively as to the fact:, though I think It probable. Quern aiunt prima fundus lega- 

tione. Vit. Malach. 1936. 

(*8) Quoniam autem olim nos apud Rothomagum invicem cognovimus. Uffer. SyJL p. 23. 

(2yj Ufler. Syll, p. 77. 



126 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 

•.< < < ■« < < < ■•< < *■« < « •< < •< < < < < <<•«■•« < ■< < ■■« <•<•«■•<< < < < ■« ■< <+> > >•>•■>•■>•>. >>->>>>> >■>■>■>>>■>>>>■ >. >>•>•>•>■>>.>■>>•>■■>>■>•>>.. 

the Roman church. It is plain from many parts of Scripture how carefully the 
Faithful mould preferve unity of profeffion. For all the members of the Church 
are fubject to one Bifhop, who is Chrift, and to his bleffed apoflle, Peter, and to 
his apoftolic reprefentative in his feat, and they ought to be governed by them.'* 
This was written in 1090. 

There are many things in this epiflle deferving notice : I mail only touch on a 
few. It is addrefTed to the diffident Bifhops and Prefbyters of Ireland, for it had. 
been an infult to the Romifh ecclefiaflics to have fent to them, as if novices, an 
elementary work. Throughout this long letter there is not a tittle of St. Patrick, 
his archiepifcopal or primatial fee or rights, or the doctrine he delivered to the Irifh 
church. Thefe would have been flattering topics for Giflebert to enlarge on, and 
for the eleves of Rome to prefs on the Irifh. Inflead of thefe he explicitly declares 
their fchifmatical orders differed from the Roman : that is, their ritual and forms of 
worfhip were quite unlike the Roman, for that is the meaning of the word, Order. 
This is fupported very flrongly by the learned Moiheim, who tells us, *' the (30) 
form of public worfhip eflablifhed at Rome had not in the nth century been uni- 
verfally received in the weftern provinces. This was looked upon by the imperious 
Pontiffs as an infult upon their authority, and therefore they ufed their utmofl ef- 
forts to introduce the Roman ceremonies every where, and to promote a perfect 
uniformity of worfhip in every part of the Latin world." From this author we 
farther learn, that about the time Giflebert was endeavouring to fubvert our Orders, 
. Pope Gregory was attempting the fame with the Gothic liturgy, fo that Rome was 
pufhing on the fame fcheme at the fame moment in every part of Europe : a circum- 
ftance very curious and confirming powerfully what is advanced in the epiflle under 
confideration. 

In 1094, Giflebert fends a (31) prefent of twenty-five pearls to Anfelm, and con- 
gratulates him on his criminal triumph in the affair of (32) inveftitures.' The Pri- 
mate having, through the favour of our monarch, fent a legate hither, began to 
tamper with our clergy. In 1095, he addreffes an (33) epiflle to his reverend fellow- 
bifhops in Ireland, and particularly mentions the fenior Domnald and Donat, the 
: lafl bifhop of Dublin, the former of Armagh. He endeavours to excite their pity 
for his fufferings in the caufe of the church ; he exhorts them to vigilance and 
feverity in ecclefiaftical difcipline, and adds, that if difputes about the confecration 

of 

(.0) Ecc. Hift. Cent. II. c. 4. (3') Uffer. Syll. p. 83. ■ (31) Lyttkton's Hen. a. 

(J3) Utter. Syll fupra. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 



127 



of bifhops, or other caufes could not canonically be fettled among them, to bring 
them before him. This affumption of fupremacy over the Irifli church, and the 
right of appeal effectually deftroyeu our ancient independence, and is complete proof, 
that every thing related of the Armachian primacy is a fiction. The Oilmen, who 
now poffefied the fee, either had embraced the tenets of the Irifli, or were married, 
or held it by hereditary right ; any of thefe fufficient reafons for nullifying in the 
eyes of a rigid canonifl: their pretenfions to rank and dignity. He therefore ftiles 
our Biinop of Armagh, Senior, a term now gone into difufe, but which in the 
African canons denoted the dignity of Metropolitan. 

Turlogh, our monarch, had virtually furrendered his regal rights to the Pope, 
through his delegate the Englilh Primate, when he (34) recommended Donat to fuc- 
ceed Patrick in Dublin. Mortogh, who mounted the throne after Turlogh, joined 
his nobility and clergy in a fimilar act, when they fent (35) Malchus to be confe- 
crated at Canterbury. Mortogh, involved in perpetual broils with his family and 
provincial kings, hoped to derive no fmall aid from the fplendour, power, and friend- 
fhip of the Englilh court in awing his rebellious fubjects. Anfelm did not omit to 
cultivate this good difpofition in our monarch, for he addreffed to him two epiftles, 
and there we find him firff. ftyled (36) the glorious king of Ireland. Anfelm men- 
tions in general the uncanonical (late of our church, and fpeciries the inftances 
noticed by his predeceflbr Lanfranc, and advifes him to call a council to correct thefe 
errors and to regulate ecclefiaftical affairs. This he did in 1111, when he convened 
the nobility and clergy to a place called Fiodh-Aongufa, or Aongus's Grove in the 
plain of Magh Breaffail in Meath, where there was a wood (37) facred to religion 
from the remoteft ages, and from ancient prepoffeflion now ufed for greater folemni- 
ty. The number of clergy, according to the (38) Chronicon Scotorum, was fifty- 
eight bifliops, three hundred and feventeen priefls and fixty deacons, with many of 
inferior orders. The fame year another council was held in Meath under the prefi- 
dency of the Pope's legate, when the numerous petty diocefes of that diftrict were 
reduced to two, Clonmacnois and Clonard. Though (39) Keating from obfcure 
annals has related the tranfa&ions of this council, there is fome probability in what 
he delivers of the fettlement of diocefes and the afcertaining their boundaries. 
Every attempt to reduce the number of our fees and augment their revenues, ren- 
dered the clergy more refpedtable, and the church more manageable by the Pope 

and 



! 



(34) Ware's Bilbops, p. 309. (55) Uffer. Syll. fupra. 

(^6) Gloriofe fiii & in Deo chariffime. Ullcr. Syll p. 95. (37) Antiquities of Ireland, fup. 

4<8) Colkii. de reb. Hib. V. I. p. S5h (i9) H »ft- ° f Ireland, p. too— ioi. 



128 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 

and his Legates. This required time to accomplifh, and a beginning was now firft 
made. Some of the regulations faid to have been fubfcribed by the affembly, were 
^that the clergy in future were to be exempt from taxation and fecular laws ; what, 
ever they contributed was by way of free gift. The archbifhops refigned the right 
they received from St. Patrick of confecrating bifhops at pleafure. It was decreed 
that the number of bifhops was hereafter to be twenty-eight, but without encroach- 
ing on the rights of the prefent poffeffors. It inufl occur to every one, that thefe 
decrees could not be efleemed the avowed fentiments of the national clergy, for but 
about a fixth part of the epifcopal order confented to them, they were therefore the 
production folely of thofe who had embraced the Romifh party, and we fee how few 
they were, even after all the efforts of our monarch and his affociates. The activity 
of the former proceeded partly from a fecret motive. Robert de (40) Montgomery, 
Earl of Salop, and Arnulph his brother, Earl of Pembroke, rebelled againfl Henry I. 
Arnulph folicited Mortogh for his daughter and affiftance ; the former he obtained, 
but we are not told what aid he procured. We know he was unfuccefsful and 
obliged to feek refuge in Ireland. Mortogh writes to Anfelm, and thanks him for 
interceding for his (41) fon-in-law, and adds, " be affured I will obey your com- 
mands." This was a fpring that gave motion to Mortogh, and made him perfectly 
obedient to the Englifh primate and court. " So devoted," fays William of Malmef- 
bury, " were Mortogh and his fucceffors to Henry I. that they writ nothing but 
what flattered him, nor did any thing but what he directed." We need not there- 
fore doubt but Anfelm ufed his own and Henry's influence in urging our monarch 
to new model his church. 

Matters however did not proceed fo fmoothly as they expected. The Irifh clergy 
had been hitherto cajoled with fchemes of reformation, which as they could not with 
decency oppofe, they acquiefced in to a certain degree ; but when they difcovered 
the unreaf'onable length to which affairs were likely to be carried ; that their ecclefi- 
aftical polity was to be diffolved and themfelves and their church to be dependent 
on the nod of the Roman pontiff, they could no longer forbear exprefling their 
refentment. Thus the (42) clergy and burgeues of Dublin tell Ralph, who fucceed- 
ed Anfelm in Canterbury, that the bifhops of Ireland and efpecially he who refided 
at Armagh, had the greatefl indignation towards them for not accepting their 

ordination, 

(40) Hanmer's Chron. p. 99, 

(41) Sed & gcnero meo Eniulpho auxilio & interventionc fuccurrifti. U1T. SyU, p, 97. 

(42) Uflcr. Syll. p. 100. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. %%f 

-<<< <■•<< <<■<•<<••< .<.<..<.<<<<<.<..< .<■<<<.< ■<.<■.<•<<<.<•<■<■<■<■<+>•>■>•>■ >►■>■>• >..>>>.>>. >..>.>.>.>.>..>■>> >.>>>>>>■ >. >. >• >■ > > ► >■ ■>■■ 

ordination, and for defiring to be under his fpiritual dominion. But it was too late :' 
■while they were apprehenfive of, they were haftening to their fate. 

Multi ad fatum 
Ventre fuum, dum fata timent. 

Our princes had loft their fpirit and their power, and domeflic difcord fuggefted 
ambitious views to their defigning neighbours. 

The Armachian bifliop who thus refented the interference of the Englifh primate 
was Celfus ; who, though well affected to Rome, could not be prevailed on to fepa- 
rate during his life from his wife and children : at his death he however was per- 
fuaded by the Romifli party to fend his crofier to Malachy O'Morgair, in token of 
his appointment to the fee j he was a zealous ftickler for the new religion, and after 
fome dangerous ftruggles afcended the archiepifcopal chair. Malachy folicited the 
Pall for his fee from Pope Innocent II. but this his holinefs declined, for the Irifli 
clergy were as yet very far from yielding obedience to the Roman Vice-deity ; the 
Pall, fo far from commanding refpect, might have fubjected the wearer to infult. 
Though Malachy fat but three years in Armagh, being driven from thence by the 
old family, he Hill was active in advancing the caufe he had efpoufed. In 1140, he 
introduced the Ciftertian Order into this kingdom by the advice and under the 
directions of St. Bernard, and fettled it at Mellifont, Newry, Bedtive, Boyle, Bal- 
inglas, Nenagh, and Cafhel. St. Bernard prided himfelf much on thefe foundations; 
" the (43) oldeft man," fays he, " might have heard the name of monk, but before 
the days of Malachy never faw one." This, like (44) much of Congan's information 
to him, wants veracity. Malchus, a monk, was made bifliop of Waterford in 1095; 
Samuel, bifliop of Dublin, ejected monks from that city in mo, and Donat, a 
monk, was made bifliop of Dublin, evidences thefe, with others too numerous to 
recite, fufficient to convict our mellifluous doctor of mifreprefentation, and to evince 
how trifling the moll ferious confiderations were when put in competition with the 
holinefs and honour of his favourite order. There is much more of truth in what 
he remarks of the Irifli, by Malachy's means, conforming to the cufloms of the 
church of Rome and the chaunting the canonical hours. Popery was daily gaining 
ground from the criminal inattention of and inconfiderate facrifices made by our 
princes and the unabating zeal of her fupporters. This encouraged the court of 
Rome to fend in 1152, John Paparo, Cardinal of St. Laurence in Damafo, into this 

2 l ifle 5 

(43) Vit. Malach. c. n. Again : Et in terra jam infueta imo & inesperta monaflicje religionis. Epift. ad Malach. 
U4) Hanmer's Chronicle, p. i©4_ Ware's writers, p. 71, 



i 3 o OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 

-<<<<« .< ^-<-.<«<-.< ■*■*-< t <•«■< •«•.« <<<.<<«.< .«..«..«..«..«_«..«.., .<.<..<+>..>..».>..>.>. >..>■>..>..>..>->.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>..»..>. >.>..>.>..>->. »..>.> »->.»"»» 

ifle, to fettle its hierarchy on a new and permanent plan. A council was held in 

Kells, wherein prefided Chriftian, bifhop of Lifmore, who had been educated at 

Clarivaux, under St. Bernard, and of courfe had the papal interefl much at heart. 

The following are the names of the prelates who were prefent, according to an old 

MS. cited by (45) Ware : 

Giolla-Chrifl O'Conarchy, Bifhop of Lifmore, Legate ; Giolla Mac-liah, Primate 
of Ireland ; Domnald O'Lonargain, Archbifhop of Munfter, or Cafhel ; iEda 
O'Hoffien, Archbifhop of Connaught, or Tuam ; Greri, Bifhop of Athacliath, or 
Dublin ; Giolla Na-ncemh, Bifhop of Glendaloch j Dungal O'Cellaid, Bifhop of 
Leighlin ; Tuiftius, Bifhop of Waterford ; Domnald O'Fogartaic, Bifliop of 
Oflbry; Find Mac Tiarcain, Bifhop of Kildare ; Giolla Anchomdheh O'Ardmail, 
Bifhop of Emly ; Giolla iEda O'Maigin, Bifliop of Cork ; Macronan, Bifhop of 
Kerry, or Ardfert ; Torgefius, Bifhop of Limerick ; Muirchertach O'Melidar, 
Bifhop of Clonmacnois ; Mseliofa O'Conachtain, Bifhop of Airthir-conacht j 
O'Ruadan, Bifhop of Luigni, or Achonry ; Macraith O'Morain, Bifhop of Con- 
macne, or Ardagh ; Ethru O'Miadachain, Bifhop of Clonard ; Tuthal O'Connach- 
taig, Bifhop of Huambruin, or Enaghdune ; Muridheach O'Cobthaig, Bifhop of 
Ceanla-Eogain, or Derry ; Msel Patrick O'Bainan, Bifhop of Dailarid, or Connor ; 
Maliofa Mac Inclericuir, Bifhop of Ullagh, or Down. 

I have given this lift on the authority of Ware and Keating, but 1 think it very 
incorre"£t and fcareely authentic : it favours, as all Irifh MSS. do, of modern forgery. 
Let the reader determine from comparing two other accounts of our Sees, where 
the names are very different, and by no means coeval, even allowing for the uncer- 
tain orthography of thefe times. The firft is taken from (46) Hovenden, where he 
relates the affembling of all the Archbifhops, Bifhops, and Abbats of Ireland, to 
fwear allegiance to Henry II. " It is to be known," fays this annalift, *' that there 
are four Archbifhops and twenty-eight Bifhops in Ireland, and (47) thefe are their 
names : 

Gelafius, Armacenfis Archiep. totius Hib. Primas. Odanus, epifc. Mauritius, 
Charenfis epifc. Malethias, Thuenfis epifc. Neemias, Chonderenfis epifc. Gille- 
bertus, Ratphpotftenfis epifc. Thabeus, Ceneverfis. Chriflianus, Ardahachdenfis, 
Eleutherius, Cluencradenfis, epifcopi. Donatus, CafTelenfis Archiep. Chriflianus, 
Leifmoreniis epifc. apoft. fed. Legat. Ingmelleccenfis epifc. Cluanumenfis epifc. 

Arcmorenfis 

(45) Difqulf. p. Sj. (46) Annal. p, 546. Edit. Savillc. 

(47) Quorum nomina haec funt. fupra. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 



131 



.<..< .< .<. < ■< <-< <.<..<..<..<.<<■<.<.<.< •<•■<•■<■<•■<•<■•<■■<■■<••< *<«f >••>••>■•>. >•>••>.- 



■■>-■>■>••>->■>.•>->•>->• >••>■ >■ > -v- >• >■ -v.- >">■■>->.■>">•■>■•>■- 



Arcmorenfis epifc. Lucapniarenfis epifc. Kildarenenfis epifc. Waterfordenfis 
epifc. Archferdenfis epifc. Rofenfis epifc. Finabrenfis epifc. Laurentius, Dub- 
linienfis Archiep. Biftagnenfis epifc. Fernenfis epifc. Leglrglenfis epifc. Kin- 
darenfis epifc. Erupolenfis epifc. Catholicus Tuaimenfis Archiep. Kinfernenfis 
epifc. Kinlathenfis epifc. Maigonenfis epifc. Aelfinenfis epifc. Achatkourenfis 
epifc. 

Here eight Sees were fubjett to Armagh, ten to Camel, five to Dublin, and five 
to Tuam, making, with the four Metropolitans, thirty-two epifcopates. Roger 
Hoveden was a domeflic of Henry II. and is in general well informed and accurate. 
As his catalogue was written but about twenty years after the Council of Kells, it 
is very extraordinary many of his names mould differ fo widely from the preced- 
ing, and that many of the Bifhops are not to be found in Ware and Harris. This 
difference will be Hill more apparent from the names of our Sees as they flood in 
the papal tax-rolls about 1220. 

Under Armagh were, 



Conner, 


Conner. 


Ardachad, 


Ardagh, 




Dun-daleghlas, 


Down. 


Rathboth, 


Raphoe. 




Lugid, 


Louth. 


Rathlurig, 


Rathlure. 




Cluainiard, 


Clonard. 


Damliag, 


Duleek. 




Conanas, 


Kells. 


Darrich, 


- Derry. 






Under Dublin were, 






Clendelachi, 


Glendaloch. 


Leghlin, 


Leighlin. 




Fern, 


Ferns. 


Childar, 


Kildare. 




Cainic, 


Offory. 










Under Cashel were, 






Cendaluan, 


Killaloe. 


Waltifordian, 


Waterford. 




Limerick, 


Limerick. 


Lifmor, 


Lifmore. 




Infula Gathay, 


Innifcatty. 


Cluainvanian, 


Cloyne. 




Cellumabrach, 


Kilfenora. 


Corcaia, 


Cork. 




Ole-imlech, 


Emly. 


Ros-ailithir, 


Rofs. 




Rofcreen, 


Rofcrea. 


Ardfert, 


Ardfert. 






Under Tuam were, 






Mageo, 


Mayo. 


Achad, 


Achonry. 




Cell-alaid, 


Killala. 


Cinani, 


Clonmacnois. 




Rofcoman, 


Rofcommon. 


Celmun-duac, 


Kilmacduagh. 




Cluanfert, 


Clonfert. 






— 



Here 



I3 2 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 

•.<■«••<<< .-■<■<<<<<< <■< <■<■<•<•<•<■<•<<••<•< •<•■<■< .<.<•<<•<•■«■<••«•<•<+>•>->■>••>■•►->■>••>•>■•►••>■•>••>■>.>.■>.•>• >..►.•>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>••►. V>..>y>..>..y>..>..»..|i,.»r, 

Here are thirty-eight Sees which paid Annates to Rome. In the (48) Roman 
provincial, compiled later, they are fifty-feven : the names are indeed fo deformed 
that 1 have omitted them, but they may be feen in the author laft cited and in 
Bingham. It may gratify the curiofity of many to bring under one view the fitua- 
tion and names of our ancient Bifhopricks ; and this view will demonftrate that 
until the arrival of the Englifh, the number of our Sees, the fucceffion of our 
Bifhops and ecclefiaftical affairs are involved in great obfcurity. Ware's MS. gives 
us but twenty-three Bifhops who met the Pope's Legate at Kells j fo many acknow- 
ledged obedience to the Roman Pontiff, and fubmitted to the Metropolitans then 
appointed, and it is very probable new Diocefes were then formed for thefe Pre- 
lates, as the other lifts ftrongly intimate. But neither the papal power nor the 
terror of the Monarch were able to divefl the inferior Princes of their rights, or 
their Bifhops of their Sees j if the latter acknowledged the fpiritual dominion of the 
Pope and paid their Annates, the court of Rome cared little about their number. 
And this is proved by the number of our Sees in the Roman provincial being fifty- 
eight, which in the tax-rolls hefore were but thirty-eight. 

The great object of Paparo's legation was to extinguifh our ancient do&rines and 
difcipline, to new model our hierarchy, and above all, lay the foundation of a 
revenue : none of thefe could be accomplifhed without altering the conftitution of 
our church, and the firft flep towards effecting that was, by reducing the number 
of our Sees, which Bifhop Rochfort's canons before cited fully declare. Paparo 
likewife beftowed four Palls on the four Metropolitans, thofe with the Bulls for the 
other Biiliops brought a (49J large fum into the Cardinal's coffers. He alfo efla- 
blifhed the payment of tithes by apoflolic, that is, by papal authority. Omnipo- 
tence was the chara&eriftic of .the Pope at this time. Of Pope Pafchall II. it 
was faid, 

Spiritus £ff corpt/s mihi funt fubjefta potenier. 
Qorpora terrena teneo, ccs/e/lia mente. 
Unde tenendo pohan, falvo ligoque folum (50). 
Without infifting on the dj.yine right of tithes, they are mentioned by Origen in 
the 3d century, by St. Jerome in the 4th, and from the Council of Mafcon, it is 
plain they were eftablifhed in France in the 5th and 6th, that is, as foon as chrif- 
tianity obtained in any place a firm footing, tithes became immediately an eccle- 

liaftical 

(4ft) Car. a Sanflo Paulo Gcograp. Appcpd. 

(49) Sec Putter's develop, of the German Empire, v. a. p, i?o. NotCj c. where is a curious notice to tbij purpoie, , 

{5$lJ Godi". Viterb. Chron. Univ. 

2 







_ /////sarffffiy /rAtt 



/J,,,/, . /,>~f ®L&k ? 



IN THE "ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 133 

. < < < « < ■< < < < < •< < •<<<<< < < < < < <<<■<■<•<■■< < <•<••<■•<••<•<■■<■<■■<+>•>>■>■ >>>. >■>>.>. >..>..>..>.> >. >. >..>. >.>.>■>•»■>••>•>.>..>..>..>..>■>..>..>..>.>..>.. 
fiaflical revenue, nor has human wifdom yet difcovered a more equitable and lefs 
burdenfome provifion for the Clergy. 

The Council of Kells endeavoured to extirpate Simony. This vice was prevalent 
in Europe in the middle (51; ages. In France, as with us, the great Lords, who 
erected Sees and endowed them out of their eftates, bequeathed them to their wives 
and children, and publicly fold them to the belt bidder. Abbacies were difpofed of 
in the fame manner, and fo were benefices of every kind. As this conduct greatly 
injured the rights of Bifhops and was contrary to ancient difcipline, it was juftly 
and feverely reprobated. This traffick was more advantageoufly carried on here by 
thofe Lords who had embraced the Romifh tenets and party, becaufe they found 
more purchafers than in their own Sept. Even in their own Sept candidates 
were not wanting for benefices, as' in Wales, of which Giraldus Cambrenfis fup- 
plies (52) inftances. 

Paparo alfo endeavoured to abolifh ufury. Reafonable interelt for money lent has 
been permitted by every government ; this is very different from (53) ufury, which 
is the peft of fociety. Without commerce Ireland had only landed gentry, whofe 
prodigality and expence made a continued demand for borrowing., confequently the 
lenders were very few and the intereft. exorbitant. Before (54) the Council of Nice, 
Bifhops and Priefls were allowed to take intereft: for money, but after, the church 
denounced the fevereft punifhments againft thofe who received it, as excommunica- 
tion, a rejection of their oblations and a prohibition of chriftian burial. 

To render the Irilh more obedient and fubmiflive an attempt was made to fetter 
their minds with religious terrors, a pagan tale of purgatory was trumped up with 
every circumftance that could work on their hopes and fears. The very year after 
the Council of Kells, A. D. 1 153, Matt. Paris relates the vifions of Owen, an 
Irilh foldier, which he faw in St. Patrick's purgatory. The ftory was taken up by 
Henry, a Ciftertian Monk, and varnifhed with all the powers of his ingenuity. 
Chrift, fays he, appeared to St. Patrick, and leading him to a defert place mowed 
him a deep hole, and told him, whoever repented and was armed with true faith, 

1 m and 

(51) Moflieim. Cent. XI. And Baluze : Quo fiebat, ut qui ecclefias obtinere a patronis volebant, eas vel numerata 
pecunia, vel tedis obfequiis acquirerent. Not. ad Regin. p. 544. Wini purchafed from Wulfere the See of London in 
666. Bed. 1. 3. c. 7. 

(52) Wharton. Ang. Sac. p. 530. 

(53) Fznus among canonifts is legal intereft, Ufura, is illegal extortion. Regin. p. 133. 

(54) Ante hanc etiam fan&ionem Nicanie fynodi, epifcopi ac Prefbyteri fsenerabantur, ficut alii homines, fingulis- cen- 
teGmis xai Ji«»£u|o»T£s acarcirrae airaiTiin. Salmas. de modo ufurar. p, 37a. Balfamo diferte tradit, ufuras laicis permiflas 
effe, clericis folis vetitas. Salmas. de fxn. trapezet. p. 71. 



i 3 4 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 

,, t .<<<<< .«.<..< <..< < < < < < .<<.<..<..<-.<..< .< .<..<..<..<..<..<..<•.< .<..<.<.<.«..<••<••<+>•>■>■•>■ >. >■ >• >•>■.>■>•>.>■>■>•>>.>.>.>.>..>■>..>■>■>•>•>•>■>•>■>■>•+•»>>•>>>•■■ 

and entering that pit continued there a night and a day, fhould be purged from all 
his fins ; and alfo, during his abode there, mould not only fee the pains of the 
damned, but the joys of the blefled. St. Patrick immediately built a church on the 
fpot, and placed therein regular canons of St. Auftin. 

This impious fi&ion, for many ages firmly believed, confutes itfelf by mentioning 
regular canons, which are well known to have had no exiftence, as Mabillion ($5) 
obferves, before the 10th century. The ground-work of this ftory and many of 
the particulars are taken from (56) Bede, and fo is the name, Owen : lefs than 
thefe were enough for a monkifh fable. It has been well (57) remarked, that no 
account of this purgatory is to be found in Probus or Joceline, or any other writer 
previous to the 1 2th century. It has been difcredited by many popifh ecclefiaftics, 
and on St. Patrick's day in the year 1497, it was demolifhed by order of Pope Alex- 
ander VI. The place is ftill frequented in the (58) months of May, June, and July; 
nor is this to be wondered at, when the late Pope Benedict XIV. was an admirer of 
this purgatory, and preached and (59) publifhed a fermon on its virtues. Such is 
the infallibility of Popes, and fuch the effe&s (60) of fuperflition on weak and cre- 
dulous minds. Here I mould have clofed the account of this celebrated place, was 
it not neceflary to add a few words in explanation of the plate. This purgatory is 
in a fmall ifle in Lough Derg, in the fouthern part of Donegal. The ifle is but 
1 26 yards long by 44 broad, and the cave is fixteen feet and a half by two wide, 
and fo low that a tall man cannot ftand eredt in it. It holds nine perfons, a tenth 
could not remain in it without great inconvenience. The floor is the natural rock, 
and the whole is covered with large ftones and fods. There are feven chapels and 
circles dedicated to St. Patrick, St. Abage, St. Molafs, St. Brendan, St. Columba, 
St. Catherine and St. Bridget. 

The Roman Pontiff, finding the fuccefs of Paparo's legatefhip very problematical, 
refolved to place Ireland in more powerful hands, and for this end he iffued a (61) 
Bull, A. D. 1 155. In this Pope Adrian claims the fovereignty of our iflands, and 
bellows Ireland on Henry II. that he might extend the borders of the church and of 

religion, 

(5,5) Mabillonio nuper dicitur ignotus ante faculum decimum. Spanheim. lfag. Jiift. ecc. T. 2. p. 49a. Mofheim, fupra. 
(36) Lib. 5. c. 13. Lib. 4. c. 3. (57) Richardfon on the folly of pilgrimages, chap. 3. 

(58) Burke, Hibern. Domin. p. 4. 

(59) De eo Sermonem habuit ad populum, ut me memini Roma: inter fermones fuos typis vulgatos legiffe. Burke, 
fupra, p. s- 

(60) No ooe has noticed how exactly the ceremonies at the Purgatory, as defcribed by Meffingham, agree with thofe 
pra6lifed at the Oracle and Cave of Trophimus. Paufan. Boet. p. 603 — 604. Edit. Sylburg. Vandale, dc Oiac. 

(61) Utter. Syll. p. 109. 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 135 

.< .< ■< ■* < <•< < •«••<-< •< <•<<•< < ■■« •« ■•< <•<■<■< ■<■■«••< •« <■•< •< •< ■■< ■< •< <•■<■<•<■•<+>•>■•>•■>■>■>•+■•>•>■>■>■■>..>. ►..►..>..>..>. >. >..>..>.>. >..>..>.*. ►..>..>>. >.>..»..>.> >..►..»..>.. 
religion, extirpate vice and reform evil manners, provided he yearly pays to St. Peter 
a penny for each houfe and preferves the rights of churches. " Voila," exclaims 
(62) Mac Geoghegan, " un arret prononce contre 1' Irlande, par lequel le droit des 
gens & les loix les plus les facrees font violees fous le fpecieux pretexte de religion 
& de reformation des mceurs. Les Irlandois ne doivent plus avoir une patrie : 
cette nation qui n'avoit jamais fubi un joug etranger eft condamnee fans etre enten- 
due a perdre fa liberte. Mais peut-on foupconner le Vicaire de Jefus Chrift d'une 
injuftice fi criante ? Peut-on le croire capable d'avoir di£te une bulle qui a boule- 
verfe toute une nation, qui a depoflede de leurs patrimoines tant d'anciens propri- 
etaires, qui a fait repandre tant de fang, & qui a ete caufe enfin de la ruine de la 
religion cans cette ifle." 

Our Abbe' and (63) Lynch endeavour to remove the odium of this papal aft by 
declaring the Bull a forgery : but the (64) confirmation of it by Pope Alexander in 
1 1 72, and a recital of {65) it by Pope John in 13 19, place its authority beyond 
doubt. Modern Roman Catholics perceive, what their anceftors did not, fome de- 
viations from infallible rettitude in the Roman Vice-Deity, and do not fpeak fo (66) 
refpe&fully of thefe tranfa£lions. Furniftied with thefe omnipotent charters, Henry 
arrived in this kingdom in 11 72, and after accepting the allegiance of the Irifh, 
haftened to Cafliel to regulate ecclefiaftical affairs. The canons made in this council 
have before been concifely given : the principal of them is that which decrees uni- 
formity of divine offices in the King's dominions of England and Ireland. This 
was a wife law ; for the firfl ftep towards reconciling the natives of both countries 
to each other was, to make them of one religion : their fubmiffion to the ecclefiaf- 
tical naturally led to an acquiefcence in the common law of their new m afters ; and 
the event would have been anfwerable to the expectation but for the fubfequent weak- 
nefs of the Englifh government, which then, and almoft ever fince, inftead of apply- 
ing radical cures to public diforders, contented itfelf with palliatives and temporary 
expedients, to appeafe fome prefent clamour or get rid of fome prefent inconvenience. 

Thus have I endeavoured to collect a few fragments, and they are no more, of 
our ecclefiaftical antiquities : if they fhould add any thing to the general ftock, or 
iliuftrate obfcure points the labour is amply recompenfed. The orientalifm of the 
Irifh and Britifh churches though noticed, as was before obferved, by many learned 

men, 

(62) Hift. d' Irlande. T. I. p. 440. (63) Cambrens. Evcrs. p. 166— 193. 

(64) Utter. Syllog. fupra. (6s) Wilkins. Cone. v. 2. p. 491. 

{(16) Jus. Prinut. Armac. fup. O'Connor'* DiU'erc lit Edit. 




136 OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 



men, has never been fo far inveftigated as to give a tolerable idea of its particulars, 
for moft of thefe writers have confined themfelves to that of the pafchal feftival. 
In the foregoing pages an attempt is made to fupply this defeft, and alfo to confirm 
the teftimony of (6y~) Tertullian and Origen in the 3d, and Chryfoftom and Eufe- 
bius in the 4th century, of the early propagation of chriftianity in the Britifh ifles 
by Greek miffioners. This is a point which could not be pleafing to Roman Catho- 
lics of former times, who wifhed to refer all our religious obligations to Rome. 
And hence we need not wonder at (68) O'Flaherty pronouncing our " Greek Church 
and Greek Eafter imaginary whimfies." Our author was a good fcholar and anti- 
quary, and not unfkilled in literary warfare : 

AJfuetus longo muros defendere bello. 

If therefore fubftantial evidence could be brought to fhew the orientalifm of our 
church an imaginary whimfey, he was as capable as any other to produce it. But 
inftead of dire£t and pofitive proofs, his learning and ingenuity could afford him 
but one, and that fuperficial, evafive, and illogical. It is this : " St. Patrick," fays 
he, " living for fome years a canon in the Lateran, knew of no other manner of 
obferving Eafter but that he faw precifely practifed at Rome : the Britons and Pitts 
ufed the fame, as did the northern 5ic~ts converted by Columba, and this uniformity 
continued to the time of Dionyfius Exiguus, A. D. 532." 

Columba, I have fhewn, did not keep the Roman Eafter, nor was Saint Patrick 
ever in the Lateran. Under what then can O'Flaherty fhelter himfelf from the im- 
putation of either grofs ignorance, or grofs mifreprefentation. Simply under this, 
that there was no Cycle, but the Jewifh of 84 years, for keeping Eafter invented 
till Dionyfius Exiguus formed one, and therefore the Britifh, Irifh, and Roman 
churches and indeed every church obferved Eafter in the fame manner. This is 
fuch a firm tone of deception, and fo fhameful an evafion of truth, as could only be 
found in a defperate partizan of a defperate caufe. What brought Polycarp from 
Afia in the 2d century to Pope Anicetus, but to confer on the time of obferving 
the (69) pafchal feftival, and to terminate the violent difputes concerning it ? What 
made Pope Victor, at the end of the fame century, fulminate excommunication 
againft the Afiatic Bifhops, but that the latter did not keep Eafter like the former ? 
1 If 

(67) Tertull. adv. Judsros, c. 7, Origen." hom. 4. inEzcch. and horn. 6. in Luc. c. 1. Chryfoft. t. 6. p. 63,5, Eyftb. 
dem. evang. 1. 3. 

(68) Ogyg. vind. p. 125. (69) Eufeb. Hilt, eccles. 1. 4. e. 14. 1. 5- e - »-»• 



IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY, AND AFTER. 137 

..«<•»..<■< < ♦«<■< < .<..<«<■<.<•< <•<< •<<•< < .<<<■<•< .<.<<•<.<••<■<•<■•« <+>>>>-> >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>. >..>..»..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..►„>. >..>. >.>>. >.>..>.>..>. >.. 

If there was no diverfity, why did the Council of (70) Nice decree the exact time 
of celebrating this feftival ? All thefe events happened before the age of St. Patrick. 
Do they denote an harmonious uniformity in the eaftern and weflern churches on 
this fubject ? No one knew better than O'Flaherty that they do not ; and yet we 
mud lament, that no literary eminence, no mental improvement are able totally to 
prevent a bias to party and opinions to which education and long habits incline men. 
Our author writ at a time (1687) when religious and civil diffention prevailed, em- 
bittered the minds of men and left no time for cool inquiry or reflection. It was 
fcarcely poflible to efcape the general infection : 

Uvaque confpeEla livorem duc'it ab uva. 
But had he lived at the prefent day, and more minutely examined the matter, he 
would have freely confefled the propagation of faith in this ifle, to have been nearly, 
if not exactly as ftated in thefe pages, and that a Greek church and Greek Eafter 
here were not imaginary whimfies. 



(70) If the canon telative to this be genuine. Dupin. Siecle 4. Ricbardfon. Pnclec"l. ecc. fupra. Johnfon's Council* 
in loca. 




S N OF 



( i3« ) 



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%++ + + + + + + + + + + + + + ++ + + + + +++ + + ++ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 



OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC's CHAPEL. 

IF (i) Vitruvius, Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Dion Caffius and Herodian, who pro- 
fefiedly or incidently treat of the domeftication of the Irifh in their feveral ages, 
record nothing but traits of barbarifm, incivility, and total want of architecture, 
where could the Irifh acquire ideas of the (2) Egyptian and Grecian flyles of build- 
ing? There mufl be either a ftrange confpiracy among ancient writers, to mifrepre- 
fent the truth, and deceive mankind, or what is delivered by Stukeley and Irifh 
Antiquaries of the wonderful proficiency of the Druids in the Arts and Sciences, is 
deflitute of reality. The latter .had abfurd fyftems to fupport, the former ftated 
matters of fact and notoriety. Impartiality and truth are ever found among thofe 
who have no inducement to fwerve from them. . 

Vix equidem credar, fed cum Jint pramia falji 
Nulla, ratam tefiis debet habere Jidem. 

Mr. O'Conor grants our buildings in the 6th century were mean, and yet he 
fpeaks of magnificent ones many ages before, without condefcending to explain the 
occult caufes of this degradation, and at length final extinction of architecture 
among us. But this omiffion is not more remarkable than thofe on every fubject 
touched on in his differtations ; where a copious flow of words fupplies the place of 
information, and the Leavar Gabbala and Codex Lecanus miflead the reader with 
the mow of authority. 

Mr. Lynch (3) thinks we had ftone houfes very early, becaufe Teamor or the pa- 
lace of Tarah, is derived from Tea a houfe and mor a wall. Had any but an Irifh 
fcholar and feanachie advanced fo foolifh an etymology, how loudly would his igno- 
rance of the Iberno-Celtic be proclaimed ? Teamor is obvioufly the great houfe or 
palace. But if Mr. Lynch's authority is to be depended on, Ireland was but flen- 

derly 

(1) Vitruv. Archit. 1. 1. c. i. Strab. 1. u. Plin. L J 6. Tacit. Germ. c. 16. Dio. 1. 39. Herod. 1. 7. c. 4. 
(a) Archdall's Mon, Hih. p. 771. 

(3) Cambrens. Evers. p. 117. Rowlands remarks that Caer or Cahir and Mhuir or Mur import an inclofed place, 
p. 49- But that Tea fliould be added to commemorate an Irifh queen, is wild and romantic. 



OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES. 139 

derly inhabited before the Incarnation ; for he records it of Iiialus, as a memorable 
public act, that he (4) cleared fixteen plains covered with wood ; and that Eochad 
Fibherglas and Oengus Olmucad performed fimilar important fervices : the inference 
is eafy and certain, that fuch a country and its inhabitants muft be in the rudeit 
ftate, and that it had more of the ferine than the human fpecies poflefling it. 

In the eyes of reafon and learning then how weak and unfounded are the affer- 
tions of our natural hiftorians ? They boaft of extenfive buildings and high de- 
grees of civilization above two thoufand years ago. The conflruclion of Eamania, 
fays O'Conor, forms a remarkable epoch. Not in hiftory, I am bold to fay, but in 
Irifli romance, for this was 350 years before our asra, when the Roman ftate was in 
its infancy, and Europe but thinly peopled by wandering Celtes. To find at this 
period and in this corner of the world, a nation flouri filing in all the arts of peace 
and fettled fociety, is a tale not to be liflened to, much lefs believed. If the mag- 
nificence and fplendour of the palace of Tarah were fuch as defcribed by Keating 
and his blind followers ; if they continued from its erection to throw a luflre on 
the tafte and opulence of Irifh monarchy to the year of our Lord 427, can any rea- 
fon be afligned for the filence of Geographers and hiftorians on fo curious and in- 
terefting a fubject, or on fuch unufual power, wealth and civility ? Would the Ro- 
mans, a people intelligent and curious, and who held the dominion of Britain for 
476 years, have been ftrangers to fuch a nation ? It muft inftantly be decided, that 
they would not. 

The Celtes were, as their (5) name intimates, Woodlanders : in forefts they found 
houfes, food and fecurity : occupied in the chace and fupported by the fpontaneous 
produce of the earth, and above all living, as hunters ever do, in families and thefe 
widely difperfed, they never dreamed of ftone edifices, or felt the want of them. 
The Firbolgs or Belgic colonies, who fucceeded them, were a very different and 
more civilized people. Like their brethren in Germany, they dwelt a great part of 
the year in (6) natural fouterreins, or artificial caves, and the number of thefe dis- 
covered in Ireland evinces that they practifed the fame here, and that they knew 
very well how to form chambers with dry ftones, and arch them over with long 
projecting flags. The firft chriftian miffioners endeavoured to eftrange the minds of 

the 

(4) Cambrens. Evers. p. 59 Rowlands fays the fame of the Welfh. p. io. 

(5) Whicakcr's Manchefter, Vol. 1. and Britons aliened, p. 114. Baxter. Gloff. in Novantx. Archael. V. 2. p. 421. 
We have many places called Pallice or Peillice, which O'Brien ^invoce) iuppofes to have been a booth made up of earth 
and branches of trees, and covered with lkins. 

(6) Pelloutier, hift. des Celtes, torn. 1. 



i 4 o OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 



..«..4.. <-<.<-<-<-<■•<--<•.<-■<•■< .<..<•.<..<..<..<..<..<-.<..<..«..<..<..<..<■•<••<■•<■•<••<■• <•■<■•<■■<■•<•!•>. ■>■■>- 



• >•>••>••>••>••>••>••>•>•>•>•>••>>■>> >• >>>>•• 



the natives from their old idolatry, by building wooden churches. Thus Palladius, 
it is (7) faid, founded in 431, three wooden oratories. The year after, St. Patrick 
erected tne church of Saul, in the county of Down : it was called f Sgibol Pha- 
druig, or Patrick's Barn, a name at once conveying to us its fhape and materials. 
Concubran, defcribing the old chapel of Monenna at Kililieve, in the county of Ar- 
magh, A. D. 630, tells us it was made of (3) fmoothed timber, according to the 
Irifh fafhion, for they had no ftone fabrics. About 635, Finian, an Irifhman, and 
Biihop of Lindisfern, built a church in that ifle for his epifcopal fee : it was made 
of (9) fplit oak and covered with reeds. Eadbert, his fuccefTor, ordered the thatch 
to be taken off, and both the roof and walls to be fheeted with lead. Beie fays, 
Finan's church was after the Irifh fafhion, being of wood, whereas the (10) Roman 
was with ftone. In 684, Cuthbert, an (11) Irifhman, and alfo Bifhop of Lindisfern, 
confhucted an edifice, of which Bede gives this (12) defcription. The building was 
round, four or five perches wide between wall and wall. The wall on the outfide, 
was the height of a man, on the infide higher, fo made by finking of an huge rock, 
which was done to prevent the thoughts from rambling, by reftraining the fight. 
The wall was neither of fquared ftone or brick, or cemented with mortar, but of 
rough unpolifhed ftone, with turf dug up in the middle of the place, and banked 
on both fides of the ftone all round. Some of the ftones were fo big that four men 
could hardly lift one. Within the walls he conftru£ted two houfes and a chapel, 
together with a room for common ufes. The roofs he made of unhewn timber, 
and thatched them. Without the walls, was a large houfe to receive ftrangers, and 
near it a fountain of water. 

The paroxyfm of zeal for the monaftic profefiion alternately pofFefled the eaflerrt 
and weftern world. Egypt, about the end of the 4th century, boafted (13) of 
fcventy-fix thoufand Monks, and twenty-one thoufand Nuns. In this ifland, in the 
7i.h century, the age we are fpeaking of, St. Nathalus and St. Maidoc feparately 

ruled 

(?) Utter. Primord. p. 737> & f*l« 

I Eecfefiae tunc apud Hibernos fuere parvac, in forma quadra oblongse rcdaclx, & viminibus, &c. Pinkcrton, vit, 
San$ Scot. p. 39. 

(8) Tabulis ilcdolatis juxU morem Scotkarum gentium, eo quod maceriai Scoti non folent facere. Ufler. fupra. 

(9) Qua™ move Scotorum non df lapidc fed de robore fe6lo totam compofuit, atque arundine tesit. £adbertu9, 
3blata arundine, plumbi laminis earn totam, hoc eft, ct tectum & ipfos quoque parietes ejus cooperire curavit. Bed. 

1 3- c - *S- 

(10) Archacologia, Vol. 8. p. 168 — 169. 

(11) Rtgio dicitur natus i'anguine in Hibernia, patre Muriardacho, matre vero Sabina. Godwyn. dc prwful p. 9^. 

(12) Vit. Cudbati, p. S4J. (>3) Raflin. c, J. p. 459. Fleury, Tsm. 30, 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 141 

(14) ruled one hundred and fifty Monks, and St. Manchene and St. Monenna, as 
many Nuns. Three hundred Monks obeyed St. Tehan ; eight hundred and feventy- 
fix, St. Carthag; a thoufand, St. Goban; a thoufand five hundred, St. Laferian; 
three hundred, St. Brendan ; three thoufand, St. Finan ; as many, St. Congel and 
St. Gerald; fo that Bifhop Nicholfon might well (15) fay, the fecular and regular 
clergy were almoft as numerous as men of every other denomination. In the little 
ifle of Bute were twelve (16) churches or chapels, and thirty hermitages; and in 
Unft and the other Hebrides, religious phrenzy equally extended her reign. Hence 
the Irifli acquired a fondnefs for, and a propeniity to monachifm, which remarkably 
diftinguifhed them through (17) every age. Though the number of Monks and 
Nuns now recited is by no means to be depended on, yet it fuggefted to their prefi- 
dents the neceflity of Hone inclofures or clofes, thefe in the Eaft were called Man- 
drae. The word originally (18) imported a fheep-fold, and was applied to thofe 
monadic buildings, wherein the Archimandrite prefided over his difciples, as the 
fhepherd fuperintended his flock in the fold. There are many of thefe Mandrse dif- 
perfed over this kingdom hitherto unnoticed ; one remarkable is Dun Aengus. 
This is in the greater ifle of Arran, on the coafi: of Galway, fituated on a high 
cliff over the fea, and is a * circle of monftrous ftones, without cement, and capable 
of containing 200 cows. The tradition f relative to it is, that Aengus, King of 
Cafhel, about 490, granted this ifle, called Arran Naomh, or Arran of the Saints, 
to St. Enna or Endeus, to build ten churches on. 

The 7th and 8th centuries were brilliant periods in the hiftory of Irifh literature. 
It is therefore furprifing amid fuch a fuperiority, not to find other ufeful branches 
of human knowledge cultivated in this ifle. However, other people were fimilariy 
circumftanced. Doctor Johnfon (19) remarks, "that he knew not whether it was 
peculiar to the Scots to have attained the liberal without the manual art6, to have 
excelled in ornamental knowledge, and to have wanted not only the elegancies but 
the conveniencies of common life. Yet men thus ingenious and inquifitive, are 

a o content 

(14) Cambren. Evers. p. 138. Colgan adds much to this catalogue. A&. Sandl. Hib. paffim, 
{15) Irifli Hiftorical Library, Preface. 

(16) C*snpbell , « political Survey, V. 2. p. 578. 

(17) Wharton, Anglia Sacra, par. a. p. 91. Archdall, fup. Introduction. 
,(18) Salmas. in Vopifc. p. 460 — 46 r. Du Cange & Suicer. in voce. 

* Ingens opus lapideutn fine cormento tamen, quod ducentas vaccas in area contineret, fupra altiffmiam maris crep^di- 
nerjj, e vaftse molis ruptbus ereiftum. O'Flah. Ogyg. p. 1 75. Macpherfon's crit. diff. p. 194. 
f Archdall'* Monaft. Hib. p. 271. 
( 1 9) Journey to the Weftern Hlands. 



i 4 2 OF THE STONE-&OOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

..< •<.<..<..<..< .<.<..«-.<.« <..< .<..< .< ..< .<..< .< .<<■<..< .<•<<..<■.<■.<■<■.< < •<•<<■< «<<+ >•■>••>•>■>■>■>>.>■>■>..>..>..>.>..>>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>. >..>..>. >..»..»,. 

content to live in total ignorance of the trades, by which the human wants are 
fupplied, and to fupply them by the groffeft means." To the fame purpofe, Doctor 
Woodward, from Diodorus Siculus, (20) obferves it as a mighty paradox, that the 
Egyptians Should take little care of the Structure of their houfes, when they wafted 
fo much time, labour, and expence in adorning their fepulchres. — But the folution 
of thefe paradoxical appearances is not fo difficult. The climate has fome influence 
on the architecture of a country, but its political conftitution the greater!. Where 
this is unfavourable to induftry, to commerce, to arts and manufactures, there we 
are not to look for neatnefs or convenience in apparel, in building, or any other 
inftance of civil improvement. 

From every evidence fupplied by antiquity it is certain, the Irifh had neither do- 
mestic edifices nor religious Structures of lime and ftone, antecedent to the great 
northern invafion in the 9th century. Some years before the birth of Chrift, Drufus 
erected fifty (21) caftles or forts along the Rhine, fo that the calcination of ftone 
and the preparation of mortar, could not be unknown to the natives, and yet an 
hundred years after, (22) Tacitus aflures us, the Germans did not ufe cement or 
mortar. A century later (23) Herodion and Dion Caflius declare the fame. Tacitus 
does not fay, the Germans were ignorant of mortar and its compofition, that would 
have been impoflible from their intercourfe with the Romans, he only denies them 
the ufe of it : their riches, as this writer obferves, were their flocks and herds, their 
life was paftoral ; a ftate of fociety wherein no one expects to find durable Structures. 
And yet they had Skill enough to form fubterranean granaries and antrile chambers 
to fecure (24) their corn, and foften the feverity of the winter's cold. Such was 
exactly the cafe with the Irifh. Whatever change chriftianity operated in the religi- 
ous fentiments of the latter, it made no alteration in the political conftitution of the 
country, of courfe things remained in their ancient ftate as to the arts of civil life. 

But the doctrine and difcipline of the Irifh church were averfe from ftone fabrics. 
Celfus, that bitter enemy of chriftianity, (25) objects to the fir ft believers, that they 
had no dedications or confecrations of altars, ftatues, or churches. Four centuries 
had almolt (26) elapfed before the ufage here noticed began. In this interval, the 

Gofpel 

(10) Archselogia, V. 4. p. ijd. (21) Flor. I. 4 c. «. 

(ai) Ne caementorum qtiidem apud illos ufus Germ. c. 16. (23) Pelioutier, fupra. 

(24) SufTugium hyemi & rcceptaculum frugibus. Per fubterranea occulta, foflafque muhifidas, niulti Germani latebant. 
Tac. Germ. c. 16. In the foflis multifidis, we fee the origin of our fubterranean rooms in the numerous cave. ; in this 
ifle, made by the Firbolgs or Belgic colonics. 

(25) Origcn. Cont. Oels. 1. 8. M. Fasl. Oclav. Arnob. I. 6, Ladtant. I. 2. c. a. 

(26) Compare Eufeb. vit. Conftant. 1. a. c. 47. Durand, Rat. Div. Offic. c. 6. P. Virgil, de Invent. 1. 6. c. 8. 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 143 

< ■<••<•<•<< ■<•<••<•<-< ♦« Hill ■<■■<-*■*■<■<■<■<■■*■*•<■•*■■< •«••<•■« •<■■<•< ■*■•<+>■ ■>•■>••>• >■>■>••>•■>•>•>•>.>.>. >.>. >>>.>.>..>>>. >..>..>..>..>..>.>. >.>■>■>■>■>•>•■>•■>• >.. 

Gofpel was propagated in this ifle by Greek miflioners or their difciples. It was in. 
the 6th age, churches were anointed with chrifm, and in 787, reliques (17) were 
placed in them, and they affumed the name of fome patron Saint or Martyr. While 
corruptions were creeping into religion on the continent, ours was pure and primU 
tive. Retentive of the faith delivered to us, and precluded from accefs to Rome by 
the convulfions of the Empire, we were flrangers to the innovations of foreign church- 
es ; when time difcovered them to us, we beheld them with horror and deteilation. 
Such is the tenor of our ecclefiaftical hiftory. Lanfranc (28) complains in 1074, 
that we did not ufe chrifm in baptifm, and we may conclude, that it was not applied 
in inferior facred offices, as confecrating a church or altar. By Archbifhop Comyn's 
(29) canons, made in 11 86, it appears that our altars were of wood, and therefore 
incapable of chrifmation j for the councils of Adge in 506, and of Epaon in 517, 
forbid the (30) holy oil to be applied but to ftructures of flone. Here are proofs 
of our churches being generally of wood even in the 12th century, and that their 
confecration was folely by prayer, agreeably to the cuftom of the purefl ages. 

The Britons, who fymbolized with the Irifh in religious tenets, had only (31) 
wattled and wooden churches. The ancient chapel at Glaftonbury, preferved in (32) 
Spelman, and that of (33) Greefted in the county of Efiex, exhibit fpecimens of 
the old Irifh and Britifli ftyle. On the contrary, the Anglo-Saxon church, founded 
by an eleve of Rome, early adopted the mafles, ftations, litanies, finging, reliques, 
pilgrimages, and other fuperflitious practices, flowing in a full tide from that impe- 
rial city, and with thefe that mode of building peculiarly fuited to them. 

The Irifh Oilmen being converted in the 9th century, embraced the faith of their 
countrymen in England. We find them in fubfequent ages correfponding with (34) 
Lanfranc, Archbifhop of Canterbury, and fending to the Metropolitans of that fee 

their 

(27) Concil. Nic. 2. can 7. Reliques are defended by the Romanifts on the text (Revelations, chap. vi. ver. 9 ) of a 
book of very fufpicious authority. Even this text is perverted, for does the foul and body remain together in the grave ? 
What isfaid by St. Auftin, (Serm. dc Sancl.) and by St. Jerome, (in Viligant.) they are interpolations, and of no weight. 

(28) Uffer. Syllog. p. 71. On what authority is chrifm or uiiSion fupported ? On a prophane and ridiculous fuppofi- 
tion. Spiritualem intelligi volebant facris myfteriis ineffe pinguedinem. Cyprian, c. 14. 

(29) Ware's Bifhops, p. 316. 

(30) Alnria nifi lapidca infufione chrifmatis non facrentur. Cone. Epaon. c. 26. Why? Durandus anfwers : Non de 
ligno, quia cum fit porofum et fpongiofum corpus fanguinem abforberct, fup. p. l3. The portable ftone-altar of the 
9th and 1 oth centuries, was ufually a fiate. Baluz. in Rhegin. p. 561 — 562. 

(31) E lapide enim facras «edes efficiere tam Scotis quam Britonibus morem fuiffe infolitum. Uffer. fup. p. 737. Eo~ 
quod, ibi ecclefiam de lapide, infolito Britonibus more, fecerat. Bed. 1. 3. c. 4. 

(52) Concil. V. 1. p. 11. (33) Ducarrel's Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. IOo. 

<34) Ufitr. Syll. p. 119. 



144 OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

their Bifhops for confecration. This predilection might be reafonably expected 
among people iffuing from the fame country, and connected by affinity and language. 
Accordingly the firft ftructures of the Oflmen in Ireland, and the firfl: buildings 
•with (35) mortar, were flone-roofed chapels for reliques. I fhall only add one very 
remarkable circumftance, and that is the clofe imitation of Britifh crypts in their 
Sculptures by our Irifh architects. Let the learned reader compare the fculptural 
■ornaments of (36) the undercroft at Canterbury, with thofe in fome of our chapels, 
and he will be convinced of the truth -of what is here advanced. As our over-ground 
cryptical chapels have been hitherto unnoticed by Irifh Antiquaries, and as they are 
objects extremely curious, I fhall now communicate what authentic information has 
occurred to me concerning them. 

Near the Cathedral of Killaloe, is a done-roofed chapel, in it were probably de- 
pofited the reliques of St. Flannan, though after tranflated to the cathedral. This 
patron Saint is (37) faid to have been difciple of St. Molua, the founder of this 
chapel, which from him was called, Kil da Lua, and the patron himfelf, Mo-Lua, 
or My Molua, a pronoun added by way of endearment. This childifli analyfis is as 
contemptible as the other elucidations of hagiographers. St. Molua is an ideal per- 
fonage, and may be added to the other Saints of imagination. (38) Kil-le-Iua, is 
literally the church upon or near the water, the water here is the Shannon : a ra- 
tional and obvious origin of the name. This place, being but eleven miles from 
the great Oilman fettlement at Limerick, was perhaps as early built as any other in 
the ifle. 

The church of St. Doulach, fituated about four miles to the Eaft of Dublin, on 
the road to Malahide, is a curious flructure. It is forty-eight feet long, by eighteen 
wide. There is a double ftone roof, the external which covers the building, and 
that which divides the lower from the upper flory. You enter this crypt through a 
fmall door to the South. Juft as you enter, the tomb of St. Doulach prefents itfelf. 
The tomb projects fo far into the room, that together with the flairs of the tower 
and legs of the arches, it can contain but few people.: it feems defigned for no other 
ufe but the feparate admiffion of thofe, who came to make their prayers and offer- 
ings to the Saint. From this room, by ftooping, you pafs a narrow way and enter 

the 

(35) The Ordo Romanuj, compiled in the 9th century, directs the mortar ufed for inelofing reliques within an altar to 
be made with holy water. Tunc facial m altam cum ipfa aqua benedi&a ad occludendas San&orum reliquias in loco altaris. 
D11 Cangc in Malta. 

{36) Archacologia, V. 8. (37) Ware'* Bifliops, p, 590. ii%) O'Brieu'* Irifh Dicl. voce Lia. 



K 



\ 





■-::■:■ liiiK ':..■!:;:■ 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 145 



■•<-•< •<■•<■•<-■<-■< •« .<■•<-<••<■■<■<••«■•< ■<■•< •<-.<.<•.<.•<..<••<■•<-<••< •<+>•>->->. >•■>->■• 



the chapel. This is twenty-two feet by twelve, and lighted by three windows, one 
at the Eaft, and two at the South ; the arches pointed and decorations Gothic, thefe 
with the tower are later additions. The roof is of ftone and carried up like a wedge. 
The (tones which cover it are not large, but fo well bedded in mortar, that after 
many centuries this roof tranfmits neither light nor water. There is a well in an 
o&agon inclofure, with fome emblematic frefco paintings, and a bath fupplied from 
the well. The cryptical fepulchres and oratories in Gregory of Tours and Bede are 
the exact archetypes of ours. Thefe were fecured from vulgar approach by (39) doors 
and chancels ; the fupplicant was permitted only to put his head into a little window, 
and there invoke the Saint, and take with his fingers a pinch of the facred duft. 
Under the ancient church of Rippon, founded (40) by Wilfrid, A. D. 660, is an 
arched chapel, ten feet fix inches long, feven feet fix inches broad, and nine feet 
high. There are nine fteps down to it, and there is a little hole, called St. Wilfrid's 
needle, through which people are drawn into the (41) chapel. In all thefe instances, 
there is a remarkable uniformity, proving that they fprang from one common ori- 
gin. 

The crenellated fquare tower at St. Doulach's, if not a later addition, mufl have 
been conflructed by fome of the Fingallian or Dublin Oilman Princes of the eleventh 
century. And this I conclude as well from the building as from the name of the 
Saint to whom it is dedicated. St. Tulloch or St. Doulach is a (42) corruption of 
St. Olave. Now St. Olave was (43) born A. D. 993, and died at the age of thirty- 
five, fo that this chapel could not be older than the beginning of the 1 ith century. 
About 1038, Sihtric, the Oilman King of Dublin, built the (44) church of the holy 
Trinity, or Chrifl Church in that city, and his Bifhop Douat was animated with not 
lefs zeal, for he founded the chapels of St. Michael and St. Nicholas. Tulloch's or 
Olave's lane probably received its name at this time ; it ran from the end of Filh- 
amble-ftreet to the Wood-quay, and as was ufual in thofe ages, had a crofs, a well, 
or oratory, dedicated to this Saint. It might well be expected that the northerns 
would particularly venerate a Saint of their own country, and endeavour to procure 
fome of his reliques. — St. Doulach's chapel is an exifling monument of this fact, as 
well as of their fuperflition. 

2 p St. Doulach's 

(39) Sed qui orare deGderat, referatis cancellis quibus locus ille ambitur, &c. Feneftclla parvula patefa&a, immiflb 
introrfuai capite, qiue necefiitas promit, efflagitac. Greg. Tur. de glor. Confefs. p. 925. Edit Ruinart. Habente foramen 
in pariete, per quod folent manum fuam immittere, ac partem pulveris inde adfumere. Bed. 1. 4. c. 3. 

(40) Tanner's Notitia Mon. in Yorkshire. (41) Gent's hiflory of Rippon, p. uo. 
(42) Hiftory of Dublin, p. 86. (43) Johnflont's Antiq. Celto-Scand. p. 29a. 

(44) Hiflory of Dublin, p. 371. 



i 4 6 OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

V 
-.< .«■•<•<■■<■•<•<••<■•<■<•<■■< •<■<•<■•< •<•<•■< ■<■•<■•« •«•<■•<•<■•< •<•■<•■<■•< •<•<.<••<•<••<■•<••<+>■•>■•>••>• ►■>••>••>■ >■>•>•>•>■>■ >..>..>. >..>..>..>••>.->. >. >.>..>..>..>..>. >..>. >>>>>>>.. 

St. Doulach's well was the baptiftery, it is at a fmall diftance from the chapel. 
All the old baptifmal fonts were o&agonal. There was fomething myftical in the 
(45) number eight. Among christians the idea of this figure feems to have been 
taken from the (46) eighth or baptifmal day. Thus (47) St. Ambrofe. 
Oclachorum Jantlos templum fur r exit in u/us, 
Oclagonus fons ejl tnunere dignus eo. 

Hoc numero decuit facri baptifmatis aulam 
Surgere, quo populis vera falus rediit. 
The emblematic frefco paintings, with which this baptiftery is adorned, were di- 
re£tly copied from a Roman original. Thus Prudentius (48) fpeaks of the Vaticaa 
font. 

Omnicolor vitreas piclura fuperne tingit undas, 
Mufci felucent £ff virefcit aurum. 
Cyaneufque latex umbram trahit imminentis o/lri } 
Credas moveri jluclibus lacunar. 

Asa fupplement to what has been faid of St. Doulach and his chapel, I beg leave 
to add an account of both from an anonymous, though well informed author, who in 
j 747, publifhed a concife furvey of the ecclefiaftrcal ftate of Dublin and its diocefe. 

" In Bove-flreet, now called Fifhamble-ftreet, ftood formerly a chapel of eafe to 
St. John's church dedicated to St. Doulach, an anchoret whore feafl; is celebrated on 
the firfl of Auguft ; on which day and during its odave, is vifited a famous well in 
Fingal between Belgriffin and Kinfaly, about five miles from Dublin, contiguous to 
a church facred to the memory of this venerable folitary, whofe life was formerly 
preferved at Malahide, but now not to be met with. The building of the hermitage 
is ftill covered, and in it is an altar, which fome look upon to have been the tomb 
of that holy reclufe ; near which is a hole, where many put in their heads to get 
rid of the head-ach. Up two pair of ftone-ftairs is fhewn his bed, not much larger 
than a fmall oven, fcarce fuflicient to contain a perfon of a moderate fize : it is 
held in great repute by women in pregnancy, who turn thrice in faid bed, hoping 
thereby they may not die in child-bed. The ft eeple is ftill up, as is alfo the church, 
which is now much fmaller than formerly. Divine fervice is performed there 
once a fortnight, and the tithes belong to the Chapter of Chrift Church. Near this 

church 

(4,5) Rl)odoj>in, I li. c. 13. (46) Cyprian, epift. 59, ad Fidum. 

(47) Iuiciip. ad font. S. Teclx. Du Gange in O&ava. Durand. fup. 1. 7. c. I. 
1 (48) Ptri/kph. hym. ti. 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 147 

_e .«..<..« .<.<..<..<.<.<..<..<..<..,.<..<<.< .<..< < < < < < .<.<..<.<.<.<.<.<..<..<.<..«.<.<+>. >. >. >..>,.>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>.>.>..>.>>. ►..>..> ,>..>..>..>..>..>..>.>.. 

church is a well of moil lucid and delightful water, inclofed and arched over, and 
formerly embellifhed at the expence of Peter Fagan, brother of John Fagan of Fel- 
trim, Efq. with the decorations of gilding and painting. The defcent of the Holy 
Ghoft on the apoftles was reprefented on the top : the effigies of St. Patrick, St. 
Columba, and St. Bridget, much after the manner they are engraved in Meffing- 
ham's title-page to his Florilegium Sanctorum Hibernian, as alfo of St. Doulach, 
in a hermit's habit. On the walls was the following infcription, engraved on a mar- 
ble ftone. 

" Pifcina Solymis clara decus efferat alter, 

Et medicos populus jaclet Hebraus aquas. 

Grata Deo p atrium celebrat Fingallia fontem, 

Doulachi precibus munera nacla piis.' 

Morbos Me fugat promptus, virefque reponit, 

JEgris, &? caufas mille falutis habet. 

Scilicet aquus agit mediis Doulachus in undis, 

Angelus ut fontem, fie movet Me fuum. 

Fons ! nq/ler amor, ft te negleximus olim 

Mox erit, ut nomen fit fuper qjlra tuum. 

*' Bethfaida's facred pool, let others tell 

With healing virtues how her waters fwell, 

An equal glory fhall Fingallia claim, 

Nor be lefs grateful for her blifsful ftream. 

Thy pray'rs, Doulachus, mounted up to heav'n, 

Thence to thy well the mighty pow'r is giv'n 

To drive the fiery fever far away, -\ 

Strength to replace, and refcue from decay, > 

In ev'ry malady to life a flay. J, 

The cherub wond'rous moves his wat'ry fphere, 

The faint behold who flirs the fountain here. 

Hail ! lovely font, if long unfung thy name, 

It hence fhall rife above the flarry frame. 

" Doctor Patrick Ruffel, Archbifhop (titular) of Dublin, granted forty days in- 
dulgence to thofe who would fay devoutly, on their bare knees, at St. Doulach's 
well, five times the Lord's prayer, Ave Maria, and at the end of faid prayers the 
Apoftles creed, and that a fortnight rnufl intervene between each time of faying 

the 



i 4 8 OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

..< .<.<..<..< .<..<..<..«.<.«.<..<.<..<..<..<..<..<..<..< .<..<..«..< .<..<..<..<..< .«..<..<..<..<..<■.« .«..< <+>. >•>.->.■>. >• »..>.>.►..>.>..>..>.>.>>. >..>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>.>.>..». >..>..>.>..»..>. >..>..»..>>.. 

the aforefaid prayers to gain the indulgence, as appears from an inscription which 
had been formerly on a (lone which imported the fame. At the back of St. Dou- 
lach's well, there is another for bathing, which is vaulted, and called after St. Ca- 
tharine." 

Thus far our author, who in his account of this little cryptical chapel and its 
founder, exhibits a picture of fuperftition and bigotry as remote from common fenfe 
as from genuine chriftianity. 

Near the (49) church of Portaferry flands a chapel ; a coarfe building, fays the 
writer, of an odd contrivance, being a room thirty-feven feet in length, fixteen 
broad, and twenty high j covered with a coved arch of (tone, fo clofe and firmly 
cemented, that it does not appear to admit any water. Adjoining is a fimilar ftruc- 
ture, divided into two apartments. There is a very ancient over-ground crypt in an 
ifland in the Shannon not far from Killaloe. Malachy O'Morgair, about 1135, 
erected at the Abbey of Saul, two ftone-roofed crypts, feven feet high, fix long and 
two and a half wide, with a fmall window at one fide. But tnat °f the greatefl 
magnitude and bed architecture is Cormac's chapel at (50) Camel. 

Irifli romantic hiftory tells us, that he was defcended from Olliol-Olum, King of 
Munfter of the Eugenian race, and that he was proclaimed King of Camel, A. D. 
902, according to the Annals of Innisfallen, exercifing at the fame time the archi- 
epifcopal fundions. That in 906, he was fuddenly attacked by Flan, King of Meath, 
and by Carubhal, King of Leinfler, who plundered his country. That in 907, he 
defeated thefe enemies on the plains of Moylena in Meath, but in 908, he was 
again invaded, and fell in battle on the plain of Moyailbhe, not far from Leighlin, 
I rely more on the teftimony of Caradoc of Lhancarvan, for his exiftence than the 
plaufible fictions of national writers ; and I think what this Welfh chronicler relates 
of his being flain by the Danes moil likely, for in his time they were (51) ravaging 
every part of the kingdom. Irifh writers praife his learning, piety, valour, and 
magnificence ; after pompoufly detailing thefe, they are not afhamed at confeffing 
their total (52) ignorance of his fucceffors in Cafhel for one hundred years. As 
ufual, they are perfectly acquainted with the minuted tranfactions of the remotefl: 
ages, of which there are no annals or documents remaining, but where light might 
be expected from the latter in fubfequent periods, there nothing but darknefs reigns. 



Cafhel 



(49) Hid. of the County of Down, p. 46. (50) Caifial, In Irifli, is a rock. O'Brien in voce. 

(ji) Johnftone, fupra, p. 66. (51) Ware's Biihops, p. 467. 





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ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 149 

Cafhel feems to have been dedicated to religion in times of paganifm ; for on the 
fite of heathen fanes early chriftianity erected her churches. Ware relates a tra- 
dition, that the kings of Munfter were proclaimed on a large ftone there. This 
was a Firbolgian cuftom introduced from the North, where the people reared (53) 
great (lones, or (tone-circles for the election and inauguration of their princes, the 
ele&ors themfelves alfo Handing on ftones while giving their fufFrages. Formerly 
in (54) Scotland, when a chief entered on the government of his clan, he was 
mounted on an heap of ftones in the form of a pyramid, his followers ftajiding in a 
circle round him. Manus Odonnel, Lord of Tyrconnel, was inaugurated on a rock 
near Kilmacrenan church in 1537, as Cox informs us. And M'Donald, King of 
the Ifles, was crowned ftanding on a ftone. Our Liafail or ($5) Stone of Fate* is 
very celebrated in Irifh romantic hiftory ; on it our monarchs were feated for inau- 
guration, and if he was the true fucceffor, the ftone groaned in fign of approbation. 
This ftone was brought into Ireland by the Tuatha de Danans, from the city of 

(56) Falia in the north of Germany. This tradition, connected with the acknow- 
ledged practice of the Northerns, proves the cuftom to be of Scandinavian origin, 
and very different from the Celtic, which ufed a tree and not a ftone. Thus the 

(57) Bile Magh Adhair, was a remarkable tree in the plain of Adhair in the county 
of Clare, under which the Dalcaflian princes were inaugurated. Every folemn and 
holy office was performed by the Celtes in groves ; by the Firbolgs in ftone circles. 
Here we have an eminent inftance of the diftinttion between thofe people, in reli- 
gious rights and civil ufages, fo much infifted on in thefe papers. 

That Cafhel was an ancient Mandra, the wall furrounding its fummit, its fituation 
and the monaftic fpirit of chriftianity prevalent in this kingdom, give reafonable 
grounds to believe. The ftone-roofed chapel before defcribed, and denominated 
from Cormac, I think, muft have been conftruded pofterior to the age of this pre- 
late. Becaufe, if things were conducted in the common manner, he muft have 
been firft canonized, and his reliques afterwards be depofited in this crypt. So that 
unlefs he could have fore-known that he was to be dubbed the patron of Cafhel, he 
hardly would have built this chapel for his own remains. Or if this chapel had 
been once dedicated to (j8) St. Patrick, the leffer would never have difpoflefled the 

2 q_ greater 

(Si) Worm. Mon. Dan. 1. :. c. 12. J. Magn. Kill. Goth., initio. Sex. Gram. 1. 1. Krantz. Meurs. et alios* 

(54) Martin's Wcfleni lfland-, •>> 102 — ni — 384. 

(55) O'Flahert. Ogyg p 1;. Harris's Ware, p 10—124. 

(j6) O'Fiahert. fup. p. 12— 19. (57) O'Brien, uprz, voce Bile. (5R) Ware's Bifliops, p. 463. 

I 



iSo OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

.«-<-«..<.•«.<.<«.<.«•<.<■«■«••« <<<<<<-<■<•<•< -<-<-<-.<-<-<-<~<-<-».<^"<.f ►-►-►••>-►-►•►•>••►•>■>->-►>.>..>..>..>..>.,>.►.>..>..>..,.>.>.,.►.,.>_>. »..>.» >.».>..►. 

greater fpiritual hero. It is therefore probable, that forhe other perfon ere&ed 
this fabric to his memory, and enfhrined his bones there, as a martyr who fell in 
defence of his religion and country againfl pagan invaders. Who this perfon 
was, or the time is not eafy to determine. The dimenfions of this chapel are thus 
flared. — 





Feet. 




Inches. 


Length of the nave, ... 


3° 


— 





Breadth, - 


18 


— . 





Length of the choir, ... 


13 


— 


8 


Breadth, - 


11 


— 


6 


Breadth of the grand arch leading into the choir, 


9 


— 





Width of the north door, 


2 


— 


7 


Of the fouth door, - 


3 


— 


4 


Of the weft door, 


4 


— 


6 


Mean thicknefs of the walls, 


4 


— 


1 


Length of the fquare tower, 


10 


— 





Breadth, ... 


6 


— . 


8 


Height, 


68 


— 





Height of the done roof from the ground, 


52 


— 





Slant of the roof, 


24 


— 





Diameter of the columns of the grand arch, 





— 


6 


Height, ... 


8 


— 





Height of the intire arch, 


12 


■ — 


6 


Breadth of the archivolt, 


3 


— 


6 


Length of the chapel infide, 


47 


— 


8 


Length outfide. - 


53 


— 









This is certainly one of the mod curious fabrics in thefe kingdoms. It is a re- 
gular church, divided into nave and choir, the latter narrowing in breadth, and 
feparated from the former by a wide arch. Under the altar, tradition places the 
bones of St. Cormac. There is a ftviking refemblance between this chapel and the 
church of St. Peter at Oxford, with Grymbald's crypt beneath it. This (59) church 
is fuppofed to be the oldeft ftone church in England, and faid to be built by Grym-. 
bald about the end of the 9th century. It confifts of a nave with a fquare tower at 
the weft end j at the eaft is the chancel, and on its extremities fland two round 

towers., 

(S9) Collinfyn's Britifh Antiquities, p. 139, Strutt'a chron. V. 2. p. ?.o<j. 




SECTION of COX3i4A.CS CHAPE.3L, 



V / 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 



»S* 



<•<<•<■<+>• 



•■>•>••>•■>■>•>■ >- 



>•>>•>■ >• ■>••■ 



towers, terminating at top in a cone. The crypt is arched, and the columns fup- 
porting it are fhort and mafl'y. The fquare tower is about eighty feet high, and the 
round towers from the parapet about twelve. Let thefe (60) particulars be com- 
pared with fimilar ones at Cormac's chapel, and a ftrong likenefs will be perceived; 
only our chapel is infinitely more curious, by uniting under its ftone-roof a church 
and crypt. Notwithstanding this agreement, I think the ornaments in Cormac's 
chapel fpeak it to be a construction later than that of St. Peter's. The grotefques 
on the capitals in the crypt of the latter are not feen in our chapel. Over a door in- 
deed is an archer mounted on fome ideal quadruped. High fquare towers were cer- 
tainly known and in ufe in England when Cormac's chapel was built, becaufe there 
is one there ; but it could not be placed on the interferon of the crofs, for our 
chapel is not cruciform ; befides, if there were crofs ailes it would not have anfwered 
the idea of a crypt. High towers are (61) dated about the reign of Edgar, towards 
the end of the 10th century. So that, on the whole, it is not unreafonable to 
fuppofe, about this time, or the beginning of the next age, Cormac's chapel was 
erected by fome of his fuccefibrs in Cafliel, and that prior to the introduction of 
the Norman or Gothic ftyles, for in every refpect it is purely Saxon. Thefe hints 
may perhaps remove fome difficulties, and lead to fome happier conjectures on 
this fubject. 

The (62) annals of the priory of All Saints inform us, that the church, after the 
reftoration of it, was folemnly confecrated, and a fynod held in it in the year 1 134. 
About thirty-five years after, Donald O'Brien, King of Limerick, built a new 
church in Camel from the foundation, converting Cormac's old church into a 
chapel or chapter-houfe, on the South fide of the choir. Here the church noticed 
in the annals' feems to be Cormac's, which probably had been defecrated in the 
wars of thofe (63) times. Or (hall we fay, that a cathedral was erected in 1101, 
when Mortogh Mor O'Brien folemnly granted and dedicated the town of Cafhel to 
God and St. Patrick. If fo, Mortogh's fabric muft have been mean and trifling, 
fince it went to decay in about thirty years ; for it cannot be fuppofed, Donald 
O'Brien would have constructed a new church had his predeceflbr's continued ia 
good prefervation. I therefore imagine there was no religious edifice of (tone on 
the rock but Cormac's, antecedent to Donald's church. Notwithftanding the former 

might 

(60) Views of St. Peter's church and Grymbald's crypt may Be feen in Archaeologia, Vol. I. Leland's ColleS. Y. ?,, 
p. i,i. Edit. Ayloffe. 

(61) Grofe, V. I. p. 1I3. (6z) Ware's Bifhops, p. 464. 
(63) Colletflanea, No. 4. p. ,546, et fetjuent. 



i 5 2 OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES OF THE 

might have been ufed as a chapter-houfe, the builders had the flrongeft reafon for 
uniting the cathedral with the chapel, and that was the fan&ity of the latter. Had 
the chapel been fmaller, it would have been inclofed in the new building. Thus 
Edwin, King of Northumberland, made a fmall wooden oratory, afterwards he 
built a church of ftone, inclofmg the oratory (64) within it. The old chapel at 
Glaftonbury had a divine odour exhaling from it : Auguftin did not attempt to 
demolifh it, but very much (6$) adorned it. In all parts the veneration for thefe 
old chapels and crypts was the fame. 

Donald O'Brien founded a cathedral at Cafhel about n 69. This was certainly 
of ftone ; for it did not want any great repairs for two hundred and fifty years, 
when Archbifhop O'Hedian rebuilt thofe parts which had been injured by age, and 
modernized the whole, as the long lancet windows and other gothic ornaments 
teftify. 

But neither the fame of St. Cormac, nor the curious remains at Camel, have 
made it fo memorable as the (66) Synod held there in the year 1172, when every 
Archbifhop and Bifhop gave fealed charters to Henry II. conferring on him and his 
heirs for ever the kingdom of Ireland, which charters were confirmed by Pope 
Alexander. At the fame time, on the King's part were offered and accepted, the 
Englifh laws ; thefe the Irifh folemnly fwore to obferve, and for their better execu- 
tion the kingdom was divided into (hires. Political wifdom was never more emi- 
nently difplayed than on this occafion. The natives, how attached foever by long 
habits, could not but feel the heavy, grievous, and arbitrary exa&ions of their 
Lords ; from thefe, by the laws of England, they would be exonerated. For 
though the feudal incidents were fevere enough, yet they were certain and fixed. 
Another finking advantage would have been the fecuring inheritances. Thefe two 
objects, if there were none other, were of the laft importance towards introducing 
civility among a rude people : and that the Irifh underflood the operation of thefe 
laws, we may learn from the hiflorian's remarking, that they thankfully received 
them. 

The canons made in this fynod deferve notice. They forbid marriages within 
the prohibited degrees : they exempt the church lands from fecular exactions : they 
releafe the clergy from Eric for murder : they command children to be baptized in 

the 

(64) Bed. 1. 2. c. 14. 

(65) Egit nimirum pnedicabilis viri folertia, ut nihil decederet fan&itati, & plurimuro accederet ornatui. Guil. 
Malnulb. 

(66) Ware's Bifliops, p. 468. Lyttleton's Hen. 3, V. a. p. 89. 



ANCIENT IRISH, AND OF CORMAC'S CHAPEL. 153 



•<•$•>•->■>•> > >■ >■>•■>• >•■>••>- >•>■>■ >->>.>.>■>->.>• >•■>■>■ >>■>■> >■>■->■■>• > >■ •>• > >•■ 



the font : they orcter tithes of cattle and corn to be paid to the parifli 1 arch : they 
point out the diftribu*-ion of a dying man's property: they decree, that every chrif- 
tian be brought to the church and decently buried, and laftly they enjoin an uni- 
formity of divine offices with thofe in England. 

Ltland attempts to exhibit this fynod of Cafhel as a (6y) folemn farce, and to 
ridicule its proceedings ; in doing fo he proves how little he was acquainted with Irifh 
ecclefiaflical hiftory. Rome wanted a revenue, as the bulls of Adrian and Alex- 
ander unequivocally declare ; this could not be procured without eradicating the 
ancient faith and practice of the Irifh ; to accomplifli which purpofe the interpofition 
of a foreign power was indifpenfably neceffary. To juftify the foregoing cenfure, 
it has been fhewn that the rites and ceremonies of the Irifh totally differed from 
thofe eftablifhed at Cafhel. Let one inftance fuffice. It has before been feen, that 
the Irifh and Britons agreed in religious matters. Auguftine in Bede objects to the 
Britons, that they did not adminifter baptifm according to the cuftom of the Holy 
Roman and Apoftolic Church ; which mud mean, that they either did not obfervc 
the ufual feafons for adminiftering this rite, or they made no ufe of chrifm, exor- 
cifm or imposition of hands. Befides this, Brompton and Benedict, Abbots of Pe- 
terborough, who lived at the very time this fynod was held in Cafhel, exprefsly 
affure us, that the Irifh who were rich baptized their children by immerging them 
thrice in milk, as thofe who were poor did thrice in water. This was not a bar- 
barous cuftom as a Superficial reader may imagine. The authors Iaft cited tell us, 
it was the father that dipped the child. Laical baptifm was common in the Eaft 
in early ages, but was forbidden by the (68) Apoftolic Conflitutions and alfo by 
St. Bafil. We know from (69) Tertullian, that after baptifm, milk and honey were 
given to the infant, and by the 37th canon of the African code, milk and honey 
were laid on the altar for baptifmal ufe, and they were confecrated by a peculiar 
form. The Egyptians, according to Apuleius, gave milk to thofe whom they 
initiated into their myfteries. Without proceeding farther, we may obferve, that 
the Irifh received from their firft teachers the Oriental cuftoms of lay-baptifm and 
milk and honey ; the latter, in a courfe of years, was changed for immerfion into 
milk. 

2 R Thefe 

{67) Hiftory of Ireland, Vol. i. p. 75 — 76. Edit. 8»o. 

(68) Lib. 3. c. 10. S. Bafil. epift. ad Amphil. p. 759. 

(69) Deuide egreffcs k&is & mellis prstguftare. De Coron-. mil. c. 3. 



*54 



OF THE STONE-ROOFED CHURCHES. 



■<•< .<■.<.<•<•.<.<.<.<■■<<<<••< •<+>. •>•■>• >••>•>• >■>• >••>■>•>•>• >.>..>.>.■>..>..>•.>.>•>..>. >•>•■>••>■■>•■>•>■.>..>->.■>■ >..>..>. ..< .< 



Thefe ufages and many others fimilar, fcandalized the Reman Catholic church, 
nor can I think fo ill of the zeal and fincerity of its members, as not to per- 
ceive the reformation of them was a principal motive of their attempts on Ireland. 
However they proceeded too far, inflead of correcting abufes and retaining what 
was blamelefs, they introduced a ritual corrupted in every part, and to force this on 
a relu&ant people was the object of Henry's Irifii crufade. 




OF 







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/ 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND, 



THERE is a very juft observation in an excellent monthly (1) production too- 
applicable, I confefs, to modern antiquaries, and from the truth and feverity 
of which none of us can claim exemption : It is, " that as the final caufe of the 
principle of curiofity is the acquifition of knowledge, it is a perverfion much to be 
lamented, that it mould fo often be found to fallen mod keenly on thofe objects- 
about which little or nothing can be known. A mere fcrap of fomething, between, 
knowledge and conjecture, if it be but obtained with fufficient difficulty, appears far 
more valuable to perfons of this defcription than abundance of real information, if 
eafily acquired, and if as eafily gained by others as themfelves." 

In the wreck of ages fome materials of ancient ftruclures have furvived : though 
it is impoflible with them or every adfcititious help to reftore them to their original 
utility and beauty, yet by putting what remains together, in many inftances, we may 
form a notion tolerably correct of their proportion and architecture ; the fame may 
be laid of ancient manners, cuftoms, fciences and arts. Thus far the very fenfible 
writer now cited will not deny us fome portion of praife. While we proceed on 
authentic and folid grounds and reject idle hypothefes and conjectures, antiquarian 
difquifitions become a rational ftudy, and intereft every reader. 

To apply thefe reflections to the prefent fubject, we mail foon fee flrong caufe to 
admire how men eminent in literature mould be fo miferably defective in judgment 
as to defpife or neglect the real information refpecting our Round Towers lying be- 
fore them, and to feek for it in barren ways and thorny paths where it cannot be 
found. Their original defignation is too obvious ever to be miftaken ; of this if 
any doubt could poffibly exift, where mould we look for its removal but in ancient 
writers ? If ancitnt writers are unanimous, and well informed moderns agree with 
them as to their authors and ufe, will any fay thefe points are not drawn from ob- 
fcurity, or that we have not gone beyond venfimilitude and arrived at fome degree 

of 

(1) Monthly Review for Feb. 1700, p. izt. 



15* 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 



..< .<..<..<..< .<..<.«..<..<..< .<..< .<..<..<..< <..<..<.<<..< <<<<<< .<..<..<..<-<..<■.<•.< .<..<..<+>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.. 



..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..,.>..>..>.>»..>. >. >. >. Im. 



of certainty ? Let the candid and learned reader determine for himfelf from the evi- 
dence now to be fubmitted to him. 

Giraldus Cambrenfis, about 1185, is the firft who mentions our Round Towers. 
He (2) calls them " Ecclefiaftical Towers, which in a ftyle or fafhion peculiar to 
the country, are narrow, high and round." Though this paffage has been fre- 
quently quoted, yet no one has obferved, that from its (3) grammatical conftru&ion 
we may fairly infer that Cambrenfis faw the Irifh in the very act of building thefe 
towers. It was a Angular and finking fpectacle for our author to behold fo great 
a number of them difperfed over the country ; all of the fame figure and fafhion, 
contiguous to wooden churches and fupporring bells to fummon the vicinity to reli- 
gious duties, or to warn them of approaching danger. Surely it mufl be efteemed 
a grofs perverfion of common fenfe to extract from Cambrenfis's plain words any 
other meaning than that now given : he was fully competent to deliver a fimple fact, 
nor did the objects he was defcribing require the microfcopic eyes of fome modern 
Irifh Antiquaries. 

John Lynch, in 1662, is the next who fpeaks of our towers. His words are: 
il £4) the Danes, who entered Ireland according to Giraldus in 838, are reported 
to be the authors of our orbicular narrow towers. They were called Clochtheach, 
that is, the houfe of the bell." 

Peter Walfh, in 1684, obferves : " (5) that it is moll certain thofe high, round 
narrow towers of flone, built cylinder-wife, were never known or built in Ireland 
Cas indeed no more were any caftles, houfes, or even churches of ftone, at Ieaft in 
the North of Ireland,) before the year of Chrifl 838, when the heathen Danes, 
pofTefTing a great part of the country, built them in feveral places to ferve them- 
felves as watch-towers againfl the natives. Though ere long the Danes being ex- 
pulfed, the chriftian Irifh turned them to another and much better (becaufe a holy) 
ufe, thac is to fleeple-houfes or belfries. From which latter ufe made of them it is, 
that ever fince to the prefent day they are called in Irifh Clochtheachs, that is, bel- 
fries or bell-houfes ; cloc or clog, fignifying a bell, and theach a houfe in that lan- 
guage." 

" It 



(i) Turres ecclcfiafticas, quas, more patrio, anJhc funt & altse, necnon & rotundas. Topog. p. 720. 

(3) See Voff. de L... iftruft: ferm. p. 504. Amf. i66a. 

(4) £x : ?:uas illas orbiculares arftafque turres, Dani Hiberniam, Gir,aldo authore, A. D. 838, primum ingrefli, primi 
erexifTe Oicuntur. Clnchtheach enim pcriude eft ac domu* campanaj. Cambrens. Evera. p. 133. 

(5) Profped. p. 416—417. 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 157 



It may not be (6) improper to add, fays Doctor Molyneux in 1727, to thefe re- 
marks upon Danifh mounts and forts, fome obfervations on the (lender, high round 
towers here in Ireland, though they are lefs ancient, fince they are fo peculiar to 
the country and feems remains of the fame people, the Oftmen or Danes. Thefe 
we find common every where, fpread over all the country, erected near the oldeft 
churches founded before the Conqueft ; but I could never learn that any building 
of this fort is to be met with throughout all (7) England, or in Scotland. That the 
native Irifh had but little intercourfe with their neighbours, and much lefs com- 
merce with thofe at greater diftance before the Danes came hither and fettled among 
them is pretty certain ; and that the Danes were the firft introducers of coin as 
well as trade, and founders of the chief towns and cities of this kingdom, inclof- 
ing them with walls for fafer dwelling, is generally agreed on all hands j and it 
feems no way lefs probable, that the fame nation too muft have introduced at firft 
from countries where they trafficked, the art of mafonry, or building with lime and 
Hone. For that there were lime and (tone buildings here before the Conqueft by the 
Englifli in Henry IPs reign is' certain, notwithstanding fome, and thefe reputed 
knowing men in the affairs of Ireland, have haftily aflerted the contrary. For it 
appears beyond all controverfy, that thefe high round fteeples we are fpeaking of 
were erected long before Henry's time from a plain paffage in Giraldus Cambrenfis, 
who was in Ireland in that Prince's reign, and came over with his fon, King John, 
whom he ferved as Secretary in his expedition hither : he fpeaks of them in his 
account of this ifland as ftanding then, and I am apt to think few of thefe kind of 
towers have been built fince that time. And fince we find this kind of church- 
building, though frequent here, refembling nothing of this fort in Great Britain, 
from whence the chriftian faith, the fafhion of our churches and all their rites and 
cuftoms, it is plain, were firft brought hither, the model of thefe towers muft have 
been taken up fome other way ; and it feems probable the Danes, the earlieft arti- 
ficers in mafonry, upon their firft converfion to chriftianity, might fancy and affect 
to raife thefe fafhioned fteeples in this peculiar form, ftanding at a diftance from 
their churches, as bearing fome refemblance to the round tapering figure of their 
old monumental ftones and obelilks, their pyramids, their mounts and forts, of 
which they were fo fond in time of paganifm. And Sir James Ware, curforily 
fpeaking of one of thefe round fteeples at Cork, in his Antiquities, chap. 29, 

2 s fays 

(6) Boate's and Molyneux's Nat. Hift. p. no— air. 

(7) This is a niiftake as will hereafter appear. 



158 OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 

.<<<.<<< .<..< <<<<<< .< .<.<..< .<.<■.< .<■.<.< .<..<..< <..<.< •<<<< •<•■<■<•<+>•>•>.>••>■•>>► >..>..».>. >..>.>..>..>. >..>>. >>>.>.>>•>•►■ > ► > ► •■►■ > » > *• > ► ►. 

fays " there prevailed a tradition in that country that afcribed the building of that 

tower to the Oilmen, who were inhabitants of Cork ; and we might well prefume, 

that had the old native Irifh been the authors of this kind of architecture, they 

furely would have raifed fuch towers as thefe in feveral parts of Scotland alfo, 

where they have been planted and fettled many ages pall, but there we hear of none 

of them. 

Their figure fomewhat refembles thofe {lender high round fleeples defcribed by 
travellers in Turkey that are called minarets, adjoining to their mofques or temples. 
Cloghachd, the name by which they are flill called among the native Irifh, gives 
us a further proof of their original, that they were founded firfl by Oilmen : for 
the Irifh word Cloghachd is taken from a foreign tongue, and being a term of art 
imports the thing it fignifies mull likewife be derived from foreigners, as were it 
neceffary might be made appear by many inflances. Now the Irifh word does plainly 
owe its etymology to Clugga, a German-Saxon word that fignifies a bell ; from 
whence we have borrowed our modern word a clock ; this appellation alfo fhews the 
end for w r hich thefe towers were built, for belfries or fleeples, wherein was hung a 
bell to call the people to religious worfhip : but the cavity or hollow fpace within 
being fo narrow, we mull conclude the bell mult needs be fmall, one of a larger 
fize not having room to ring out or turn round, which argues too they are ancient, 
for the larger bells are an invention of later times, and were not ufed in the earlier 
ages of the church. Thefe towers, the better to let put the found, and make the 
bell heard at a greater diflance, have all of them towards the fummit four openings 
or windows, oppofite to one another, that regard the feveral quarters of the hea- 
vens, and though they agree much in their fhape, yet they fo far differ in their mo- 
del, that fome remarkable diflinction may eafily be obferved between one tower 
and another." Thus far Molyneux, in whofe fentiments we perceive a perfect 
coincidence with the plan of this work, and whofe words now given are rich in 
antiquarian knowledge. 

Let it now be remarked, that the opinion of every author, who has fpoken of 
our Round Towtrs for the fpace of 542 years, that is, from Cambrenfis to Moly- 
neux, is uniform in pronouncing them Oilman or Danifh works. No filly conjec- 
tures or abfurd refinements had as yet been introduced into the fludy of Antiquities ; 
writers only foughr. after and recorded matters of fact. All thefe authors, it will be 
faio > f )llow Cambrenfis, I grant they do, but would any of them adopt his notions 
was it poffible to fubflitute better or more authentic in their room ? The anfwer is 
pofitive and direct, that they would not, and here is the proof. In 1584, Stanihurfl 

led 








\ 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. i 59 

< < < < < <■< < < < < < < <•<<<<<•<< <■<<<<<■<<■<•<■<•■<■■<■<-<••<<-<■<+>■>•>•>■■>>>•>•►.■>•>>•>..» >..>.>.>..>..>..>..>.►>..►.>.>..>. ►.>. ► >..►.>..►.>..>..>..>. ,.. 

led the way in feverely criticizing many of his pofitions. In 1662, John Lynch, in 
his Cambrenfis Everfus, entered on a formal examination of his Topography; not 
a page, fcarcely a paragraph efcaping his morofe and carping pen, and yet Lynch 
was a good fcholar and antiquary. In his time Irifli MSS. were more numerous 
and collected than fince, confequently the means of information more ample, and 
yet he difcovered nothing in his extenfive reading to contradict what Cambrenfis 
had delivered. 

Walfh's difpofition to tread in the fleps of Giraldus may be judged from thefe 
words in the Preface to his ProfpecT:. " What I would fay on the whole is, that if 
hatred, enmity, open profeffed hoflility, fpecial intered and a&ual engagement in 
the dedruction of the ancient Trim nation ; if ignorance of their language and 
wilful parting their Hidory, even the mod authentic of their records : if thefe can 
render Cambrenfis an author of credit, then no writer how idle, unwarrantable, 
incredible, falfe or injurious, is to be rejected." From this and much more pafli- 
onate language no one will affirm, that our learned Francifcan would have em- 
braced Cambrenfis's ideas, were they not founded on the bed grounds. Thefe 
grounds are partly dated by himfelf and more fully by Molyneux : both (how the 
Irifli, previous to the great northern invafion in the 8th and 9th century, had no ^ ^ 
commerce, no coin, no mechanic arts, particularly that of mafonry.^- Nothing more, N \\ 
I believe, can or need be added as to the authors and ufe of Round Towers j the ^ S 
Oilmen began them,' and they were imitated by the Irifh. ■/ "^ * 

But as later writers, led adray by a warm imagination, or the affe&ation of fin- 
gularity, have raifed many objections to, and involved in doubt the plained mat- 
ter, I am doomed to the irkfome tafk of examining and confuting their whimfies. 
And here I mud note an error of Walfh, which he has lapfed into from following 
Ware: the latter places the converfion of the Odmen in 948, whereas from a coin 
of Ivar it appears they were Chridians in 853. Walfh, not knowing this, imagined 
from the conftruction of our Towers in 838 to the evangelizing thefe Odmen in 
948, thefe deeples mud have been ufed for watch-towers, which their fituation in 
vallies makes highly improbable. But from the coin before it now appears, there 
was but an interval of fifteen years, from the date of their ere&ion in 838 to the 
time of Ivar's coin in 853, and this is nothing, if we confider the lofs of ancient 
memorials, and that if they had furvived, we mould have found the time of their 
converfion and of building thefe towers exa&ly fynchronized. Though they were 
not built for watch-towers, they certainly might have occafionally ferved to alarm 
the vicinity. 

1 By 



i6o OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 

By the words " turres ecclefiafticae," Cambrenfis precifely determines their fhape 
and appropriation. A tower, in the (8) middle ages, was a tall, round tapering 
figure, and very accurately expreffed that of a Round Tower. He would not call it 
Campanile, for that was a fquare fabric, and firft ('9) ufed for bells of confiderable 
magnitude. The Anglo-Saxon fteopyl, ftypel, and the Franco-Gallic (10) bafroy 
and befroi are equivalent to the Latin turris ; befroi when applied to a bell-tower 
was corrupted into Belfry ; the laft fyllable of which can no otherwife be explained 
but by its junction with the firft. The IrifTi Clog-teach is an hybrid compound : the 
firft word is the Teutonic Klocke, which originally (11) fignified a long fcyphon or 
cup, in this hung the clapper or tongue: many of thefe ancient bells were inv(i2) 
pofFeffion of the celebrated Dutch antiquary, Smetius. So that the Latin Campanile, 
the Anglo-Saxon Bell-hus, the Teutonic Klock-torre, and the Irifh Clog-teach, feem 
to be all contemporary names of the fame thing, and all invented and firft ufed in 
the 9th century. Though there are numerous paflages in claflical writers of the 
common ufe of bells in civil and religious affairs, I do * not recollect: any direct proof 
of their fufpenfion in towers except one in Parthenius be efteemed fuch. He 
lived about the Incarnation, and tells us a bell was placed in a (13) fortrefs in the 
city of Heraclea in Italy, which a lover, as an arduous attempt and an evidence of his 
gallantry, undertook to (14) throw down. The bells in the Dodonasan (15) grove, 
and over the tomb of Porfenna, king of Hetruria, were. certainly fufpended, as 
were thofe in Baths and Market-places, but not in appropriated buildings. Bells 
were hung up in Monafteries in the 7th and 8th centuries, and founded by pulling 
a (16) rope. In the pontificate of Stephen, A. D. 754, Chriftian congregations 
Were collected by found of trumpets. 

JEre 

(8) Turres vocatae, quod terctes fint & longx : teres enim eft aliquid rotundum cum proceritate, ut columns. Ifidor. 
Orig. 1 15. c. a. 

(9) This word, I believe, is not older than 870. Anaftas. in Leone IV. 
Cio) Skinner'* Etym. Lacombc, di6l. du vieux Francois, in befroi. 

(li) Kilian. Die Teut. in voce. Mag. de tintinab. c. 8. (12) Braun. de Veflit. Heb. T. 1. p. 570. 

* I forgot Pl'm. 1. 36. c. 1 3. which corrects what I here advance, as to the fufpenfion of bells. The paffage is curious. 

(13) Zpufiviv Htfiu. Parthen. Eror. p. 356. Edit. Gale. 

(14) Tot Kiiiuia. xa}cexifit,t<rsu. Parthen. fupra. The Greek KwJ»v is nearly allied to KaHav, urceolus, acup or bafon, 
and as thtfe were fonorous and a bell-ftiape, they might have fuggefted the idea of the other. Du Cange. Glofs. med. & 
infim. Graccit. voce KuSutiov. 

(15) Vandale. de Orac. p. 476. Plin. 1. 36. c. 13. 

(16) PerAitit ille rcflim trahencUe campana;, fed fonum exprimerc non potuit. S. Audoen. vit. S. Elig. I. 1. c. z, Thit 
was in 630. In the next age Bede fays: Audivit fubito in aere notum campana; fonum. About the middle of the 6th 
century, Columba fays to one of his attendants— -Cloccam pujfa, Pinkcrton. Vit. S. Scot, p. 65. Ste an excellent article 
in Spelman, GlofT. in Campana. 



\ 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. »6c 

., .« .<-< ■< < ■< -«<■<■<■< ■< « -t ■< ■< ■< ■■« •■< < < ■< •» •< -■< •< < < ■■< •«••<■•< ■< ■< < ■•« ■< +. ■■> ■ >>>>>>■>•■>■•>>. >..>..>>..>. >. >..>. >..,. >■>■+•►■ ».+. ►•*• ►•+.•> w >..>. >. ►■■ 

(17) JEre tubas fu/o attollit, quibus agmina plebis, 
Admoneat laudes, & vota referre tonanti. 

However his fucceffor, Stephen III. about 780, ere&ed a tower on the church of 
St. Peter at Rome, and placed in it (18) three bells; and in 850, Leo IV. built a 
belfry, and fet in it a bell with a golden hammer. From the example of thefe Pon- 
tiffs towers multiplied throughout Europe in the 9th century, and at this time were 
conftru&ed by the Oftmeri in this Ifle. 

A capitular of Charlemagne, A. D. 787, forbids the horrible practice of (19) bap- 
tizing bells. From being conftantly ufed in holy offices, a peculiar fan&ity was 
afcribed to them : they were believed by their found to remove thunder and appeafe 
tempeits, and banilh the evil fpirits who caufed them : in the fame fuperftitious pre- 
pofleffion they were rung on the death and interment of perfons, and in many parts 
of the church-fervice. A people juft emerging from idolatry eagerly embraced a 
corrupt religion fo congenial in many parts to that they formerly profeflfed, and 
hence the Oftmen did not efteem themfelves Chriftians without bells and belfries ; 
protected by thefe and the reliques of faints in their crypts, they defied the power 
of vifible and invifible enemies. 

The only difficulty attending this inquiry concerning Round Towers is, fatisfac- 
torily to account for their fhape. Molyneux's opinion is, (and it is a very plaufible 
and ingenious one) that the round figure bore a refemblance to their old monu- 
mental (tones and obelilks, their pyramids, their mounts and forts, of which they 
were fo fond in times of paganifm. To do juftice to this idea I muft remark, that 
it is the fame entertained by a (20) learned Scotch Antiquary, who thinks the cir- 
cular buildings in the north of Scotland were places of religious worfhip and con- 
flicted by the Scandinavians. However, confining myfelf, as I ever wifh to do to 
matters of fad, and knowing that belfries abroad were (21) diftindt from the Church, 
and that the two Round Towers at Grymbald's crypt at Oxford, and the Round 
Steeple to the Church of Aix la Chapelle, exhibited by Montfaucon in his Monu- 
ments of the French monarchy belong to the 9th century, I conclude the rotund 
figure of out Towers was adopted from the Continent, between which and Ireland a 

2 t conltant 

{*',) Flodoard. in Stephen. 4. (18) Anaftas. in Steph. 3. and Leon. 4. 

(19) Ut elementum aqua myfterialiter baptifmo commodum S. Spiritusfui fandtitate reddatur. Ord. Rom. This Ordo 
was compiled in the 9th century At this day, in the Church of Rome, bells have fponfors, and are baptized. Hofpinian 
<ie templis. Durand. Rational. L)iv. Offic. padm. 

(20) Mr. Aaderfon apud Archaeologia, v. 5. p. 251. 

(11) Prope valvas majoris ecclefis campaaariuai erexit. Du Cange. voce campana, *x.j**Mapnr x«r* <r«* *yi»» *aw. 
Du Cange. fspra. 



i '6a OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 

■•<■•<■■< <<■< •<■<■<•<•<■< < <.<■.«.<..<<..<•.< .<..<<..<..<..<■.<.<.< .<..<..<■.<•.<.<•.<■.<■<+>■>•>.>.>..>• >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >. >. >. >..>. >..>. >. ,..>. >..>..>. ►..>..>..>..>..>..>..>„>,.»..,„ 

conftant intercourfe was maintained, particularly in that age. " Our writers, fays 
(22) O'Flaherty, glory in many miflioners of religion, profeffors of learning and 
piety, bred and born in Ireland, who were famous in France as well in Charles the 
Great's time, as before and after him." Thefe miflioners, who frequently re-vifited 
their native country, might have taken the hint of our Round Towers from what 
they faw abroad. If this was the cafe, as it probably was, fuch ftructures might 
have become fafhionable in Ireland without -any neceffity for the fame pradice 
being followed by the ecclefiaflics of other countries, where the art of mafonry was 
not cultivated. " A local invention, fays Mr. Pinkerton, fpeaking of the circular 
buildings in Scotland, might have taken place among the Norwegians there, and 
yet not extend to their other poffefrions." There are in Caithnefs and the Hebudes, 
according to Doctor Macpherfon, Mr. Cordiner and Mr. Anderfon, thoufands of 
circular buildings, fhaped like a glafs-houfe, but without cement. If thefe were 
religious edifices, they (how a different ftyle or fafhion from our Towers, at the 
fame time they inconteftibly evince the predilection of the Northerns in favour of 
rotundity, for Caithnefs where thefe buildings abound, was fo long fubje& to the 
Norwegians and other northern rovers, that the language of the people at prefent 
may be derived from Norwegian roots. It is very remarkable, that the drawing of 
a Scottifh Sheelin, as given by Mr. Pennant, has the fame glafs-houfe fhape, and 
fuch were the houfes of the Belgic Gauls, as defcribed by Strabo. I come now to 
examine the opinion of learned men relative to our Round Towers. 

Mr. Gordon (23) gives an account of two in Scotland, one at Abernethy, the 
other at Brechin. The laft has the figure of our Saviour on the Crofs over the 
door, with two little images or flames towards the middle, which clearly fhow it to 
have been the work of a Chriflian architect. He tells us the vulgar notion is, that 
they are Pidtifh ftru&ures, and that he would have believed it, were there not fuch 
towers in Ireland where the Picls never were fettled. This feems to be an error, 
for the Pitts were Scandinavians and early arrived in Ireland, as has been before 
dated. 

Mr. Harris (24) is certain becaufe no Round Towers are feen in Denmark or 
England, therefore they could not be of Danifh ereclion : but this argument is 
far from being conclufive. Our author therefore propofes a notion flarted by a 
Dean Richardfon as more probable, that they were the refidence of anachorite 

Monks. 

(2a) Ogygia vindicated, p. 271— 27*. (13) Itinerar. Septent. p. 164. 

34) Harris'* Wye. p. 129. 




^^^4y^vf«* ^S". &^6 y? ^M, 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 163 



<<.<+> >•>■>■ >• >■ >■ >•■>.■>•>•■>.•>■ >>>•>■ >.>>>> >.■>•■>»••>•*■>■•>■>•>>■ >>•■>>■ 



Monks. In fupport of this idle whimfey he alleges Evagrius's account of Simeon 
Stylites. " The (25) fabric of Simeon's church, fays the Hiflorian, reprefents the 
form of a Crofs, beautified with porticos of four fides ; oppofite thefe are placed 
pillars curioufly made of polifhed (lone, whereon a roof is gracefully raifed to an 
height. In the rr.idft of thefe porticos is an open court, wrought with much art, 
in which court (lands the pillar forty cubits high, whereon that incarnate angel upon 
ear:h leads a celeftial life." It muft require a warm imagination to point out the 
fimilarity between this pillar and our tower ; the one was folid, the other hollow : 
the one was fquare, the other circular : the afcetic there was placed without on the 
pillar, with us inclofed in the tower. He adds, thefe habitations of Anachorites 
were called Incluforia, or arcli Incluforii ergaftula, but thefe were very different 
from our Round Towers, for he miflakes Raderus on whom he depends, and who 
(26) fays, the houfe of the Reclufe ought to be of (lone, the length and breadth 
twelve feet, with three windows ; one facing the Choir, through which he may 
receive the body of Chrift, the other oppofite, through which food is conveyed to 
him, and the third for the admiflion of light, the latter to be always covered with 
glafs or horn. Harris fpeaking of Donchad O'Brien, abbot of Clonmacnois, who 
(hut himfelf up in one of thefe cells, adds, " I will not take upon me to affirm that 
it was in one of thefe towers of Clonmacnois he was inclofed." It muft have been 
the flrangeft perverfion of words and ideas to have attempted it. Is it not.aflo- 
nifhing that a reverie thus deftitute of truth, and founded on wilful miflakes of 
the plaineft paffages mould have been attended to and even be, for fome time, 
believed ? 

When Mr. Smith publifhed his Natural and Civil Hiftory of Waterford in 1746, 
he only tells us, " that there was no doubt but the Round Tower at Ardmore was 
ufed for a belfry, there being towards the top, not only four oppofite windows to 
let out the found, but alfo three pieces of oak flill remaining on which the bell 
was hung ; there were alfo two channels cut in the cill of the door where the rope 
came out, the ringer (landing below the door on the outfide." How quickly, in 
the eye of reafon, does the fmeft-fpun hypothefis difappear before this decifive evi- 
dence ? Here is a plain and candid (latement of a matter of fac~l which fpeaks the 
original defignation and ufe of thefe towers. This writer at this time was not re- 
fined enough in antiquarian fpeculations to be whimfical ; however the cafe was 
otherwife in 1750, when he gave us his Hiflory of Cork, for there he tells us, he 

formerly 

(25) Lib. 1. c 14. Hanmcr's Tranflation, (26) la Bavaria San&a. 



i6 4 OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 

..<.<<< < .<..<.<..<••<<..<■.<•< .<■.<■.<..« <..<..<■<<■•<■<•<■.< <■.< •<•.<••<•<■•« < < •< •< .<+>••>'•>■>•»■•>• ►■■>•■>••>.>. >••>..>.>. >• >■ >•>>■•>•■>•■>■■>•>■ >•>•>■•>■•»■> >»••>•>> > >'■ 

formerly thought thefe towers were the retreats of Anachorites, (whereas he pofi- 
tively pronounced them belfries) but that an Irifh MS. informed him they were pe- 
nitential towers, the Penitent defcending from one floor to the other as his penance 
became lighter, until he came to the door which always faced the Eaft, where he 
received abfolution. This was the waking dream of fome ignorant ecclefiaftic, and 
yet it had its day of fafhion like other abfurdities. Mr. Collinfon, in 1763, drew 
up a (27) Memoir relative to our Round Towers, it is little more than a tranfcript 
of Smith. In the fame year Mr. Brereton (28; examined Mr. Collinfon's account, 
and rejects the penitential ufe of our Towers, and imagines them to be rather Irifh 
than Piclilh or Daniih flru&ures, and deems their antiquity greatly anterior to the 
ufe of call bells, and from an old trumpet being found in one of them conjectures 
fuch inftruments were uled for aflembling the faithful to divine worfhip. Thefe 
forts of gueffes merit very little regard, becaufe the era of the calling of bells 
ought to have been afcertained, and how far the metallurgic (kill of the ancients 
reached in this refpedl, and whether the bells ufcd in markets, baths and camps 
were call or not. Thefe points fhould have been elucidated previous to the delivery 
of any opinion on the fubject. We have feen bells of fome magnitude fufpended in 
the French monafteries in the 7th century, and they mud have greatly improved in 
fize in the 8th and 9th, for it could not be for uncafl bells, if ever fuch there were, 
that Popes Stephen and Leo erected belfries in 780 and 850. The diameter of our 
Towers within at the bafe are generally nine feet, fuppofe they dirninifh at top to 
four, it will be found that a bell of confiderable fize, but of a rounder (hape than 
that now ufed, might very well be fufpended and rung fo as to give a loud found. 
A man with a trumpet would occupy as large a fpace, and I do not deny but trum- 
pets might have been occafionally ufed, but never I think, for religious but other 
purpofes in this Ifle. 

Mr. Gough's Memoir follows Mr. Brereton's in the Volume of the Archaeologia 
lafl cited : he very judicioufly corrects Mr Gordon's description of the Brechin 
Round Tower, which has on its weftem front two arches one within the other in 
relief; on the point of the outermofl: is a crucifix, and between both towards the 
middle, are 'figures of the Virgin Mary and St. John, the latter holding a cup and 
a lamb : at the bottom of the outer arch are two beafts couchant. Mr. Pennant 
(29) thinks this and the other Towers could not be defigned for belfries, becaufe 
they are placed near the fteeples of churches, infinitely more commodious for that 

end. 

fa) Archaeologia, v. i. p, 30J. (48) Archaeologia, v, a. p. 80—83. {t$) Tour in Scotland. 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 165 



< < < < < << <<<<<<<<<<••<+>••>•>•>>> 



end. This remark might pafs very well from an hafty traveller, but is unworthy 
the pen of our ingenious Tourift, becaufe it fuppofes the fteeples of churches and 
round towers to be coeval : in this point of view the latter muft have been con- 
ftructed for fome other purpofe than that of belfries. But in fact thefe towers were 
built when churches were of wood, and when the campanile was a dillinct edifice, 
and long before it was ufual to connect the fteeple with the church. 

Mr. Harmer has (30) given " obfervations on the Round Towers in Ireland," 
which, as far as I can perceive, have no relation to the fubject. He tells us of a 
fquare tower at the monaftery of St. Sabba, feven miles from Jerufalem, three fto- 
ries high and twelve yards in diameter, in which two or three hermits fhut them- 
felves up and lead an auflere life. This was originally a watch-tower, and fo it 
continues at prefent. 

I fhall now clofe this chronological account of learned conjectures with the reve- 
ries of a living author, whofe wild nights go beyond all his predecefifors, or even 
thofe of the celebrated Knight of La Mancha. The latter imagined that mounted 
on a wooden horfe he was carried through the air to fuccour the injured Doloris. 
Juft fo our literary Quixote, mounted on his papyraceous fteed, made up of orien- 
tal Lexicons, travels in fearch of his long-loft lrilh : fortunately he finds traces of 
them in the wilds of Scythia among the Magogians ; then in India, among the 
Hindus ; then in Africa among the Shilenfes, and lately he has pofitively (31) disco- 
vered a very large colony of them in Egypt. 

Notwithflanding the croffes on the caps of many of our round towers, and chrif- 
tian fymbols worked in the body of the ftru&ure of others, and the late introduc- 
tion of mafonry into this Ifle, our author begins his career by (32) affirming our 
towers to be the fame as the Perfian Pyratheia, and that merely from Mr. Han way's 
faying there were round towers in the country of the (33) Gaurs. Now if the Gaurs 
came hither their monuments would have been fimilar to thofe defcribed by Strabo, 
which " were (34) inclofures of great compafs, in the middle were altars, and on 
them the Magi preferved much afhes and a perpetual fire." The Greek wo^ls throw 
not the fmalleft light on the figure of the Pyratheia, much lefs can it be inferred 
they were of lime and (tone, or of the altitude of our Towers. Even Hyde, from 
whom he takes the fhape of the modern Parfee fire-temples, would have informed 

2 u him, 

(30) Archaeologia, v. 9. p. 268\. (31) Golledhnea de reb. Hib. v. 5. initio. 

(31) ColIeAanea, No. 2. p. 206. {22) Travels into PerCa. part. 2. c. 43. 
, {34) trwit T/rif aliXsytia. Gcograph. 1, IJ. 



i66 OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN fRELAND. 

him, that the ancient Perfians had (35) no temples, nor even a name for them in 
their language. What the Parfees now ufe were taken from Chriftian or Maho- 
metan archetypes. 

Our author next (^6) aflures us that thefe towers were certainly Phenician. I do 
not recoiled in any ancient writer a description of a Phenician temple, but as the 
Phenicians derived much of their religion from the Egyptians, the facred edifices of 
both people may well be fuppofed to be the fame. Thefe confided of ($y) four 
parts, making a figure very different from our Round Towers, but approaching the 
oblong (hape of our prefent Churches, as the learned reader will fee by calling his 
eyes on the margin. 

Every writer who wifhes to acquire public favour and a literary reputation ought 
minutely to examine and carefully confider every part of his fubject., and even then, 
with diffidence, give the refult to the world. But the Editor of the Colle&anea 
defpifes fuch vulgar conduct,, fpiritly dafhing into print whatever light fancies are 
floating in his mind at the time of publication. Thus at one time our Round 
Towers are (38) fire-temples ; then they are conftrufted by Connuing, a Carthaginian 
general on Tor-inis, an ifle on the coafl of Donegal ; then they are forcerer's tow- 
ers, then the fact is, thefe towers were for celeflial obfervations ; then Cormac 
affures us the approaching feftivals were from them proclaimed ; and laftly, the 
Irifh Druids obferved the revolutions, of the year by dancing round them. Thus 
our Author with fportive jocularity dances his readers and purchafers through the 
Fairy labyrinth of abfurdity, dimpling their cheeks with fmiles at the profundity of 
his remarks and the fecundity of his genius. Thrice happy, — — . 

S^ki quoque materiam rifus invenit ad omnes. 

A List 






(35) Nulla erant templa veterum Perfarum, quippc qui omnia fua facra fub dio peragebant, ideoque in fua religione &c 
lingua non habebant templi nomen. Hyde de relig. vet. Pcrs. p. 3.59. Edit. Coflard. 

(36) CoTleilanca, No 8. p. 285. 

(37) KiQoTfarov i^aQes Tlpo-ruXov piya, Tlfovaas ku Vans. Strab. 1. 7, 

(38) Collectanea, No. 12. pref. p. 70 — 14 — 145 — 482 — 4(57. I had almoft forgot our Author's Bulgarian round 
tower, which was a Turkish minaret. He fhould have known that the Turks or Magiars colonized Bulgaria in 889. Gib- 
bon\ Rom. Hift v. 6. p. 34. note 2. that then they were tolerably civilized. Forfler's Northern Voyages, p. 39. Note 
That Arabic irifcriptions i Turkifh mofques are common. Tollii Epift Itiner. p. ijo. And that thi.le on the Bulgarian 
tower are not old, Forfler, fupra. The Turks received the idea of belfries or their minarets from the Greeks, A. D. 784. 
Sabelbc. E<-nea. ; . 9. J. 1. Here are materials for a diflertauon to convicl: our Author ol the grofltft ignorance, or unpar- 
donable ina-.tenlion. 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 



167 









A List of the Round Towers as have hitherto been difcovered in Ireland. 


Names. 


Counties. 


Names. 


Counties. 


Aghadoe, 


Kerry. 


Kilcullen, 


Kildare. 


Aghagower, 


Mayo. 


Kildare, - 


Kildare. 


Antrim, 


Antrim. 


Kilkenny, 


Kilkenny. 


Ardfert, 


Kerry. 


Kiliala, 


Mayo. 


Ardmore, 


Waterford. 


Kilmacduagh, 


Galway. 


Ballagh, 


Mayo. 


Kineth, 


Cork. 


Ball, 


Sligo. 


Kilree, 


Kilkenny. 


Ballygaddy, 


Galway, 


Limerick, 


Limerick. 


Boyle, 


Rofcommon. 


Lufk, 


Dublin. 


Brigoon, 


Cork. 


Mahera, 


Down. 


Ballywerk, 


Cork. 


Melic, 


Galway. 


Cailtre-Ifle, 


Clare. 


St. Michael, 


Dublin. 


Cafliel, 


Tipperary. 


Moat, 


Sligo. 


Caftledermot, 


Kildare. 


Monaflerboice, 


Louth. 


Clondalkin, 


Dublin. 


Newcaftle, 


Mayo. 


Clones, 


Monaghan. 


Nohovel, 


Cork. 


Clonmacnois two, 


Weftmeath. 


Oran, 


Rofcommon. 


Cloyne, 


Cork. 


Oughterard, 


Kildare. 


Cork, 


Cork. 


Ram Ifle, 


Antrim. 


Devenilh, 


Fermanagh. 


Rathmichael, 


Dublin. 


Donoghmore, 


Meath. 


Rattoo, 


Kerry. 


Downpatrick, 


Down. 


Rofcrea two, 


Tipperary. 


Drumboe, 


Down. 


Scattery, 


Clare. 


Drumcliff, 


Sligo. 


Sligo two, 


Sligo. 


Drumifldn, 


Louth. 


Swords, 


Dublin. 


Drumlahan, 


Cavan. 


Teghadow, 


Kildare. 


Dyfart, 


Queen's County. 


Timahoe, 


Queen's County 


Ferbane two, 


King's County. 


Tulioherin, 


Kilkenny. 


Fertagh, 


Kilkenny. 


Turlogh, 


Mayo. 


Glendaloch two, 


Wicklow. 


Weft; Carbury, 


Cork. 


Kilbennan, 


County Galway. 







Round 



j68 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 



..< .4 4 • « < « < .< « •» < « < « < < .«..« .<■<..<.<■<•■< .<..« .<..<..«..<..<.:< .< .<..<..<»<■.« .<•<+>. >..>..>..,..>. >■>..>.>..>. >.>..>. >. >•>..>..>• >..>..>..>.>. »->..►. > >■■>■ >■>>■>•>■ ». >•■>. *• 



Round Towers. 

Cloyne, 

Fertagh, 

Kilcullen, 

Kilmacduach, 

Teghadow, 

Downpatrick, 

Devenifh, 

Monafterboice, 

Timahoe, 

Kildare, 

Oughterard, 

Cafhel, 

Swords, 

Abernethy, 

Brechin, 

Drumifkin, 

Kenith, 

Kells, 



Height. 
Feet. 

92 
112 

40 
110 

7* 

66 

7 6 
1 10 

35 
no 

2 5 



57 

85 

130 

70 

99 



Circumference. 

Feet. 

50 
48 
44 
57 
33 
47 
4» 

5* 

53 
54 
48 

54 
55 
47 



Thicknefs of the Walls. 
Feet. Inches. 



3 
3 

3 

3 
3 
3 
3 
4 
3 
3 
4 
4 



6 
6 

4 
6 



Door from the Ground. 

Feet. Inches. 



*3 

10 

7 

24 
1 1 



6 

14 

J 3 
8 

11 

2 



o 
o 


o 

6 



o 
o 
o 
o 
o 
o 






A very ingenious friend remarks, that almofl all our Round Towers are divided 
into flories of different heights: the floors fupported in fome by projecting- (tones, 
in others by joifts put in the wall at building, and in many they were placed upon 
refts. The laft are from four to fix inches, carried round and taken off the thick- 
nefs of the wall in the ftory above. And he very probably conjectures, thefe refts 
do not diminifh the thicknefs of the wall as they afcend, becaufe then it would not 

have 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. - 169 

have been fufEciently f^rong to bear dorms or fupport the conical cap. They feem 
therefore to be fwellings in the wall which rather add to its thicknefs upwards, and 
this is confirmed by the Round Tower at Lufk, whofe wall is three feet thick at 
top. 

Cafhel Tower is divided into five flories, with holes for joifts. 

Fertagh has five (lories and one reft. 
, Kilcullen has three ftories and one reft. 

Kildare has fix ftories and projecting ftones for each. 

Monafterboice has fix ftories and projecting ftones. 

Oughterard has five ftories and projecting ftones. 

Teghadow has fix ftories, the upper has projecting ftones, the others refts. 

Timohoe has feven ftories, the fecond has projecting ftones, the o:hers refts. 

The door of Cafhel Tower faces the SE. thofe of Kildare and Kilkenny the S. 
and the others vary. 

Kenith Tower Hands 1 24 feet, Drumboe 20, Downpatrick 48, Kildare 90, Kil- 
kenny 8, and Drumifkin 90 feet, from their refpective churches. Ardmore, Caftle- 
dermot, Cloyne and other Towers were formerly and at prefent are ufed for belfries. 

Monaghan tower is fixty feet high, and fifteen in diameter. The door five feet 
high by two wide. 

Sligo. There is here only a ftump, and two crones with bas reliefs. On one is 
a Scarabceus. 

Mayo tower is eighty-four feet high, fifty-one in circumference, the door plain, 
and five feet and an half high, by two and an half wide, and eleven from the ground. 
A hole was made by lightning in the middle of the tower, and the roof damaged. 

The fculptures at Brechin have been before defcribed. The two beafts couchant 
are well explained by (39) Eufebius in his life of Conftantine. The church of Bre- 
chin (40) is fuppofed to be founded, A. D. 990, its round tower is probably a cen- 
tury earlier j for in Ireland the latter preceded the erection of fees by many ages. 
The Irifh clergy were the only teachers of religion among the Picts in thofe times : 
Tuathal Mac Artgufa, being called archbifhop of Pictland in 864, as Tighernac, the 
annals of Ulfter and Mr. Pinkerton declare. Brechin is in the fame (hire of Angus 
with Dunkeld, over which Artgufa prefided, fo that the round tower of Brechin 
can be afcribed to no other founders than the Irifh mifiioners who conftructed fuch 
in their native land. 

2 x A view 

(39) Lib. 3. c. 3. Edit. Valefin, where the reafoa of this reprefentation h giyen at fome length. 

(40) Pinkerton's Scotland, v. a. p. 263. 



lyo 



OF THE ROUND TOWERS IN IRELAND. 



•■« ■«■•<••<■•<••«••<•<■<•< «•<•■«•«■< <• < ■<•«■<•■<•<■<••<•< .<•< •<••<■<■<•< •<•<•■<■.<..« .«..«■.<..<+>..>••>.■>..>. >.>..>■ >..>..>..>..>..»..>..>..>. >. >>>>>. >>.■>>> »••>•■>.+..>■>..>.■>.■>..>. >.. 
A view of the Ivy Church is given to mow a molt curious and ancient example 
of the approximation of the round tower belfry to the church, this in St. Kevin's 
kitchen becomes part of the building. It muft be extremely pleafing to the lover 
of Antiquities to be able to trace in exifting monuments the infulated belfry gra- 
dually advancing to a junction with the body of the church, and that this happened 
in very remote times the ftone-roofed fabrics to which it is attached fufficiently 
demonftrate. From this origin the round fteeple at Killofly in the county of Kil- 
dare is derived ; thofe at Hailing in Kent, and Little Saxham and many others (41) 
in Suffolk are from Irilh miffioners. From the ornaments on the arches of the 
doors at Timohoe and Kildare we perceive our ancient architects were no ftrangers 
to the Saxon ftyle of decoration : the arches themfelves are femicircular, and this 
circumftance points out their date. 



(41) Antiquarian Repertory, V. a. p. 3*7, 
(41) Archaeologia, v. 8- p. 193. 




THE 




V 
r" 






^ 



ft 



( *7< ) 



i... .•», ,,,, ,i«. »•., ,.« t ,i», ,»., ,»«, ,»•, .»., ,.». ,<«. ,t» ( ( ». i v t« # ,»», ,.. t ^## # % t# ( t tr 4 ,*» f ,*j > ,»*. ,»*, ^^ ,., f tta 
+ + + + + + + + + C + + + + + ++ + + + + +++ + + + + ++ + +++ + + + + + + + ++ + + + + + 



THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH IN THE COUNTY OF W1CKL0W. 

FROM the earlieft ages, Glendaloch feems to have been a favourite feat of fuper- 
ftition. The tribe of wild and ignorant favages who here firft fixed their 
abode, deprived of the light of letters ; unoccupied in any amufing or profitable 
employment, and wandering among human forms as uncivilized and barbarous as 
themfelves, were a prey to melancholy thoughts and the bafeft paffions. Their fears 
animated every ruftling leaf and whifpering gale, and invifible beings multiplied 
with the objects of their fenfes. 

^uiquid bumus, pelagus, calum mlrabile gignunt, 
Id duxere Deos, colles, freta, ftumina, JJammas. 

Prudent. 
The gloomy vale, the dark cave, the thick forefl and cloud-capt mountain were 
the chofen feats of thefe aerial fpirits, and there they celebrated their no&urnal 
Orgies. Thefe fuperflitious and idle fears could only be appeafed by the bold 
claims of pagan priefts to myftic and fupernatural powers equal to the protection of 
the terrified ruflic and the taming the moll obftinate Daemon. 

The firft chriftian preachers among thefe barbarians, whatever might have been 
the purity of -their faith or the ardour of their zeal, were forced to adopt the high 
pretentions and conjuring tricks of their heathen predeceflbrs ; and by thus yield- 
ing to human prepoffeflions and imbecility, indirectly and imperceptibly introduce 
the great truths of Revelation. 

As fuperflition had filled Glendaloch with evil fpirits, and its lakes with great 
and devouring ferpents, the Chriftian miffionaries found it indifpenfably necefiary to 
procure fome faint, under whofe protection the inhabitants might live fecure from 
temporal and ipiritual evils. At a lofs for a Patron, they adopted a practice derived 
from paganifm, and purfued (i) to great extent in the corrupt ages of chriftianity. 

Thus 

(i) And thus defended by Baronius. Quid mirum, fi inolitas apud gentiles confuetudines, a quibus eos, quamvis chrif- 
tiani effe&i effent, penitus poffe divelii impoiEbile videretur, eafdem in veri dei cuhuro tranaferri fan&iflimi epifcopi con- 

ccllerun:. 



i 7 2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

• < •<<■•<•<■•<•< •< < •<<<•< .«..«..<..< < < < < ■« <..< <■< .< <<.<•<■<■<•■< «••<••<< .<>•...>••>■•>• >..>..>■>..>..>..>.>..>.•>.•>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>..>.>. >..►..>.>..>..>.>..>. , 

Thus the Rhine, like our Shannon, was (2) perfonified and adored j and Gildas 
(3) aflures us, the Britons worfhipped mountains, hills and rivers. Thus of a moun- 
tain at Glendaloch, which in the (4) Celtic is Cevn, Kevn or Kevin, a Saint was 
made, as of the Shannon, Saint Senanus, and of Down, Saint Dunus. Juft fuch 
(5) Saints were St Bron, St. Lhygad or Lugad, St. Genocus, St. Brecas and others. 
Though it is a pofitive fact, that very few of the Saints who adorn our Legends 
ever had existence, but are perfonifications of inanimate things, and even of paf- 
fk>ns and qualities, yet the Hiftory of Glendaloch would be efteemed very imper- 
fect, without tranfcribing the monkifti tales concerning St. Coemgene, the reputed 
founder of its Churches and City. I fhall therefore give them, as handed down to 
us, firft touching briefly on the name and topography of the place. 

Glendaloch or Glendalough in the barony of Ballynacor in the county of Wick- 
low, is twenty-two miles fouth of Dublin, and eleven north-weft of Wicklow. . Its 
name feems to be (6) an Anglo-Saxon compound, referring to its lakes in the val- 
ley ; a name which it derived from its firft Firbolgian pofTeffors the Totilas, Tua- 
thals, or Tools, for in a (7) life of one of this family it is faid to be fituated in a 
region called Fortuatha, in the eaflern part of Leinfter, which we know was held 
by the Fertuathals, or the Sept of the Tuathals, or Tools, the ancient proprietaries 
of this diftrict. That this is the true origin of the name feems to be confirmed by 
Hoveden, who was chaplain to Henry II. and who calls it equivalently in Latin — 
Epifcopatus Biftagnenfis — the Bifhoprick of the two Lakes. 

Glendaloch is furrounded on all fides, except to the Eaft, by ftupendous moun- 
tains, whofe vail perpendicular height throws a gloom on the Vale below, well 
fuited to infpire religious dread and horror. Covered with brown heath or more 
fable peat, their fummifs reflect, no light. On the fouth, are the mountains Lug- 
duff and Derrybawn, feparated only by a fmall Cataract. Oppofite to Lugduff, and 
on the other fide of the lake is Kemyderry, between which and Broccagh on the 
north fide is a road leading from Hollywood to Wicklow. At the weft end of the 
upper lake a cafcade, called Glaneola Brook, falls from the hill. St. Kevin's keeve 

is 

cefferunt. Another Roman catholic tells us : Romani pontifices in templorum dedicatione in alicujus fandH honorem ut- 
plurimum confuevifle quandam habere rtgulam ut ii SandH, qui in idoli>rum deturliatorum locum fublHtuebantur,' exteri- 
orem haVrent unifoimit'atem H >ic ..lhtudincm aiiquando obfervarunt in nommibus, unde fcimus Apollinis templum 
S. ApJIinaris in honorcm dicatum ilV. Cianipini vet. mon. t. i. p. SS- Aringhi Rom. fubterr. paff. 

(;) Rheiri numen fumiua reli);! itbaoi--. Keyfler, fup. 

(j) Cap. i. t , Camden in Radnor. 

(_j) Coiii) are Lhuydi adve i. ib fin. liaxteri Gl-fl". p. 268. 

(6) Glen a Valley, and Luh a Lake. (7) Vit. S. Laurent apud Surium. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 173 

is a fmall ftream from Glendafan river, which rifing about three miles from Glen- 
daloch out of a lake, called Lochnahanfan, runs on .the north fide of the Seven 
Churches to Arklow. In its courfe, it falls into Glendaloch, and is named St. Ke- 
vin's keeve ; in it weak and fickly children are dipped every Sunday and Thurfday 
before fun-rife, and on St. Kevin's day, the 3d of June. Glaneola brook, Glen- 
dafan river, St. Kevin's keeve and other cataracts form a jun&ion in the valley, and 
aflume the name of Avonmore, or the great river. This, frequently fwelled by 
torrents, is rapid and dangerous. The two lakes in the vale are divided from each 
other by a rich meadow ; the reft of the foil is fo rocky as to be incapable of tillage 
by the plough. The crops are rye and oats, which (8) beft agree with the place. 
The names Derrybawn, Kemyderry and Kyle, demonstrate that great forefts of oaks 
and other timber clothed thefe mountains. Between the Cathedral and upper lake 
is a group of thorns of a great fize, and their plantation is afcribed to St. Kevin. 
Near the Cathedral is the trunk of an aged Yew, it meafures three yards in dia- 
meter. About twenty years ago, a gentleman lopped its branches to make furni- 
ture, fince which it has annually declined. From what can now be difcovered of 
the ancient City by its walls above, and foundations below the furface of the earth, 
it probably extended from the Refeart church to the Ivy church, on both fides of 
the river. The only ftreet appearing, is the road leading from the Market-place 
into the county of Kildare : it is in good preservation, being paved with ftones placed 
edge-wife, and ten feet in breadth. 

To this dreary and fequeftered Vale our Saint retired. He was (9) born in 498, 
baptized by St. Cronan, and at the age of feven years put under the tuition of Pe- 
trocus, a Briton. " St. Coemgenus, fays (10) another mall next be fpoken of, in 
Latin as much as to fay, — Pulchrogenitus — He was ordered by Bifhop Lugidus, and 
led an heremetical life in a cell, in a place of old called Cluayn Duach, where he 
was born and brought up : now the place is called Gleandalach, faith mine author 
— vallis duorum ftagnorum — where one Dymnach, Lord of the foil, founded a 
church in honour of St. Coemgenois, joined thereunto a fair church-yard, with 
other edifices and divers buildings, the which, in mine author Lcgendi Sti Coem- 
geni, is termed — Civitas de Glandelagh." ■ A few remarks on this account are 
necefiary. 

2 y 1, If 

(8) Stillingfleet'sTraason Nat. HiRory. 

(9) Ware's "Btfhops, p. 373. Uffer. Primord. p. 958. 

(10) Hanmer's Chronicle, p, 60, 61. 



174 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

i. If Coemgene is the name of this imaginary Saint in Irifli, the interpretation 
is (n) wrong, for it does not intimate his beauty but diminutive fize. It is evi- 
dently an hybrid compound formed by the Monks, whereon to found fome pretty 
{lories and allufions. The pliability of the Irifli language and the uncertainty of 
its orthography and orthoepy may warrant the melting down Coemgene into Kevin, 
but the corruption of this tongue Ihould warn us againft acquiefcing too eafily in 
fuch anomalous mutations. Befides as one Legend is as good authority as another, 
in that (12) of St. Berach he is called Koemin, Caymin, &c. 

2. As the uncertainty of the name and its erroneous interpretation fugged 
fufpicions unfavourable to the exiftence of our Saint, fo thefe are augmented by 
the confident, plaufible but fallacious genealogy given of him by his (13) biogra- 
phers. To believe that a barbarous people, naked and ignorant as American Indians, 
fhould have preferved the pedigree of St. Kevin, is too much for the mod: flupid 
credulity. " 

3. When Giraldus Cambrenfis came here in 1185, St. Kevin was the patron of 
Glendaloch. He (14) names him St. Keiwin, Keiuin or Keivin, as Brompton (15) 
does Key win. In an (16) Icelandic Chronicle of the 12th century, he is called 
St. Kasvinus, and in an authentic record of the year 1214, he is (17) ftyled St. 
Keywin. Thefe names prove, that Coemgene was then unknown, for it was as 
eafy for thefe authors to have written Coemgene as Kevin, but as they did not, the 
conclufion is inevitable, that the name Coemgene and his Legend were fabrications 
pofterior to the 1 3th century j and that a mountain at Glendaloch was perfonified 
and made a Saint is highly probable. 

4. Neither will the following miracles tend to eftablifh the credibility of St. Ke- 
vin's legend or his reality. " There was, fays the Icelandic MS. before cited, in 
Ireland one, among the body of Saints, named Kasvinus, a kind of hermit, inha- 
biting the town of Glumelhagam (Glendaloch) who when that happened which we 
are about to relate, had in his houfe a young man, his relation, greatly beloved by 
him. This young man being attacked by a difeafe which feemed mortal, at that 
time of the year when difeafes are mod dangerous, namely in the month of March ; 

and 

(11) Coemh little, fmall. O'Brien's Irifli Die. in voce. Gein. conception, offspring, plainly from Genus. Coemgene 
in Crefly is called Kegnius, p. 133. 

(12; Colgan. Act. Sanct. Tom. 1. p. 341. 

(13) Apud Ware's Birtiops, fupra. (14) Topog. p. 716. (ij) Pag. 1077. 

(16) Antiquarian Repertory, V, 2. p. 135. The fame ftory is in Gir. Cambrenfis and Brompton, p. 1077. 

(17) Ware's Bi (hops, p. 376. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 175 

• < « < « < < < < < < < <<<<< ■<<■.< .<..<<.<.<<■<•< .<..<.<..<..<.<..<-.<.<■.< .<.).>..»..>..>. >. >. >. >. >. >. >..>..»..>..>. >.,..>..>..>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>..>..>..►..>..>.>.>. >• > >•►>.. 

and taking it into his head that an apple would prove a remedy for his diforder, 
earneftly befought his relation Kasvinus to give him one. At that time no apples 
were eafily to be had, the trees having juft: then began to put forth their leaves. 
But Kasvinus grieving much at his relation's ficknefs, and particularly at not being 
able to procure him the remedy required, he, at length, proftrated himfelf in prayer, 
and befought the Lord to grant him fome relief for his kinfman. After his prayer 
he went out of the houfe, and looking about him faw a large tree, a falix or willow, 
whofe branches he examined, and as if for the expected remedy, when he obferved 
the tree to be full of a kind of apples juft ripe. Three of thefe he gathered, and 
carried to the young man : when the youth had eaten part of thefe apples, he felt 
his diforder gradually abate, and was at length reftored to his former health. The 
tree feemed to rejoice in this gift of God, and bears every year a fruit like an ap- 
ple, which from that time have been called St. Ksevin's apples, and are carried over 
all Ireland, that thofe labouring under any difeafe may eat them ; and it is noto- 
rious from various relations, that they are the rnoft wholefome medicine againfl all 
diforders to which mankind are liable ; and it muft be obferved, that it is not fo 
much for the fweetnefs of their favour as their efficacy in medicine for which they 
are efteemed, and as at firft for which they are fought. There were many other 
things which were fuddenly effected by the virtue of this holy man." ■ -Perhaps this 
ftory arofe from exhibiting the bark, leaves and catkins of the willow, which the 
(18) Irifh believed to be efficacious in dyfenteries. 

Cambrenfis tells us, that in the time of Lent St. Kevin retreated from the com- 
merce of the world to a little hut in a defert to enjoy meditation, reading and 
prayer. On a certain time putting his hand out of the window, and lifting it up 
to heaven according to cuftom, a blackbird perched on it, and ufing it as a neft, 
dropped her eggs there. The Saint pitied the bird, and neither clofed or drew 
his hand in, but indefatigably kept it ftretched out until fhe brought forth her young. 
In memory of this all the images of St. Kevin have a hand extended and a bird fit- 
ting on it. 

St. Kevin, as tradition reports, going up a neighbouring hill, in time of dearth, 
met a woman with a fack on her head, containing five 4oaves. He inquired what 
fhe was carrying, fhe anfwered, ftones j I pray, fays the Saint, they may become 

flones, 

(18) ThrelkeJd's Synopfis, voce fclix. 



176 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

Hones, when (19) inftantly five ftones tumbled out. Thefe were kept as facred re- 
liques for many years in the Refeart church, but are now in the valley, at a confi- 
derable diftance from it : they weigh about 28 pounds each, are fhaped as loaves, 
with the marks of their junction in the oven. Let thefe impious and foolifh tales 
of ignorant and fuperftitious ecclefiaftics fuffice, and let them warn us of that mife- 
rable degradation of the human mind, which alone could give them currency and 
credit. Let us now attend to the remains of ancient art which this celebrated Glen 
offers to us. 

On entering it from the Eaft, we firffc reach the Ivy church, fo called from being 
enveloped in the umbrage of this plant. The belfry is circular, and fhows one of 
thcfirft attempts to unite the Round Tower with the body of the church. South- 
eaft from this, and on the oppofite fide of the river is the Ealtern church, or the 
Priory of Saint Saviour. Near this is a ftone-roofed chapel difcovered a few years 
ago by Samuel Hayes, Efq. About a furlong Weft from the Ivy church, and on 
the fame fide of the river, is a fmall fquare, which was the market place. In its 
center was a flone crofs, the pedeflal only remaining. South from the market- 
place, you pafs Glendafan river on ftepping-flones, where formerly was a bridge, 
and then you arrive at the Cemetery, which is entered by a gate-way through a 
femicircular arch, and in this inclofure ftands the Cathedral. The nave is 48 feet 
long by 20 wide ; a femicircular arch forms the chancel. The Eaftern window is a 
round arch, ornamented with a chevron moulding. The fculptures of the import 
mouldings are legendary. On one part a dog is devouring a ferpent. Tradition 
tells us, that a great ferpent inhabited the lake, and it is at this day called Lochna- 
piafl, or the ferpent-loch, and being deftruttive of men and cattle was (20) killed 
by St. Kevin. In another part the Saint appears embracing his favourite Willow, 
and among the foliage may be difcovered the medicinal apple. The window itfelf 
is very fingular, running to a narrow fpike-hole : neither it or any other at Glenda- 
loch feems to have been glazed. Under a window on the South fide of the Choir 
is a tomb of free-done adorned with carving, but without any infcription. Not far 
from the Cathedral is the Sacrifty, otherwife called the Priefl's houfe. The clofet, 

in 

(ly) This fcems to be tranfcribed from a monkifli tale in Matt. Weftm. Eodem tempore pauper quidem cum a nautis 
elecmofymam peteret, nee acciperet, dicente naucleto, non nihil hie prxter lapides habemus, fubjecit pauper, omnia 
ergo vertantur in lapides! Qno diflo, quicquid manducabile in navi erat in lapides converfum eft, colore & forma earun- 
dem permanente. 

(ao) Such notions, in time8 of fuperftition, were common. A frtake appears on the tomb of Sir John Conyeri, which 
was fluid by the falchion of that valiaut Knight. Slum's tenures by Beckwiih, p. xoo. 




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HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCII. 177 

.< .<<-« «.<<-< < ■< ■<•■« •< ■<-«••<■■« <-<..«<.<.< .<..«..»..<-<..<.. < ..<.<m .<-«■•<•«••«-<+>.•>••». »..>..>..►..►.>..>..>..>..>. >. t . >..>.>..>..>. >..,..,. ►..,.>..►.».»..>..».>.►..>..>..►.. 

in which the veftments and holy utenfils were kept, remains : the vulgar believe it 
an infallible cure for the head-ache to turn thrice round in it : a notion arifing from 
the veneration paid to its facred (21) furniture in times of predominant fuper- 
ftition. 

Among the remnants of croffes and fculptures is a loofe (tone, mowing in relievo 
three figures. The one in the middle is a Bifhop or Prieit fitting in a chair, and 
holding a (22) Penitential in his hand. On the right a Pilgrim leans on his ftaff, 
and on the left, a young man holds a purfe of money to commute it for penance. 
This curious fculpture will be illuftrated by citing a paffage from Archbifhop Strat- 
ford's (23) Extravagants. " Becaufe the offender has no dread of his fault, 

when money buys off the punifhment, and the Archdeacons and fome of their Su- 
periors (the Bifhops) do, for the fake of money, remit that corporal penance which 
mould be inflicted for a terror to others, inafmuch as the offenders are called by 
fome, Leffees of Sin : We forbid commutation of corporal penance for money to 

be made, without great and urgent caufe." Chaucer alludes to this practice in 

his Sompnour. 

He would fufFer for a quart of wine, 
A good fellow to have his Concubine. 
To fo mocking an excefs had this cuflom of buying off fins arrived in the Romifh 
Church, that a number of Leonine verfes, engraven on a (tone tablet in Gothic 
letters were affixed to a pillar of the High Altar in the church of St. Stephen at 
Bourges, promifmg pardon of fins and paradife to every generous benefactor to the 
church and clergy. 

(24) Hie des devote, azlejitbas ajfocio fe. 

Mentes agrota per munera funt ibi lota. 

Crede mihi, crede, cali dominaberis ade. 

Nam pro mercede Chrijlo dices, mihi cede. 

Hie datur exponi paradifus venditioni. 

S>ui fervet hie parce, puree comprendet in arce. 

Pro folo nummo ga'udebis in athere fummo. 

2 z Here 

(ai) Tj t vafa facrata Deo in magna veneratione habeanturRhegin. p. 44. Cambrenfis fays of the Irifli : — Sacramenta fuper 
hsec (fe. paftorales baculas, campanas, &c.) longe magisquam fuper Evangelia & prseftare vereantur& pejerare. Top. c. 33. ' 

(2;) Soltrtcr admonentes dodlum quemque facerdotem Chrifti, ut in univerl'a, qua hk adnotare reperit, fexum, sttatcm, 
conditi6nem, {latum, perfonani cujufque pxniremiam agere volentis, curiofe difcernat. Bed. remed. peccat. 

(23) Wilkins. Concil. fub Ann. 1342. Johnfon's Councils, and fome curious ftatutes of Henning, Bifiiop of Camin. 
A. D. 1454. in Shoettgen's hift. Pomeran. 

(24) The whole is extremely curious, and maybe feen in— L'Apologie pour Herodote, per II. Eftienne. p. 45a — 453. 



j 7» HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

Here is alfo a round tower no feet high, at the bottom 52 feet in girth, and the 
walls four feet thick. There was formerly the flump of another 1 not far off. 

St. Kevin's Kitchen is a (lone-roofed oratory, the ridge of the roof is about 30 
feet above the ground, and its angle fharpj at the well end is around tower of 
about 45 feet in height. 

Our Lady's church is the mofl weflward of all the others, and nearly oppofite 
the Cathedral. The Refeart church is literally the fepulchre of Kings, being the 
burial place of the O'Toole's ; feven of thefe toparchs lying here interred, accord* 
ing to tradition. On a tomb is faid to be the following infcription in Irifh : 

Jesus Christ 

Mile deach feuch cort Re Mac Mthuil. 

That is, 

Behold the reding place of the body of King Mac Toole, who died in JefusChrifl, 1010. 

Thefe letters and words cannot now be made out after the utmofl pains and atten- 
tion, nor fcarcely a (ingle letter with any certainty. Befides if the whole was legi- 
ble, it would not be in modern Irifh, but in that dialed of it, which from its anti- 
quity would not at prefent be eafily underflood. 

In returning from the Refeart church is a circle of flones piled up conically about 
three feet high ; at and round thefe pilgrims performed penance. 

In the recefs of the fouth mountain is Teampall na Skellig, equivalently called in 
old records, the priory de rupe and the convent de deferto. St. Kevin's bed is 
above it. There are two rocky projections from the mountain, in one is St. Kevin's 
bed, excavated from the living rock. The path to it is extremely dangerous and 
difficult, and returning back more fo from the narrownefs of the path, the leafl flip 
precipitating the adventurer into the lake below. Nothing in fhort can be more 
frightful than a pilgrimage to the bed, and Teampall na Skellig church.* 

Almoil in the middle of the Glen are the ruins of the Abbey or Monaflery, de- 
dicated to the Apoflles Peter and Paul. And north of the Abbey flands Trinity 
Church, at the end of which is part of a Roumd Tower, which was evidently ufed 
for a belfry. There were many fmaller chapels and oratories. The feven churches 
for which Glendaloch was fo celebrated feem to have been. 

1. The 

• This was one of the four principal places of pilgrimage in Ireland. Cumulus S. Patrkii in Conatia; Purgatorium in 
Ul-.onia; patra S. Michaelis in Momonir: lcflus S. Kaini in Lagenia. O'Kelly defcrip. Hib. p. 50. Ex uno enim latere 
prxcifa montis excelfa ambitbantur : una tantum cadenxjue arc~la admodum -via adiii poterat, &c. S. Sever, tit. 
S Martin. 



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HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 179 

-: <* < .<..< .<..<..<..<..<..<..« < ,.,..< .<..<.«.<..<..<..<..< .<..<.< .<..<<.<..< .<..< .<(•<<><.«+>.. >..>..>. >.>..,. >.♦.>..>.>..>..>. >..>. >..>..>>.>.>>. >. >>>.,. > > >•>• >•>>• >• >•>• >. >.. 

1, The Abbey. 2. The Cathedral. 3. St. Kevin's Kitchen. 4. Teampall na 
Skellig. 5. Our Lady's Church. 6. Trinity Church. 7. The Ivy Church. 

The others appear to be later conductions. The feven churches when approached 
by the bridge of Derrybawn form a very picturefque and pleafing fcene. The bridge 
is thrown over the Avonmore, and is compofed of three elliptic arches. Derry- 
bawn, covered to a great extent with an oak coppice on one fide and the huge Broc- 
cagh on the other, confines the view up the river to the valley ; at the end of which 
the great round tower and the other ruins appear to great advantage. A remark- 
ably fmooth and high mountain makes a no leis lingular than agreeable back- 
ground. 

The number feven was myftical and facred, and early confecrated to religion. 
It began with the creation of the world, and all the Jewifh rites were (25) accom^ 
modated to it. It is found among the (26) Brachmans and Egyptians. The Greek 
fathers extol its power and efficacy, and the Latin, as ufual, apply it to fuperftitious 
purpofes. The church formed various feptenaries. The following is extracted from 

Archbilhop Peckham's conftitutions made at Lambeth, A. D. 1281, '* The mofl 

high hath created a medicine for the body of man, repofited in feven veflels, that 
is, the feven facraments of the Church. There are feven articles of faith belong- 
ing to the myftery of the Trinity. Seven articles belonging to Chrift's humanity. 
There are (eyen commandments refpecting man ; feven capital fins, and feven prin- 
cipal virtues." — Much more to the fame purpofe is in Amalarius, Durandus and the 
Ritualifts. The Irifh entertained a fimilar veneration for this number, witnefs the 
feven churches at Glendaloch, Clonmacnois, Innifcathy, Inch Derrin, Innifkealtra, 
and the feven Altars at Clonfert and Holy Crofs. Crowds were attracted to thefe 
places to celebrate the profoundefl myfleries ! 

It is now time to inquire what are the origin and date of the buildings and cele- 
brity of Glendaloch. And here the antiquities themfelves, (and a richer ftore is no 
where to be found) will bed enable us to determine thefe curious points. 

From (27 Bede we learn, that the Irifh and Britons agreed in religious opinions 
and difcipline, and differed widely from thofe of Rome, and of this he fupplies 
ample proofs in the years 604, 630, 639, and 661, and it has been feen that the 
Irifh church continued feparated from the Romifh to the 12th century, and even 

later, 

(15) See the Pentateuch, particularly Leviticus, and the Evangelifts, Huet. Demons. Evang. p. a*8. Edit. 8vo, 
In the laws of Hoel Dda, a perfon fwears on feven altars, c, 3,6, 
(26) r.Iarfham, Can. Chron. Sac. 9. p. I So — 100, 
(17) Lib. 2. c. 4, ck alibi. 
1 



i8o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 



••<<•<•<•.<■<•<■<■ 



•.>•>•■>•>•>•>■•>>•■>■•>■>■■>■■>■>•>• 



later, confequently that we did not adopt the ufe of Palls, the Mafs, Purgatory, the 
unbloody facrifice, prayers for the dead, reliques, pilgrimages, litanies, and num- 
berlefs other fuperflitious practices, which the (28) Anglo-Saxons had embraced. 
In the fecond Nicene council it was decreed, A. D. 788, that no church mould be 
confecrated that had not the reliques of fome faint. It is (29) believed to have been 
two centuries before this rule was obferved even by the Anglo-Saxons, and the 
caufe that prevented its reception was, the want of ftone edifices. If there was no 
other reafon, the operation of the fame caufe was equally powerful in Ireland. The 
Oilmen of Ireland were converted to Chriftianity about the middle of the 9th cen- 
tury, but it was fuch chriftianity as their countrymen in England had been taught 
them by Romilh miflloners, and of which the ufe of reliques was a capital article. 
To fecure thefe from fire was their firft care, and this was effected by (30) arching 
a crypt or fmall oratory with ftone, in this the reliques were placed, and a tomb 
raifed over them, which ferved for an altar. It was in a Bifhop's power to canonize 
as many as he pleafed. This practice is delivered by the (31) Romifh writers, and 
hence we need |jo| wonder how Saints were multiplied. As patron Saints were un- 
known till their (32) reliques were adored and thus depofited, and as this ufage 
was firft introduced by the Oilmen in the 9th century, fo the date of our buildings 
of lime and ilone confirms this fact. We had none of the latter, at leaft in any 
number, antecedent to the arrival of thefe Northerns in the 9th age, as is generally 
agreed. In the next eflay the ftyle of this crypt is particularly confidered. 

It would exceed our prefent limit to treat of the Round Towers of Glendaloch, 
or of the ages of thefe ftructures, but they fhall be noticed hereafter : nor can I 
ftay but to remark, that the coins here exhibited and others given by Ware, and 
difcovered at Glendaloch, belong to the early Danifh princes who had embraced 
Chriftianity. I fhall now proceed with fome hiftorical collections relative to this 
celebrated place, referring the reader to another (33) work. 

No 

(28) Humphrek ad rat. 5. Campian. p. 6z6. lnnes's Orig. Anglic, p. 53. Mofheim. V. 1. part. 2. c. 4. 
1 (29) BaUei Cent. 2. c. 32. (30) Du Cange, voce Volutio. 

(31) Antiquius mos eft in ecclefia receptus, Sanctorum reliquias in cryptis fubterraneis fubtus altare collocandi, ubi fanc- 
torum celebriorum fepulchra in antiquis bafilicis etiam nunc vifuntur. Hinc confuetudo manavit aharia erigendi fuper 
tumulos virorum piorum, qnos Epifcopi pro Sanctis haberi volebant, hicque erat olim Sanclos canonizandi titus. Ruinat. 
Not. ad Greg. Tur. p. 751. Velli, T. 1. p. 443. Bed. 1. 5. c. 12. A cuftom copied from heathenil'm. Sub C&fari- 
bus altaria poncbant, prxunte tantum Pontifice. Baxter, plofs. voce Ara. A moft remarkable imitation ! 

(32) Among Hagiograpbers the — Patrocinia Sanctorum — means their reliques. Du Cange, voce Patrocinium. 
(^3) Archdall's Monafticon Hibernicum, in Wicklow. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 181 



■<-•< < < < -< •<•■< 



■ >■>■■►-->•■>• >-.>.>-.>->..>..>.■>.>. >>>>>>>>■>">■■>■>.- 



No fooner were the reliques of St. Kevin brought hither than his zealous and 
bigotted votaries proclaimed their virtues and miracles, and all flocked to the fhrine 
of the new Saint : (34) a naked and barren wildernefs was quickly filled with 
churches and good houfes ; a large and beautiful city (35) fprang up, and wealth 
flowed in from every quarter. A city abounding in riches and votive offerings was 
an objecl: of plunder with the piratical freebooters of the North, who, as they fub- 
fifted folely by depradation, without reluctance frequently pillaged their own coun- 
trymen, fo that the Irifh annals are mod probably right in what they relate of the 
fpoiling of Glendaloch at different times. In 1162, Laurence O'Toole, whofe an- 
ceflors had founded and endowed the Abbey and the other churches, was (36) 
elefted Abbot. The {$j) writer of his life tells us, he was named Laurence 
O'Tuathal, that his father was Muirchiortach O'Tuathal, Lord of Imaile. That at 
the age of twenty-five he was chofen Abbot, the revenues of the Abbacy vaflly fur- 
pafling thofe of the Bifhoprick. That every year, at the quadrigefimal feafon, he 
retired into a moft horrid but holy Wildernefs, St. Kevin's rock, invironed on every 
fide with dark woods, befides a deep lake on one fide inclofing a perpendicular 
precipice of 60 cubits ; on the other, one of thirty. In that fide of the rock that 
hangs over the lake is a hollow made by St. Kevin's own hands, which ferved him 
for an oratory to pray in, and a repofitory when he would fleep. Here Laurence 
pafled the forty days of Lent. Thus far our Hagiographer. Laurence was eletted 
Bifhop of Glendaloch, but this he refufed ; his ambition afpired to an higher dig- 
nity — the Pall and the See of Dublin, and he foon attained them. 

In 1 1 73, Richard Strongbow, Earl of Pembroke, the King's Deputy, granted to 
Thomas, nephew of Laurence O'Toole, the Abbey and Parfonage of Glendaloch. 
The (38) charter is one of the moft valuable and ancient in this kingdom, as it 
preferves the pofieflions, privileges, and immunities of the Abbey. The names of 
the fubfcribers and other circumftances enable us to afcertain its date. 

The fecond witnefs is Eva, daughter of King Dermot Macmurrogh, and wife of 
Earl Richard. Walter de Ridel or Ridelford and Meyler Fitz Henry, the other 
witneffes, were companions of Strongbow in his Irifh wars. The Earl fiyles him- 
felf Viceroy of Ireland. This office he muft have affumed on the departure of 

3 a Henry 

(34) Eremum nudam et hifpidam afiignes, intra paucos anr.os ron folum ecclefias et sedes infignes, verum etiam poffci 
uonum copias et opuleiitias multas ibidem invenies. Gir. Camtrcns. Itiner. Cambrlte. p., 83 2. 
{$$) Clara et religiofa civitas in hcnore S. Coemgeni crevit. Utter, p. 9;6. 
(36) Archdall, fupra. (37) Apud Walfii's profped, p. 294. 

(38) In libro nig. Archiep. Dubl. fol. 92. 



if* HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

Henry II. which was on Eafter Monday, A. D. 1173. From hence it will appear, 
that the name of Luke, Archbifhop of Dublin, to this charter is a miftake, for 
the firfl prelate of this name, who fat in the See of Dublin, lived more than 50 
years after granting this charter. So that Luke fhould be Lawrence, who filled the 
archiepifcopal chair from 1162 to n 80. 

Archbiihop Lawrence went to England foon after the King, and was very little in 
Ireland during his reign. As he had been Abbot of Glendaloch, and conlidercd it 
as belonging to his family, he naturally inteieued himfelf in fecuring its poaeflbns, 
and having them confirmed by the new government. Another particular to be 
learned from the conclufion of the Charter is, the diffidence entertained of the 
clergy's veracity in fecular concerns. The Earl does not allege their evidence in 
fupport of their property, but the folemn and regal teftiraony of King Dermod : — 
" Sicut in verbo veritatis Diarmicus rex teftatus eft." — The (39) Normans had been 
frequently impofed on by fictitious exemptions and forged charters, and therefore 
received fuch documents with the utmoft caution. As foon as the Irifii fubmitted 
to the Normans, the latter began to act the fame part here which they were daily 
performing in England. They feized the churches, tithes and manors of the 
clergy. Cambrenfis, an eye-witnefs, complains (40) in ftrong terms of their rapa- 
city in this ifland. Robert Fitz Stephen, Hervey de Monte Marifco and John de 
Courcy having no children, he pronounces a juif judgment on them for (40) de 
pauperating the Irifli church. 

Pope Alexander III. by a Bull, A. D. 1179, confirmed the city of Glendaloch 
to Malchus its Bifhop and his fucceffors, faving the rights of the Abbot. In this 
are mentioned no lefs than 50 denominations of land, and among them Dublin is 
\ included. The Pope did not reiifh the arbitrary proceedings of the Normans, be- 

caufe they affected his treafury, and in rhis inftance he attempted their reftri&ion. 
By the following letter the original of which is in Ware's Bifhops, we are informed 
that Cardinal Paparon's bufinefs here in 1152, was to render the Irifli clergy more 
manageable, by reducing the number of fees, fixing fome in the beft towns, where 

hereditary poffeflion was lefs liable to interrupt papal provifions. 

A Letter 

{39) Pet. Bles. epift. 63. Hickes. DifT. Epift. Stillingfleet's ecc. cafes, and his Britlfli churches. 

(40) AccefTit & ir.commodum omniinn majus, quod ccclefia Chrifti, novo principatu noflio, nihil de novo conferentes, 
pon tarttum principal! largitiMic debitoque lijroam honore non judicavimus, quinimo terri.s (latim fublatis & poffefiionibus, 
pridinas eidem dignitates & amiqua privilegia vel mutilarc coi'tendinius vel abr<;gare. Expugn. 1 1. c. 35. 

(41) Ncc mirum : niendica enim in Infula mifer clerus : lugent ecclcfix cathed rales tcrris i'uis <k przediis amplis, quondam 
fibi fidelitcr & devote collatis, a prxdiclis &. aliis cum ipfis, vel port ipfos advedtis, fpoliatse. Et fie ecclefiam cxaltare ver- 
fum eft in ecclefiam fpoliare vel cxpilare Supra. The laft fentencc is a farcaftic allulion to Pope Adrian's Bull. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. iSj 

A Letter concerning the Palls fent into Ireland. 
" The teflimony of the Archbifhop of Tuam and his Suffragans. Matter John 
Puparon, Legate of the Roman church, coming into Ireland found a Bifhop dwel- 
ling in Dublin, who then exercifed his epifcopal function within the walls. He 
found in the fame diocefe another church in the mountains, which was alfo called a 
City, and had a certain rural Bifhop : but the fame Legate appointed Dublin, which 
was the bed city, to be the metropolis of that Province ; delivering the Pall to that 
Bifhop who then governed the church of Dublin, and he appointed that the diocefe 
in which both ciTes were, mould be divided, that one part thereof fhould fall to 
uhe metropolis, and the other part fhould remain to him who lived in the moun- 
tains, to the intent, as we firmly believe, that that part fhould be annexed to the 
metropolis, upon the death of the Bifhop, who then governed the church in the 
mountains ; and this immediately he would have carried into execution, had he 
not been obflrufted by the infolence of the Irifh, who were then powerful in that 
territory. 

" When our Lord, King Henry of England, came to be thoroughly informed 
of the intention of the Legate, he granted that church in the mountains to the Me- 
tropolis, adhering to the intention and will of the faid Legate. In like manner, 
our prefent Lord, John K : ng of England, having received evidence of the faid fact, 
and of the intention of the faid Legate from the great and worthy men of that 
territory, granted the faid part to John, the predecefTor of the prefent Bifhop (of 
Dublin,). Befides that holy church in the mountains, although anciently it was held 
in great veneration on account of St. Keywin, who lived a folitary life in that place, 
yet now (A. D. 1214) it is fo wafte and defolate, and hath been fo forty years, 
that of a church it is become a den and neft of thieves and robbers ; fo that more 
murders are committed in that valley than in any other place in Ireland, occafioned / 

by the wade and defert folitude thereof." 

The reafon for adducing this record is to fhew, by an authenticated deduction, 
fome part of the hiilory of Glendaloch and the changes it has fuffered. From 
1152, the time of Paparon's legation, nothing was done to the prejudice of the 
fee until Pope Alexander made it fuffragan to Dublin in 1179. But we have no 
proof oi ^rchbiihop Toole's wifhing, or Henry's granting Glendaloch to Dublin, 
but this teflimony of the Archbifhop of Tuam, though the fa ft feems probable. 
For Dublin pork-fling a good harbour, being built and fortified by the Danes, and 
lying convenient for the fchemes of the Normans on this kingdom, a Britifh prince 
would naturally make it his refidence, and endeavonr its aggrandifement. On the 
other hand, Glendaloch was held by a fierce and refolute people, and a Sept, who 
1 as 



/ 



1 8 4 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 



<+>•>•>■>•>•> >••>■■>•>■>• >>■>>. >. >. >•■>>. >>•>• >■ >• >.>>>•>■>• >• >■■>••>■>■ >• >■• 



as founders prefented both to See and Abbey, and who fo far from fubmitting to 
the new-comers were, as we fhall fee in the fequel, their moil determined enemies, 
it is therefore no wonder, if Henry and his fon John mould, at firft, diffever and at 
length finally incorporate the whole bifhoprick of Glendaloch with Dublin. Har- 
ris's conjecture, in his Edition of Ware's Bifhops, deferves credit. He fays, 
Archbifnop Loundres, being Judiciary of Ireland, made ufe of that moment of 
power to effect this confolidation. The Normans were then gaining ground, and it 
was his duty to fecond them. Another (42) informs us, that the people of Glen- 
daloch at firft violently oppofed this union, but being overcome by papal authority, 
they confented on condition, that another Cathedral, befides that of Chrift Church, 
fhould be erected within their ancient diocefe, and that for the future there mould 
be an Archdeacon of Glendaloch as well as of .Dublin. This being confented to, 
another church was begun without the walls, on the ancient fite of the church of 
St. Nicholas, an Archdeacon was appointed, and the union took place. 

In 1 193, John (43) granted the fee of Glendaloch for ever to Dublin, on the 
fir ft vacancy, the Bifhop of the latter providing a Parlor for the former church. 
This donation he made with the confent of his Barons folely, without any mention 
of the Pope's authority or approbation. This charter is dated the 24th of June, 
and about the end of the enfuing July, John made (44) another grant abfolutely 
of the Bifhoprick of Glendaloch, without the provifion of vacancy expreffed in the 
former. Thefe two grants -fucceeding each other fo quickly, in the fpace of a months 
can no otherwife be accounted for but by fuppofing Malchus, the laft Bifhop but 
one, to have died ; on which event, Archbifhop Comyn thought it prudent to have 
the former donation revived, and a new confirmation made, omitting the conditi- 
onal claufe, now nugatory. There are grounds for believing this to be the cafe 
from the documents and their tenor, as well as from Mr. Harris's declaration, who 
confeffes he does not know when Malchus died, or Piro fucceeded. 

William Piro or Peryn is faid to have been the laft legal Bifhop of Glendaloch, 
and this is inferred by fome epifcopal acts done by him, recounted by Harris, who 
dates his fitting from 1 192 to 1214, when he died. I fear this is faid without proof j 
for how came Piro to intrude himfelf into the fee after its final union with Glenda- 
loch in 1 193? It could not be the defign of King John, or the court of Rome, 

to 

(42) Hibernia Dominican, p. 1 86. Not. K. 
(4^) Ex Regift. vocato, Crede mihi. fol. 87. 
(44) Ex Regift. fapta. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 



185 



..<.< -t < <■■<■< < < < < • 



.-< * •<<•■ 



>■ >■ > >■ >■ *■ >• > > >■ >■>■•>>■>>- >■ >■ > >■ >■ 



..>. > > > >>> 



to dived a bifhoprick of its poffeffions, and yet dill keep up the title. The moll 
probable folution is, that the O'Tooles did not, or would not relinquifh their 
rights, when they perceived their acquiefcence went to the annihilation of thefe 
rights. 

A. D. 1214. It feems to have been confidered as a violent ftretch of power, 
the finking the fee of Glendaloch into that of Dublin, otherwife fo many reafons 
to vindicate it would never have been fought for. The intentions of Cardinal Pa- 
paron are firft alledged, then the fewnefs of the people in, and the poverty of the 
diocefe of Dublin, with the propriety of extending the limits, and augmenting the 
revenues of the metrcpolitical church. But thefe motives, how plaufible foever, 
did not fatisfv the Irifh, and therefore the tedimony of O'Ruadan was procured. 
He was uncle of Roderic O'Conor, the lad monarch of Ireland, and being allied 
to the Roval family, it was imagined, no native would object to his folemn evi- 
dence, or litigate a tranfaclion fupported by fuch authority. To give every colour- 
able pretext for this union, it is aflerted in O'Ruadan's letter, that Glendaloch, 
for forty years pad, was a neft of thieves and murderers. This brings the com- 
mencement of nefarious acts there to the year 1173. The argument then turns out 
a moil unfortunate one, as it directly proves thofe crimes to be coeval with, and 
derived from the edablifhment of the Norman power in this ifle. Before this, the 
letter dates, that Glendaloch was held in the utmoft veneration, and of courfe the 
manners of the inhabitants were honed and peaceable. Can it be admired, that 
when the natives beheld the depredations of thefe foreigners on fecular and ecclefi- 
adical property, their morals fhould be debauched, and their fimplicity corrupted 
by fuch pedilent examples ? 

In 1216, Pope Honorius III. confirmed what his predeceffors and the Kings of 
England had done refpe&ing the union of Glendaloch. 

In Camden's Annals, at the end of his Britannia, we find the Toole's almod al- 
ways in arms againd the Englifh, and there is reafon to think they kept the fee of 
Glendaloch condantly filled ; for Wadding, in his Francifcan Annals, under the 
vear 1494, informs us, that Pope Alexander VI. on the death of Bifhop John, ad- 
vanced Ivo Rufii, a Minorite, to the fee. And on the deceafe of Ruffi the next 
vear, John or (45) Junon was made bifhop of Glendaloch. In 1497, ' ll 1S men- 
tioned, (46) that Friar Dennis White had long been in pofTeflion of Glendaloch, 

3 B but 




(45) Burk. Hibem. Dominic, p, 479, & Supplem. 1479. 

(46) JVaie's Bifhops, fupra. 



i86 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF GLENDALOCH. 

■•<-<■•< ■« •<•<•< •<•<■<•< ■<■•< ■<<•<•<■<•< .«•.<.<•.<••<..<..<•<•.<.<•.<•.<•<..<..<■.<..<•.<••<+>•■>.>. >..>•>. >•>..>..>■>• >■>•>>..>>. >.>..>>.>.>. >..>..>..>. »>.>..>..>> >. >■ > >■*..». >•■ 

but being old and infirm and touched in confeience, on the 30th of May this year, 
furrendered his right and claim in the Ghapter-houfe of St. Patrick, Dublin, and 
acknowledged his fee had been united to Dublin fince the reign of King John. 
Walter Fitz-Simons was now archbifhop of Dublin, and in fuch favour with Henry 
VII. that he was made deputy to Jafper, duke of Bedford, governor of Ireland. In 
this plenitude of power he obliged White to make the foregoing recognition. I do 
not know how this can be reconciled with what Burk fays, that Francis de Corduba 
was appointed to the 'fee by Pope Alexander. 




OBSERVATIONS 



( i«7 ) 



,.' , ^./^..• , ^,/ , ^.v^,/^,.• , '^..''^,■' ,, ^,/^,.'' , ^,y^ 1 /^ M ''^,/^/^,,• , ^,.•'^,,•'••,..' , ^,/^,.•^,/^,/'^,,••■.,,y\ l ,.'',,.,.'',,, 1 .'',, 
i + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + ++ + + + + * + + + + + * + + + + + + + + j 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

WHEN many ingenious and learned men have delivered their fentiments on a 
fubjeft, a writer muft perceive the difficulty of advancing any thing novel 
on the fame topic, as he muft feel a delicacy in differing from them in opinion. 
Had there been any thing approaching unanimity in their decifions, very little could 
be added to their labours : but as the reader will fee from a fuccinct review of what 
they have written, that the fubjedt remains involved in its original obfcurity, he will 
be inclined to receive an attempt to throw new light on it, not unfavourably, while 
from the review, he may feleft that fyftem which feems beft founded. 

Sir Chriitopher Wren, (i) thinks what we call the Gothic ftyle, ought rather to be 
termed the Saracenic, refined by the chriftians. This mode began in the Eaft after 
the fall of the Greek empire, by the prodigious fuccefs of thofe people that adhered 
to Mahomet's doftrine : who, out of zeal for their religion built Mofques, Cara- 
vanferas and Sepulchres wherever they came. Thefe they contrived of a round 
form, becaufe they would not imitate the chriftian figure of a crofs, nor the old 
Greek manner, deemed by them idolatrous, and for that reafon all fculpture became 
offenfive to them. They thought columns and heavy cornifhes impertinent, and 
might be omitted, and affecting the round from the Mofques, they elevated Cu- /, 

polas, in fome inflances, with grace enough. The holy wars gave the chriftians, 
who had been there, an idea of the Saracen works, which were afterwards imitated 
by them in the weft ; and they refined upon it every day, as they proceeded in 
building churches. 

Without extracting more from the Parentalia, we may obferve, that it is a poft- 
humous performance, and probably never defigned for the public eye, as in every 
part it is obvioufly imperfect and incorrect. 

The Saracen manner, he fays, was round, with Cupolas, and that the Croifees 
imitated it. Where it may be afked, are Gothic works in this ftyle to be feen ? Are 
all Mofques and Caravanferas round ? 

The 

(i) Wren's Parentalia, p. 309. 




9 



1 88 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

The Saracenic works in the Eaft, as remarked by Bentham and Grofe, bear no 
affinity to the Gothic, if they had, fome veftiges would ftill appear. Le Brun, in 
all his views, gives but one Gothic ruin of a church near Acre, with pointed 
arches, and erected by the chriftians. The Moors, who poffefled Spain from the 
8th to the 15th century, left no trace of an architecture, of which they are faid 
to be the inventors. Mr. Swinburne, in his travels in Spain, fpeaking of the ca- 
thedral of Burgos, fays — that in all the buildings he had an opportunity of examin- 
ing in Spain and in Sicily, which are undoubtedly Saracenic, he has never been 
able to difcover any thing like an original defign, from which the Gothic orna- 
ments might be fuppofed to be copied. — This opinion is not haftily given, or by a 
fuperficial obferver : it is the refult of experience and a mafterly knowledge of 
the various ftyles of architecture, fupported by ingenious and learned details and 
comparifons, and fuch as mud for ever overthrow Wren's notions. 

Wren tells us, the Italians, French, Germans, Flemings, with fome Greek re- 
fugees, formed themfelves into focieties of Free-Mafons, and ranged from one na- 
tion to another, in conftructing churches. Now we know from Spons and Reine- 
fius's infcriptions, that there were colleges of Mafons among the Romans, and that 
they were attached to fome legions. The Free-Mafons were copies of thefe Roman 
focieties, and not of the date given by Wren. Nor is it true, that they 
monopolized the building of churches, for the religious communities were 
equally well fkilled. Thus Ranulph Flambard, a fecular pried, and bifhop of 
Durham, in noo, was a great builder : he raifed his church from its foundation 
to its covering, and made (2) many other great works. Felibien, (3) mentioning 
the Ciftertian abbey of Notre Dame des Dunes, and its re-edification in 1262, fays, 
— Qu'il n'y eut que les religieux & les gens de monaftere qui y mirent la main ; 
qu'ils eftoient au nombre de plus de quatre cens perfonnes, tant profez, convers 
que freres laiques & ferviteurs ; et que plufieurs d'entre eux s'appliquoient les uns 
au defiein, a la peinture, et a la fculpture et les autres a la magonnerie, la char- 
penterie, la menuiferie, la ferrurerie et autres arts dependans de ^architecture.—- 

Mr. Gray (4) thought there was nothing in the Gothic but the flender fteeples 
that might be borrowed from the Saracens, and that if both ftyles were the fame, 
then the Gothic would have cupolas : he adds, that the buildings in Perfia, Turkey, 
and other parts of the Eaft, are plainly corruptions of Greek architecture. Mr. 

Gray 

<i) Godwyn de prceful, (3) Recucil hiftoriqnc, p. z\n. (4) Works by Mafon. Letter 20, 



- 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 189 

Gray forgot, that in our Saviour's time, the temple at Jerufalem had (5) pinnacles, 
columns, ornamented capitals and much pancarpic decoration, fo that there was no 
necefiity of deducing thefe from Saracenic works or later inventions. Thefe exifted 
in the original Jewifh tabernacle, and in the chriflian Ciboria long before the Sara- 
cens eftabliihed any ftyle. 

Bifhop Warburton, accuftomed to weave with a bold hand the flender web of hy- 
pothefis, difcovers in his notes to Pope's epiftle to Lord Burlington, fome of thofe 
marks of genius and learning, which eminently diflinguifhes the writings of this 
prelate. He fays, our Saxon anceftors, in their pilgrimages to the Holy land, ac- 
quired their architectural ideas from the religious edifices there exifting. But the 
Anglo-Saxons were not entirely converted until the (6) middle of the 7th century, 
confequently their pilgrimage could not be earlier. 

In the account of the church of Hexham, built by Wilfred, bifhop of York in 
674, there is no intimation of oriental architects or architecture ; the builders 
were (7) brought from Rome, Italy, France and other countries. 

The drawings of churches in the Holy Land, the Bifhop fays, agree with our 
Saxon remains ; and he particularly refers to the church of the Holy Sepulchre, 
and thofe of the Knights Templars formed on its plan. Now Eufebius (8) is pretty 
full in his defcription of this church. It was a Bafilica, and is fo called by him (9) 
and Sulpicius Severus. There Bafilicae were the Reman courts of juflice, and in every 
province were (10) changed into chriflian temples. They had their pillars within 
the walls, as the heathen fanes had them without. If this be a true account, our 
anceftors need not feek in tranfmarine nations for models, for they abounded in 
Britain. The church of Hexham mufl be allowed to be a Saxon work: its 
profound crypts and fubterranean oratories, the arch of the chancel and its decora- 
tions, its winding flairs and fecret walks, which could conceal from (n) view a 
great number of men ; its altars dedicated to the Virgin Mary, St. Michael, and 
St. John, are thefe fimilar to the church of the Holy Sepulchre ? If not the whim- 
fey falls to the ground. 

3 c The 

(5) TlvLfvyia*. Matt. 4. 5. Lighcfoot. defcrip. templi. (6) Ethefaverd?*l. 1. c. 6. Smith, flor. hiu\ p.' SU. 

(7) De Roma et Italia et Francia et dealiis terris, &c. Ric. Prior. Haguls. 1. 1, c. J. 

(8) Vit. Conftant. I. 3. c. aj. et feq. 

(9) Mox ufa regni viribus Bifilicam in loco Dominies paflionis, &c. I. a. c. 33. 

(10) Aufon. grat. ad. p. 190. 

(11) Artificioflime machiaari fecit, w innumera hominum multitude ibi exifterej cum 9 nemine infra rideri ^«ea», 
Rk Prior. Hag- fupra, 



i 9 o OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE* 

■.«.•<<•■<••<-.<■•<•<■< < < .<■<-<■<•<•■< < •<••<••«•■<•< .<■.<.<•■<••<••<•<••<••« •<••<<•■<•■<••< <•<+>■ >•>■ >••>••>••>.•>•■>■>. >..>..>->..>. >..>..>.>. >..>..>.>..»..>..»..»..>..>. >. >/».>.> ». ». » » *.. 

The Norman ftyle had its origin from the ancient grove-temples, where avenues 
of tall trees, intermixing their branches overhead, fuggefted the idea of columns, 
pilafters and ramifications in the vaultings. The Bifhop mould have previoufly 
proved, that the foreft- tern pies of the Goths were parallelograms ; that this figure 
is beft Calculated for a multitude, and was a favourite one with this people. 

The Bifhop fays, when the Goths had conquered Spain, and the genial warmth 
of the climate had ripened their wits and influenced their miftaken piety, they pro- 
duced Gothic architecture in imitation of their grove-temples. But Spain was evan- 
gelized and had churches antecedent to the Gothic invafion. Is it not more natural 
to conclude, that with the accuftomed zeal of new converts, they adopted the 
chriftian churches for divine worfhip, rejecting every idea of their pagan ftate. But 
granting they did retain their heathen notions, where were architects to be found 
to conftruft fo very complicated a building as a Gothic church from a grove arche- 
type ? Could it be accomplifhed without great (kill and practical experience ? The 
Bifhop winds up this ingenious reverie, and flamps it as fuch by obferving, that the 
genial warmth of the climate ripened the wits and inflamed the piety of the Spa- 
niards, a notion that might ferve to embellifh an hifloric romance, but inconfiftent 
with fober reafon or found philofophy. 

Would this learned prelate perfuade us, that churches had no columns, or the 
roofs no ornaments till his Goths invented them ? Holy writ, Paulinus and Proco- 
pius would have otherwife inftructed him. Eufebius mentions the Mofaic and lacu- 
nary enrichments of the roof and collonades of the church of the holy fepulchre. 

Sir Henry Wotton, (12) fpeaking of Gothic arches fays: '* thofe arches which 
our artizans call of the third or fourth point, becaufe they always concur in an 
acute angle, and do fpring from the divifion of the diameter into three, four, or 
more parts at pleafure, I fay as to thefe, both for the imbecility of the fharp angle 
itlelf, and likewife for their very uncomelinefs, ought to be exiled from judicious 
eyes, and left to their firfl inventors, the Goths and Lumbards, amongft: other 
reliques of that barbarous age." This derivation of Gothic .architecture was uni- 
verfally adopted, and was fafhionable for fome ages. The Goths, fays (13) an in- 
telligent writer, a rough unpolifhed people, of huge ftature and dreadful looks, 
carried into milder climates their monflrous tafle of heavy architecture. A ftrange 
fancy ! as if the fize and looks of men gave a bias to their mental exertions. 

But 

(.!») Remains, p ,jj. (13) Riou's Grecian Order* of Architecture. 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 191 

But in no refpeft were the Goths the founders of an order of archite&ure. Fpr 
granting that, according to (14) Philoftorgius and Sozomen, the Goths embraced 
the Chriftian faith about the year 266, and to have built churches under the direc- 
tion of captive chriftians, we may be allured they were not better than cabins, or 
extemporaneous huts. Durable ftru&ures were not to be looked for among a peo- 
ple, at this period, in perpetual motion. 

Or fuppofe with the author (14) of the a i Ornaments of churches conudered," 
that on the weftern world being reduced to pofitive fubjeclion in the fixth century, 
the Gothic princes applied to the cultivation of the mechanical and liberal arts, 
and that this was the aera of Gothic architecture, we (hall fee that a conclufion 
quite oppofite to what he deduces arifes fairly from his authority. I recollect but 
one or two paffages in Cafliodorus, and they make againfl: him. Directions are 
(15) given about the repairs of the royal palace. The architect is ordered to pre- 
ferve the ancient part of the building in its priftine beauty, and to make the (16) new 
imitate the old. The better to enable him to perform this, he is defired frequently 
to read (17) Euclid's geometry, and to have Archimedes and Metrobius as his con- 
ftant companions : every thing was to be fo executed, that the works mould be 
unlike thofe of antiquity only in their (18) newnefs. Here is the moft decifive 
proof, that in the Gothic age, A. D. 514, and under a Gothic prince, Theodoric, 
the Greek and Roman ftyles and their moft correct modules were admired, and 
nothing held in eftimation but the antique : an evidence fufficient to fubvert for 
ever all the wild notions of Gothic architecture being derived from the Goths. 

" But, fays the fame author, the Italians call the Gothic mode, architettura 
Tedefca, or Celtic architecture, and it feems to be the fame, in fome refpecls with 
the barbarous form in temples of which Plato and Strabo fpeak." A writer of 
fuperficial learning, who either does not underiland or takes at fecond hand ancient 
authors, is moft troublefome to encounter and confute, becaufe he impofes by the 
citation of authors, who muft be critically examined to detect his errors. Thus, 
not to infill on his miflake of tranflating Tedefca, by Celtic inflead of Teutonic, a 
miftake evincing ignorance of language and people, he mifreprefents Plato. In 

the 

(14) Page 83. (15) Caffiod. Variar. p. 117—218. 

• (16) Ut antiqua in nitorem priftioam contineas, et nova fimili antlquitate prodnca*. Cafliod. fup. 

(17) " The moft general forms of architesSure may be comprehended under the triangle, the fquare and the circle; and 
the feveral parts which conflitute a complete order are of a fimilar conilrudion with thofe geometrical figures." Kirby's 
perfpedhve of architecture. 

(18) Ut ab opere veterum fola diflct novitas fabricarum, Caffiod. fup. 



1 92 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 



■< < -< ■<■<■.<•<■•<•<..< <•< .<-.«.<..< .< < < < < .<..<..<..<.<..<■■«..< .< ■<.<•<••< •<■•<••<+>•>■■>.■>••>•.>■>.•>..>.. 



•■ »•>•■>• >.■>•>•>■+•+••>■ »■• 



the dialogue of this celebrated ancient, named Critias, he defcribes the climate, 
foil and produce of the ifle of Atlantis, and the temple of Neptune in it. A pro- 
fufion of gold, filver and orichale was difplayed on its columns and pavement ; 
every part glittered with the precious metals, and Neptune flood in a chariot drawn 
by fix winged horfes. The architecture and decorations are Grecian, but there 
was fomething (19) barbarous in the afpect of the temple : that is, it was not exact 
in refpect of the heavens, or of its parts, and which a perufal of Vitruvius will 
more fully explain. To have made the architecture even of the Atlantic ifle as 
perfeft: as the Grecian, would have been fuch a want of politenefs and refped to- 
wards his countrymen, as Plato could not be guilty of. What relation has this 
Atlantic temple with Celtic or Teutonic architecture ? None, but that the author 
fuppofes the Atlantis of Plato and the vifionary Rudbeck to be the fame. Strabo 
gives no more countenance to this writer than Plato and Caffiodorus, but I fhall not 
trouble the reader with the detail. 

As to the pointed or lancet Gothic arch it was known and ufed many centuries 
before the Gothic power was eftablifhed, or the romantic expeditions to the Holy 
Zand commenced. About the year of Chrift 132, Antinous, the favourite of the 
Emperor Adrian, was drowned in the Nile. This prince, to perpetuate his memory, 
founded a city in Egypt, and called it after his name. Pere Bernat made drawings 
of its ruins, which are in the third tome of Montfaucon's antiquities. Among them 
is the pointed arch, not perfectly Gothic, but that called contrafted. Another con- 
trailed arch appears in the Syriac MS. hereafter fpoken of. In Horfeley are Roman 
fepulchral ftones, with pointed arches. One example, and there mult have been 
many now fallen a prey to the ravages of time, would have been fufficient to have 
proved their exiftence and ufe, and the probability of their ferving as models, after 
a lapfe of years, for a new ftyle, and this new flyle feems to have commenced about 
the year 1000, perhaps earlier. The arches of churches on the coins of Berenga- 
rius, King of Italy, and Lewis the Pious, and thofe in the Menologium Graecum 
prove the flrait arch was in ufe in the 9th and 10th centuries. The fame may be 
faid of the flrait arches on many round towers in Ireland. In the Menologium, 
compiled by order of the Greek Emperor Bafilius, in the 9th century, there are 
many engravings from ancient miniatures : among them are Ciboria with high co- 
nical roofs ; alfo perfpe&ive views of churches, whofe arches are round, flrait and 
fpreading : the bafes, {hafts, capitals and ornaments are Saxon. Thefe arches fhew 

a fluctuation. 

(19) Ejw h n Cgfiafixn txevns. Plat- ia Cxit. (?o) In % torn, Urliioi, lji.1- 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 193 

a fluctuation of tafte and (lyle. Mr. Pennant faw at Chefter two pointed arches 
within a round one; and Mr. Grofe informs (21) us, that the columns at Kirkftall 
abbey, in Yorkfhire, fupport pointed arches, and over thefe is a range of windows 
whofe arches are femicircular : thefe circumftances feem to intimate that the round 
and lancet arches were for a while ftriving for victory. 

On a coin of Edward the Confeffor, in Camden, is a pointed arch j the church 
there is fuppofed to be v that of Bury St. Edmund repaired by him. This is a 
century earlier than its introduction according to Mr. Bentham. As all our ancient 
hiftorians refent the Confeffor's attachment to the Norrnans, among whom he was 
educated, it is likely he faw this new arch on the continent, and introduced it 
into his works. Some architectural novelty feems to have made its appearance in 
France and Italy at this time, as may be collected from the (22) words of Glaber 
Rudolph, a Benedidtine monk and contemporary, and no doubt our churches took 
the form of this fafhionable innovation. You fee, fays (23) William of Malmefbury, 
writing of the Conqueror's time, in cities, towns and villages, churches and mp- 
nafteries arife in a new ftyle of building. Mr. Warton takes this paflage to refer to 
a more magnificent, but not a different ftyle. The words feem to bear an oppofite 
conftru&ion. What novelty was there, in barely enlarging the fize of a church ? 
How will magnificence be applicable to the — ecclefia in villis et vicis ? Was every 
little village-church enlarged ? We know it was not, it is improbable. But the 
making pointed arches, and ramifying the windows, were not fuch expenfive and 
arduous works, and were the real — novum genus adificandi — of Malmefbury, and 
the innovari ecclefiarum bafilicas — of Rudolph. The origin and progrefs of eccle- 
fiaftical architecture and of the Saxon ornaments fhall be now confidered. 

The eafy intercourfe eftablifhed through every part of the Roman empire intro- 
duced the knowledge of chriftianity and its teachers, at an early period, into Bri- 
tain. The Gofpel feems to have made confiderable progrefs among the natives, who 
were reprefented by three bifhops at the council of Aries, A. D. 314. The Ro- 
man foldiery, a very numerous body, were not fo ready to embrace the faith. 
There are no monuments of their belief in Chrifl, but many of their attachment 
to the deities of Rome. The pompous account given by Tacitus of his father-in- 
law Agricola, and of his endeavours to polifh the Britons by encouraging them to 

3 D build 

(ll) Preface to Antiq. of England, p. ui. 

(za) Tnfra millefimum tertio jam fere imminente anno, contigit in uruverfo focne terrarum orte, prjeclpve tameii is 
Italia et in Galliis innovare ecclefiarum bafilicas. Apud Du Chefne. 
(23) Videas ub-o^ue in villis, &c. De geft. Ang. reg. 1. 3. p. 57, 



i 9 4 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHig ARCHITECTURE. 

build houfes, temples and fora, are rather the fond effufions of affeftion than 
matters of fact; not a (24) trace of fuch edifices exifting or of the columns thai 
adorned them. So that (25) a celebrated hiftorian feems to have good grounds for 
afferting, that the mod the Romans communicated to us was a rhin varnifh of Italian 
manners. The architecture therefore of the Britons feems to have been of the 
fimpleft wooden materials, and this Bede, Ufher and Spelman teftify. It is in 
vain then' to look for thefe fculptural ornaments which more particularly belong to 
ftone edifices. — When the Anglo-Saxons arrived in England they adored Odin, 
Thor, and the other northern gods. Thofe deities, under whofe guidance and pro- 
tection they had been victorious they would not eafily relinquifh. For two hundred 
years they continued Pagans. That they built temples, which were after converted 
to chriftian churches, has been afferted by learned men. The paffages in Bede and 
other writers which feem to countenance this opinion, will be found on a critical 
examination to come very fhort of the neceffary evidence, without a large portion of 
ingenuity and conjecture. But'as there is no heathen Saxon temple extant or on 
record whofe architecture and ornaments are accurately defcribed, there is no need 
of entering minutely 'on this fubject. • If we believe the united teflimony of our 
hiflorians, the Saxons pointed their utmoft vengeance againft chriftianity and its 
facred ftructures. In their own country they worfhipped their gods in ftone-circles, 
or amid the gloom of ponderous trilithons : and there are abundant proofs of their 
doing the fame here. 

Antecedent to the coming of Auguftine in 597, the Welfh and Irifh clergy con- 
verted many of the Saxon race, but the native "buildings of their mifTionaries were 
as meart as the Britifh. 

(26) Mr. EfTex fays, on the authority of Bede, that the Saxons at the time of 
their conv'erfion did not understand mafonry, as they were obliged to fend for fo- 
reigners to build their churches and monafteries after the Roman manner. Let 
their ignorance of mafonry be what it may, it is not proved by the circumftance 
adduced. The paffage alluded to in Bede, and others to the fame purpofe, have 
been mifunderflood. The Britons, befides their wattled and wooden churches, had 
latterly fome poor ftone-iabrics like thofe of St. Martin and St. Pancras at Canter- 
bury : but they were not conftructed in the ftyle of thofe churches that acknow- 
ledged the doctrines and l'overeignty of the Roman Pontiff. They had no crypts 
under them for reliques ; they were not fupported by arches and columns j thefe 

arches 

(14) Archadogia, V. 4. p. 79. (aj) Gibbon'* Roman hift. c. 38. (16) Archacol. fup. 



~ 






OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 195 



■■<+>■ >••>•>••>•>• >.■>..>.>..>. >•>..>. >. >. >.>.>. >..>.>.>.>. V. >..>..>. >. ►.>..>>■►■ 



arches and columns were not adorned with the images of Saints and legendary flo- 
ries ; their fhape was not cruciform ; they had no oratories in the ailes, ncr were 
they glazed. This was the Roman ftyle as precifely delineated by (27) Bede, Ed- 
dius and Richard Prior of Hexham, and contradiftinguiftied from the Britiih. 

From the arrival of the Papal milfionaries in the Ifland it was fafhionable to exalt 
every thing Roman and decry what was native. The Britons with great firmnefs 
preferved their hierarchy and faith, and refolutely withflood the adoption of maffes, 
ftations, litanies, finging, reliques, pilgrimages and numberlefs other fuperftitions- 
and innovations of popery. The Anglo Saxon church (28) founded by a Roman 
and devoted to that See, could not give a more convincing proof of her fincerity 
than by embracing thofe favourite ceremonies, and with them that mode of build- 
ing with which they were intimately connected. Accordingly thofe, who were the 
mod active in forwarding this ftyle, had either their education at Rome, or were 
remarkably attached to that capital. Thus Ninian, who erected the ftone-church at 
Whittern, was regularly inftructed at Rome in her (29) myfteries and tenets. 
Bifcop, founder of the church of Weremouth after the Roman manner, was 
urged to the undertaking from his love to the blefled apoflle (30) St. Peter ; and 
Naiton, feduced from his hereditary religion by the abbot Ceolfrid, folicits this 
abbot to fend him architects to conftruct a church after the Roman (31) falhion, 
not to mention Wilfrid who erected the church at Hexham, and others recorded 
by Bede. 

This elucidation clearly points out the difference between the Roman and Britiih. 
architecture in the 7th century, and fhews what the ecclefiaftical hiftorian more par- 
ticularly means by the Roman manner. It is to foreigners we are indebted for the 
rudiments of this elegant art, and for thofe fculptures which fo profufely adorn 
our capitals and arches. It. is. equally certain, that what are called the Saxon orna- 
ments and the Saxon ftyle have not the mofl relation to that people as inventors, 
but as they were ufed in ages wherein their conquefts and power were very con- 
fpicuous. 

The 

(27) Bed. hift. Abb. Wirem. p. 295, et alibi. Edd. apud XV. Scrip, p. 62. Ric. Prior. Hagnl«. p. 190 — 291. 

(28) It is probable Augudine was a Roman, as he was taken from the nionaftery of St. Andrew, at Rome. Creflj 's 
church hiflory. ( 

(29) Qui erat Roma regulariter fidem & myfteria veritatis edo&us. Bed. 1. 3. C. 4. 

(3c) Ecckfiam juxta Roruanorum, quern Temper amabat morem. Et tantum in operando ftudii prje amore i beati Petri. 
Be£, hid. A'ob. Wir. p. 295, And a remarkable Railage to the fame in Pinkerton's Vit. SamSL Scot. p. 6. in Ninian. 
(ji) Eed. i. 5. c. si. 



196 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 



•■<•<■<••<-•<■■< ■<-< .< .< •<■■<■■< .<..<-.<.. 



The Roman ftyle, which includes, as is apparent from the preceding account of 
it, every characteriftic trait of the Saxon, was the mode of ecclefiaftical architecture 
prevalent in the 7th century. The fame ftile we may reafonably fuppofe exifted in 
the church of (32) Tours, built A. D. 460. One hundred and twenty columns 
therein were not without carving j nor walls one hundred and fifty feet in length 
without mouldings or ornaments. Of what fort thefe ornaments were the writer 
does not inform us. Eddius mentions in general terms, that the capitals of the 
columns and the arch of the chancel of the Hexham fabric were decorated " hif- 
toriis — imaginibus — et variis ccelaturarum figuris." The firft probably mean hifto- 
rical representations from the Bible and Legends ; the fecond faints and holy 
men ; and the laft a variety of fculptures in relief. Thefe works were executed 
by artifls (33) brought from Rome, Italy and France : what reafon then can there 
be for calling them Saxon ? Many learned antiquaries have lately relinquifhed this 
appellation, and call them Roman, but they have not explained what they mean 
by a Roman work. It is not enough that the arch is femicircle, and the form 
and proportion of the column regular, the feuillage fhould be alfo Roman to en- 
title it to this diftin&ion ; the former by chance may be right, but the latter is 
not lefs characteriftic. Where do we fee the Ovolo, Talon, Cyma, Torus and other 
regular architectonic mouldings and ornaments in Saxon works ? Or where an en- 
tire order of the column ? For except the fhaft, the other parts are omitted or 
indiftinctly marked. The Saxon may poffibly be a corruption of the Roman ftyle, 
but there are ftrong inducements to think it had a very different origin. 

In the (34) Mediceo-Laurentian library at Florence is a Syriac MS. of the Evan- 
gelifts, written A. D. 586, full of pi&ures and miniatures, exhibited in twenty-fix 
leaves. The fecond fhews the Virgin Mary with Jefus in her arms, under a cibo- 
rium fupported by four pillars, which are drefled with chevrons, lozenges and eggs. 
The other plates give every chara&eriftic ornament of the Saxon ftyle ; as nebules, 
lozenges, quatrefoils and chevrons, flowers, fruit, birds and a (35) rich variety of 
fculpture. So early an inftance, as to date, fo authentic and in point, has not, I 
believe, been produced ; what has been obferved of the church of Tours and that 

of 

(32) Greg. Turon. hift. Franc. 1. 2. c. T4. 

(33) Du Roma quoque et Francia et de aliis terris ubicunque in venire poterat, coementarios, &c. fecum retinerat. Ric. 
Prior rlaguls. 1. 1. c. J. 

(34) Codex evangeliorum antiquiffimus, Uteris capitalibus fcriptus fine punctis vocalibus, anno Alexandrine 807, hoc eft, 
Chriiti j86, cum harmonia evangclica Ammonii et Euftbii, et niiniaturis piclurifque veteris & novi teftamenti. Hie codn 
•sere inaiftimabilis eft, optime icriptus. Biblioth. Medic. Laur. t. I. p. 44. 

(i$) See Plate, 






Ptn/'r.j fwm 4 > //nvar , l/>> / pf^Me uorfiedi a£ ■ /'/r>/r //'•<: ^ 



; / /,/ . /. ■'.. 



■,.■ .'/' .'.'. • '/,: . / 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 197 



..» •<■<< < < <<<<< < .< .< .< .< .< t < < 



.<<•<<<+>.•> 



• >•■>■•>>•>•>•>•>■ 



■ >•■>■■>■>•>•■>•■>•.>■■>■■>■•>•>••>■■>'•>•>•>■■>■>■■>■•>••>•>.•►•>.• 



of Hex>am being rather probable conjecture. Here we have a curious and incon- 
teftible fad rail in view. That fuch drawings are good authority and authentic 
evidence, we have the decided opinion of Warton, in his Obfervations on Spenfer, 
" I cannot, fays he, more clearly recapitulate or illuflrate what has been faid, than 
by obferving that the feals of our Englifti monarchs from Henry III. difplay the 
tafte of architecture which refpectively prevailed under feveral fubfequent reigns j 
and confequently convey at one comprehenfive view the feries of its fucceflive revo- 
lutions : infomuch, that if no real model remained, they would be fufficient to 
fhew the modes and alterations of building in England." Every inquirer into anti- 
quity knows what ufe Montfaucon, Strutt, Grainger and others have made of mi- 
niatures, coins, feals and fculptures in their various works, and that the deductions 
from them rarely are difputed. 

That we mould difcover the Saxon ornaments (for I muft ufe the term to be in- 
telligible) in the Eaft, is a phcenomenon little to be expected. Let us confider 
that the tabernacle made by the Israelites in the Wildernefs was to reprefent at 
once an ($6) oriental temple and palace. As defcribed in Exodus, it was a great 
pavilion or tent, and in it was the Ark. The latter was concealed from fight by a 
veil fufpended from four pillars of precious wood, their capitals and bafes of pre- 
cious metals, and the fhafts overlaid with the fame. Within this the Deity was 
fuppofed to refide. 

Chriftians, in the early ages of the church, imitated many ceremonies and prac- 
tices of the Jews, and among others they formed fmall portable tabernacles, con- 
ftructed on the model of the firft. Sozomen (37) tells us, that Conftantine, about 
the beginning of the 4th century, carried with him in his campaigns a tabernacle, 
in the fhape of a church, that neither he or his army might in the Wildernefs be 
without a temple for holy ufes. I fay, Conftantine and the Chriftians might have 
adopted this idea from the Jews, but it fell alfo in very exactly with the pagan 
ufages, and might have been retained not to fcandalize new converts. The carrying 
gods in portable temples was common among the (38; Egyptians, Cappadocians, 
Greeks and Romans, and fuch were the filver fhrines fpoken of by St. Luke, in 
the Acts. Scripture and Sozomen call thefe tabernacles, Scence j but Chryfoftom, 
who was contemporary with Sozomen, Ciboria. In his 43d homily on the Acts, 

3 E he 

(36) Goguet fur. l'orig. des loix. t. %. p. ajr — 252. 

(37) In< <rx«»tfv Hi ixx\risuu> !/xa;ixivnr, 1. 1. c. 7. 

(38) Aias goavav. Euftath. in Iliad. I. Strab. 1. 4. Athenai Bcipnos I. SI. Cafaub. in loco, Din, !, 40. Val.Max^ 
Herodian, La&ant. &c. 






i 9 S OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

-< <<■<<<« < .< .< .< .<..<.<.«..<<.< .<..<<..<..< .<..<.<..< .<..<..<..<..< .«..< .<<..«. <<<+>. >..>>..>..>..►..>..>.>. >..>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>. ,.., .,. >. >..>.>. >.>..>. >. >..>.>..>.>. >..>..>. >..>.. 

he afks in what form they made thofe filver fhrines, and anfwers they were perhaps 
like the fmall (39) Cibona. 

The Ciborium was the (hell, containing the feeds of the (40) Colocafia or Egyp- 
tian Bean, its furface was flat and hemifpherical, from which to the bottom it de- 
clined into a cone: it was ufed as a (41) drinking cup, and refembled our chalices 
or goblets. This, inverted and fufpended by its footftalk, was fimilar to the ca- 
nopy that covered thefe flirines, and in the beginning of the 5th century, as ap- 
pears from Chryfoftom, was thus underftood, and at length exprefled the pillars, 
curtains, canopy, and the whole (42) fhrine or tabernacle. 

Before Chriftianity was fully eftablilhed and for fome ages after, the practice of 
making Ciboria to ferye as domeflic chapels, from the example of Conftantine and 
the general tincture of Paganifm ftill remaining, muft have been univerfal. We 
have traced it through the 4th, 5th, and the Syriac MS. evinces what it was in 
the 6th century. In the fury of religious zeal, Conftantine demolished the mo- 
numents of ancient architecture and fculpture. The porches of the temples, fays 
(43) Eufebius, were laid open, their doors taken down and their roofs torn off. 
In one place Apollo Pythius lay expofed to view, in another Sminthius, in the 
circus the. Delphic tripods, and in the palace the Heliconian mufes. A new ftyle 
of ornament and building commenced, it was a (44) corrupt imitation of Eaftern, 
Grecian and Roman models. The firft experiments feem to have been made on 
tabernacles and Ciboria. Catching the flame of religion from their prince, and to 
compleat their triumph over idolatry, Chriftians would naturally reject thofe orna- 
ments that decorated heathen-temples, and employ whatever they could collect of 
the Jewifh and Eaftern feuillage. The Syriac MS. prefents us with pillars fpiral, 
fluted and covered with a lozenge net work, different frettes, chevrons, chalices, 
flower and angels heads, ornaments certainly prior to the date of that work. They 
were after transferred to itone buildings, and feem to be the true origin of thofe 
called Saxon ornaments. 

The 

(39) Jfus at XiGufl* ftixf*. 

(40) Salma». Plin. exercit. p. 1310. who fhew Rhodoginus is much miftaken in the account of the Ciborium. 

(41) Poculi vicem et ufum precbebat. Salmas. hip. 
(4a) Li pitture d'Ercolano. t. a. p. si 1. 

(4i) Vit. Conftant. 1. 1. c. 8. 

(44) Wren has well obferved in his Parentalia, that Orders were Hcbraean, Phoenician, &c. The account of the Jew- 
ish tabernacle is a proof. 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 199 



V >• > >■ > ■■>■ >■•>■ > >■ ■>■ > >• >■ >->•■>• >■ >■■>• >■ >•> >■ 



The veneration (45) in which the Ciborian was held, and the myftic virtue of its 
figure, were boundlefs. The Virgin Mary, Jefus, and the apoftles and holy men 
arc reprefented within thofe of the Syriac MS. but thefe were, foon fupplanted by 
the reliques of Saints and the euchariftic elements. Ciampini tells us, the (46) La- 
teran Ciborium is made of Parian marble, fupported by four columns of Egyptian 
marble, with gilt epiftyles of the Corinthian order. Within a gilt iron grating, 
are preferved, wi:h lingular veneration, the heads of the apoftles Peter and 
Paul. 

We may eafily imagine what fuperftitious refpect was paid to the minuted part of 
the Ciborium, from a declaration of St. Jerome in the 4th century, who pronounces 
in the molt decifive manner, that (47) the facred chalices, the holy vails, and what- 
ever elfe belonged to our Lord's paflion, were not to be efteemed as common and 
unmeaning things, but from their connection with the body and blood of Chrilt 
were entitled to the fame implicit and fovereign refpect as the very body and blood 
itfelf. Hence the utmoft profufion was not thought too great for adorning thefe 
Ciboria. Pope Leo III. according to Anaflafius, made fome of filver covered with 
gold, the four pillars were of great heigth of porphyry and white marble, finely- 
carved and enriched with innumerable green and purple gems. The inverted 
(48) Ciborium was the crowning of the Greek churches called Cupolas, and the 
covering of their (49) graves. Gregory of Tours, coeval with the Syriac MS. in 
many (50) parts of his work, mentions the cuftom of the Franks to hang tapeftry 
round the tombs of the deceafed, the top terminating in a ponticulus or arch, in 
reference to the Ciborium. The fame ideas were attended to by architects, as we 
find by Gervais's (51) account of the rebuilding of Canterbury. 

Such 

(4<) Defcribit prolixa Ciborium Germanus, et diiStis prnpheticU ita conquadrate opinatur, ut fine illo, quo modo Deus 
eperaturper altaris facrafkium falutem homiuum in medio terrse non probe intclligi affirmct. Goar. Eucolog. p. 15. 

(46) Ciborium ex pario marmore, quatuor columnis ex marmorc ^Egyptio, cum epiftyliis deauratis, ordinis Coriiuhii, 
fuflenuuur, &c. Ciampini de iac. sdiGc. p. 15. 

(47) Sacrm calices et fancla velamina, et csetera quae ad cultum Dominic* paffionis pertinent, non quafi inania & fenfu 
carentia fantiimoniam non habere ; fed ex confortio corporis & fanguinis Domini, eadem qua corpus ejus et fanguis majef- 
Uie veneranda. Hieron. epift. ad Thenphil. 88. This was about A. D. 380. 

(48) Km * xtvoiiiris. Phot. O/a n xevs. Silent, apud Du Cange defcrip. sea. Soph. p. 50. Ciborium, in immenfum, 
▼eiuti turris attollebatur, qua: fenfina in acutum verticem definebar. Again. In Ciborii vero forma conoide, qua; colum- 
uurum (ullcntantur columine. Du Cange, fnp. 

(49) tivr.fta. n rafrt, n KiSvpi* Meurs. GlofT. voc. Ki€*fit», KiSvpyitn. 

(50) De gloria Conf. c. 20, ii, 30. De Mirac. 1. 1. c 7 Tlie lepulchrum fub analogia compofitum, of this writer, 
and the^Tumba in modum domunculi of Bede, 1 . c. 3. were the types of the Ciborium. 

(51) Clavem pro toto pono Ciboria — Factum eft jtaque Ciborium inter quatuor pilarios principales, &c. Gerv. Doro- 
bern. p. 1298. 



soo OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

Such then is the evidence of the origin of the Saxon feuillage. It is a fubject 
admitting, very probably, much more copious elucidation than is within the fphere 
of my prefent information, a few hints are all I prefume to offer. 

The ofcillation of human imbecility, ever producing the wildeft and moft inex- 
plicable appearances in the moral world, in the courfe of a few centuries gave a 
lignal inftance of its capricious power. What Chriftians of the 4th and 5th cen- 
turies beheld with horror and deteftation, Chriftians of the 9th, 10th, and nth 
centuries embraced as objects meriting the higheft refpett and confidence. A new 
ftyle of architectural ornament fucceeded, hitherto either totally unobferved or bat 
flightly noticed, though by no means an incurious fubjecl. 

The mofl perfect inftance of this ftyle is the capitals in the French church at 
Canterbury. The ingenious editor of the Antiquarian (52) repertory, from whom 
they are copied, feems to coincide with Mr. Gofling's opinion, that this chapel was 
either conftru&ed by Grymbald in the reign of Alfred, or by fome other in that 
age ; and his arguments are founded on the fimilarity between the Canterbury orna- 
ments and thofe in Grymbald's crypt in Oxford : there is a refemblance in the fize 
of the capitals, and at firft glance the grotefques feem the fame ; but a clofer exa- 
mination will difcover them to be of different ages. At Canterbury they are well 
drawn, diftindl: and expreflive : at Oxford they are confufed and unmeaning ; and 
in the frizes on the north and fouth parts of Adderbury church, Oxfordfhire, 
we may trace a degradation of this ftyle in the whimfical mixture of Cyclopfes, 
Janufes, warriors and Egyptian hieroglyphical figures ; the two former are from 
Roman originals, the latter betrays the wayward fancy of our rude ancestors. 

The irruption and fettlement of the Saracens in the fouth, the fierce and bloody 
conflicts of barbarous and pagan nations in the north, and the univerfal corruption 
of religion, exhibit a difmal picture of the ftate of Europe in the eighth and 
fucceeding ages. Charlemagne did every thing becoming a great prince to civilize 
the favage manners of the age, to reftore Chriftianity and revive letters. His capi- 
tulars are full of decrees for founding and rebuilding churches, and in ($3) Mont- 
faucon he is reprefented holding one, it has a round tower and a fpire rifing from 
it. This is allufive to his celebrated church of Aix-Ia-Chapelle. Hofpinian (54; 
alfo remarks the aftonifhing number of magnificent religious edifices conftrufted in 
his reign. The Canterbury crypt feems of an earlier date. 

If 

($a) V. I, p. 57. (Si) Lcs monumens de la monarchic Franc, p. 276. 

(54) Hofrnniaii. de tcmplis, p. 36, 37. 




c/>,//.;/y /„ /,'/,„ /,„,:.. '.:,„■ /},-,;/,■ .//.'/„/■/,„ 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. . 20* 

~t < < < < < « < < < .< < i ..« < .< < .< .< < < .<..< .< .< .< .<..< < < .< .< < .< .< .« ..< < <+>.>. >. >..>..►..»..►..>. >. >..,..,..>.>. >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..,..,..>..,..,..»..>..»..>..,.*..>. >.>..>..>. >.. 

If Olborn's authority is of any weight, the undercroft at Canterbury was founded 
antecedent to the year 742 ; for that (55) writer informs us, that archbifhop Cuth- 
bert erected St. John's chapel in the eaftern part of the greater church or cathedial. 
Archdeacon Batteley, as I collect from Mr. Goftling, afcribed it to the believing 
Romans. The learned antiquary need not be told, that crypts formed the fub- 
ftructure of every great church : he will alfo think it more than probable, that the 
metropolitical church of Canterbury was not without them for near three hundred 
years, that is from the age of Auguftine to that of Grymbald ; and more efpecially 
fo, when it is univerfally allowed, the undercroft amid all the conflagrations and 
repairs the cathedral underwent, remained unalterably the fame. There are not 
documents fufficient precifely to determine its age, let that be what it may, I mail 
take the liberty of confidering its capitals, and next endeavour to account for the 
prevalence of Egyptian hieroglyphical figures on them, and fimilar works. 

No. 1. Is the aelurus or cat, one of the (56) animals generally adored in Egypt, 
becaufe it was believed to fupply a cure againfl: the bite of afps and other venomous 
creatures. Yet it is not likely the feline race would have been fo honoured even in 
this fuperftitious country was it not fymbolical of their great deity (57J Ifis. 

No. 2. Is obvioufly another Egyptian grotefque. It is a hawk killing a ferpent. 
Diodorus Siculus, Strabo and iElian inform us, this bird was worfhipped in Egypt 
for freeing the country from fnakes, fcorpions, and other reptiles ; and Plutarch 
records that a hawk fighting with a ferpent was reprefented Handing on the ftatue 
of (58) Typhon: the archetype probably of our fculpture. 

No. 3. Is an ideal quadruped, fuch as the Egyptian (59) gryphon is defcribed, 
with the beak, talons and wings of an eagle, and the body of a lion. It is here 
killing fbme noxious bird or ferpent. The gryphon was (60) facred to Ofiris. 

No. 4, 5, 6, 7. The fourth feeras to be a gladiator or criminal -engaged with a 
lion ; the fifth a horfeman with a cap and trowfe j the fixth a fheep, to which the 
Egyptian Saites and Thebans paid divine honour ; and the feventh an equeftrian 
figure common on Roman coins. 

No. 8. Is a pure Egyptian figure, a double-headed Anubis, beflriding a double- 
headed crocodile. In Boiflard's and other collections Anubis (landing on a crocodile 

3 F k 

(55) Apud Wharton. Angl Sac. V. I. p. 75. 

.'56) Strab. 1. 17. Diod. Sic. 1. r. Montfaucon, t. 2. p. 3to. 

(57) Filis ob varietatem, &c. Ifiderr. indicabat. Pignor. Mens. IC p. 31. 

(58) it(*l tfei paxoft-ws. Plut. de If. et Ofir. p. 371. He tells us Ofitii was depiAed as a hawk. ihii. 
{59) Plutarch, fymp. 1. 4. quxft. 1. 5. Voff, de idolol. I. 3. c, IOO. 

(60) Pignor. fup. p. ij. 



202 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

..< .<..<.<-<..<■.<..<..< .<..< .<..<..<..<..< .<..<..<„,..<..<..< .<.,..<<..<..<<.<.< .,..<.< .<..<..<..< .<+>. >..>.>..>..>.>..>..>.>. >..>..>. >..,. >..>..>..>. >.,..>. >. >>..>. >..>..>. >. > >..>..>..>..»..>..>. >..>.. 

is frequent, nor is a double-headed Anubis lefs fo. We have feen the aelurus, the 
hawk and the gryphon referred to the great Egyptian gods Ifis and Ofiris ; the fame 
may be faid of Anubis, who was the (61) infeparable companion of lfis. 

No. 9. A man fitting on the head of another holds in one hand a fifh, and in 
the other a cup. The fifh named oxyrinchus was (62) generated from the blood 
of Ofiris, and was facred in Egypt. According to Hyginus, it alluded to fome fa- 
ble concerning Ifis. 

No. 10. A double-headed monfter. Tertuliian (63) feems to defcribe fuch forms, 
and fimilar ones may be feen in Montfaucon.- 

No. 11. Is a bird deflroying a crocodile, for they are of two (64) fpecies, or 
perhaps fome ferpent of the lizard kind. 

No. 12. Is a fatyr refting on two deers. The " aures Satyrorum acutae" and the 
" capripedes Panes" of the Roman poets are well known. 

No. 13. Are two birds on a Roman mafque. 

No. 14. Is a grotefque, with the head and comb of a cock, the body and arms 
human, the moulders winged, with the feet and tail of a fatyr : it is playing on a 
violin with a bow, and behind is a fcalene triangle. Oppofite is another grotefque 
blowing a trumpet, with the head and horns of a goat, the lower extremities hu- 
man. That thefe are Egyptian hieroglyphical figures we may appeal to (65) Porphyry, 
to Tertuliian, Min. Felix, Pignorius, Montfaucon and Chifflet. 

Whatever occult meaning may be concealed under thefe grotefques, there is one 
very obvious and agreeable to the genius of the Egyptian fuperftition. Its' profeffors 
in every age were as negligent of decency in their (66) facred rites as in their pub- 
lic conduct. It was a fatal omen of the decline of the Roman empire, for its princes 
to be fo devoted to this foreign religion. Suetonius mentions it as an inflance of 
Otho's effeminacy, that he celebrated the myfteries of Ifis clad in the linen veft- 
ments of her priefts. In Petronius Egyptian youths attend feafts, and pour fnow 

water 

(61) Fuit individuus Ifidis comes. Pignor. fup. p. 3a. who produces an ancient infcription, wherein Ifis, Serapis 
Anal>is and Harpocrates arc called &ia evnaa. 

62) tfo/ii^niri 3e Kai run i%0uuv, np/iy tivai. Herod. Euterp. Ov yap Aiyuvritis /jtcvov »Ji tvpoi; ctyvsias ft'.po; a-rox." <X,Q" U *- 
Plutarch, fymp. 1. 8. quxft. 8. Biblioth. choifie. t. II. p. 106. Melang. de liter, par Vigneul-Marvillc, t. I, p. 3. 
And Cafal. dc rit. veter. No. 41. p. 137. Anun. Marcell. 1. %%. 

(63) Canino capite et leonino, ct de bove et ariete. Ad Nat. 1. 1. c. 14. 

{64) Salmas. Plin. Exerc. p. 454. 

(65) Porphyr. de abftinent. 1. 4. §.9. 

(66) Jamque expectatur in bortis, 

Aut apud Ifiacsc potius lacr'aria Icnre. Juvenal. Athenxi Deipnos. K 14- Arnob. 1. 5. 



OBr 7 p VATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 203 

N 

-* -■<•■< < <-«.-<-. . • .<-< < - ■< ■< * < < ;-<■<•< <■<•<•-<-<■•<••<•<■•<•<■■<+>■>•>•>••.- >■ >■>■.>■■>.■>.>.->..>.>.>..>..>.->.>..>..>..>.->..>. >.•>.->■>•■>■■>••>•>■•>.■>■>•>.•>.■>.. 

water on the hands of the company. They excelled no lefs in mufic than in the 
other elegant means of corrupting manners. 

Cantica qui Nili, qui Gaditana fufurrat. Mart. 

Verus brought many mufical performers to Rome from Syria and Alexandria. Ac- 
cording to Kircher, the triangle denoted Orus, the fon of Ifis and Ofiris : or it was 
a {6y) figure which the Egyptians obferved their favourite Ibis often to make. 

Sir John Hawkins (68) gives us the Giuftiniani Apollo playing on a violin with a 
bow : the body of the instrument is fomewhat rounder than ours. This Statue Dr. 
Burney informs us has been proved by Winckelman and Mengs to be modern ; he 
thinks the violin and bow which appear on an antique ewer and bafon, dug up at 
Soiffons, the oldeSt hitherto discovered. Le Beuf, he adds, fuppofes them to be as 
ancient as the year 762. To the fentiments of thefe eminent fcholars and antiqua- 
ries I mould mod readily SubScribe* and particularly fo, as they would nearly ascer- 
tain the date of the undercroft, could I reconcile them with Venantius Fortunatus. 
This writer flourished about the middle of the fixth century, and mentions the 
*' Chrotta Britanna or Britifh Crwth." From the drawing of this instrument, in 
the third volume of the Archasologia, it is plain it was of the fidicinal kind, and 
the tranflation from this to the violin eafy ; yet I fhould think it an excefs of pa- 
triotism to afcribe the invention of this elegant instrument to the Britons. They 
muft rather have corrupted the violin into the Crwth from a Greek or Roman ori- 
ginal. Enough has been faid of thefe capitals to found a conjecture that this crypt 
was an (69) Ifeum or Roman chapel, facred to Ifis, or that it was an early imitation 
of Roman models. Grotefques are derived from the eccentricity of Egyptian fu- 
perStition, and which affected Striking and monStrous forms rather than thofe thai: 
were comely and beautiful ; and the more to infpire (70) religious dread and horror, 
thoSe groteSques were molt ly confined to crypts, and hence they got their (71) ap- 
pellation. 

The 

(67) uairXivpt rfiyuv. Plutarch, de If. et Of. p. 650. Trigonu9 cum globo infcriptus fignificat Horum. Kircher. 
Oedip. .ffigypt. Syn. x c. 7. A triangle is a common fepulchra! ornament in the crypts at Rome? Aringh. Rom. 
fabter.' paff. 

(68) Hiftory of Mufic, V. 1. p. 246. 

(69) A fimilar instance, are the vaults at Hexham, wherein are many fragments of Roman infcriptions, grotcfque 
figures, which are true Sigillaria or Sigiliiola, and much carved ftohe-work. Hexham and Canterbury were Roman fta- 
tions. Hutchinfoti's excurfion to the lakes, p. 303—307. 

(70) Quorum ftudium in id magis incirmbebat, ut pictoras miras exprimerent, quair. ut venuftatem affe&arent. Pignor. 
p. 7. Vitruv. 1. 7. c. 5. Li pitture d'£rco!ano. t. 3. p. 296. n. 2. and p. jiz. 

(71) Italis di&as grottefcas credo, quod in terra obrutis veterum xdificionim fomkibas, quas grottas, qtiafi cryptas vo- 
cant, primum invenerint. Pignor. fup. 



204 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

The northern nations from vicinity or intercourfe had been long converfant with 
the fuperflition of (72) Rome, and like her, were addicted to magic and fpells. 
So exactly did their ideas affimilate on thefe heads, that Wormius (73) declares 
one egg does not more clofely referable another than the Egyptian and Danifh hiero- 
glyphics. Boetius found numberlefs hieroglyphics in Scotland, which tradition 
afcribed to thd Danifh times ; of thefe he thus fpeaks in Holinfhed's tranflation, 
<c that the Scots at firft ufed the rules and manners of the (74) Egyptians from 
whence they came, and in all their private affairs they did not write with common 
letters, as other nations did, but rather with cyphers and figures of creatures, 
made in manner of letters, as their epitaphs on their tombs and fepulchres re- 
maining amongft us do hitherto declare. Neverthelefs this hieroglyphical manner 
of writing in our times is perifhed and loft." Mr, Pennant met with thefe gro- 
tefque in his tour in Scotland : he afks whence could artifts acquire their ideas 
of centaurs and animals proper to the torrid zone ? 

In the year 1665, the tomb of Childeric I. was difcovered atTournai, and in it the 
(jS) head of an ox with a fun in his forehead all of gold ; and left the figure mould 
be miftaken, there were about three hundred golden " apes" or bees, to fliew that 
Childeric's tutelary deity was the Egyptian apis. Montfaucon fays there were (76) 
many oval coins found at the fame time with the fcaraboeus and frog on them ; and 
then afks, were thefe derived to the Franks from the Egyptians ? Did the former alfo 
worfhip them ? Had thefe ingenious writers applied but a fmall portion of their 
erudition to this fubject, they would foon have detected the obfcurity which over- 
fbadows the introduction and ufe of thefe hieroglyphics, and thereby fuperfeded the 
neceffity of the following obfervations. 

The Egyptian fuperflition had, by its various adumbrations and (jy) explications, 
fo confounded the ancient fyftem of Grecian and Roman theology, as to make it 
a perfect chaos. This, with the open profligacy of its votaries, made the Romans, 
in the 696th year of the city, eject it. It ftole in again, and was again expelled. 
So true is it what Macrobius writes, that with difficulty thofe deities were eftablifhed 

at 

(74) Ten years before the incarnation, Drufus conquered and colonized the country of the Anglo-Saxons. Tacit. 1. 4, 
■0 IZ. Camden and Stillingfleet. 

(73) Vixovum ovo fimiliusdcprehendes. Faft. Dan. p. 45, 46. Monum. Dan. p. 91. 

(74) The popular fiction of Cithelus and Scota was very convenient for explaining thefe Scotcifh hieroglyphics. 

(75) This is ft rong proof, that the Franks were then pagans. This is confirmed by Greg. Tur. 1. 2. c. 10. Huet 
alluding to this difcovery, fays, Et ne quis Apim effe nefciret adjeclx fueiant apes aurest plufquani trccentw, ut cxharun* 
nomine illius intelligererur. Demons. Evang. p. 147. ed. 8vo. 

(76) Monum. de la Monarch. Fran. p. 10 — ie. 

(77) Moiheim ad Cudworth, c. 4. Brukcr. Hift. Philofoph. t. I. p. 246. 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 205 

... < « < <••< < « < < < < < .< < ■* <■< ■<■< •<<<<•< ■* •<•< < •«•<•«■<<« •<<<<+»•■>• >• >• > >■»•>>• »•>•->•>.■>..>. >■>.>. >>>>>>>>> >>>>>>>>>>>>>>. 

at Rome. At length they were permitted without the walls, but generally defpifed 
to the reign of Nero, when Lucan fays, 

Nos in templa tua Romana recipimus Jfim 

Semideofque canes. 
The fingular refpett fhewn to Egyptian idolatry, and its adoption about this time, 
may I think with certainty be developed from an anecdote of Nero, preferved by 
Suetonius. An unknown plebeian prefented the emperor with a little female image, 
as a prote&refs againft confpiracies : in a fhort time after, having difcovered fome 
fecret machinations, he afcribed the difcovery to this image, worfhipped it as a 
fovereign deity, and facrificed to it thrice a day. Adrian had a little image, ftuck 
with old iron letters, which he adored with his other chamber divinities. 

The fucceffbrs of Auguflus lived in perpetual fear of affaflinations and infurrec- 
tions : the nobility were debauched, the commons wretchedly poor, and the fol- 
diery feditious and undifciplined. Dreadful apprehenfions conftantly haunted the 
difturbed imagination of the reigning prince ; without vigour or firmnefs to take a 
judicious or decifive ftep to avert danger, he became a prey to the weaknefs of his 
paffions, and fought information, aid and protection from amulets and fpells. It 
was here the Egyptian charlatannerie powerfully recommended itfelf to the vain 
hopes and fears of a debauched people, by the fuperior virtue of its talifmans. 
The fkill of the orientals in aftrology was confefled, and their fpells and charms 
efleemed of the mod indifputable efficacy and power. The deities, whofe figures 
thofe amulets bore, were not lefs cried up. Artemidorus, a contemporary, is full 
on this head. If, fays he, you dream of Ifis, Anubis and Harpocrates, or of 
their flatues and myfteries, it portends confufions, dangers, threatenings and mis- 
fortunes, from which however beyond your hopes they will preferve you ; for thefe 
gods have ever been (78) faviours, keeping their votaries unhurt in the extremeft 
difficulties. 

In confequence of this prepoffeffion and confidence in the Egyptian fuperftition, 
their amulets multiplied to infinity ; from the highefl to the lowed every one pro- 
cured and carried them : all imitated the prince 

Componitur orbis 
Regis ad exemplum. 
Now, fays Pliny in the reign of Trajan, they begin to wear Harpocrates and the 
Egyptian gods on their fingers. Commodus fhaved his head and bore Anubis in 

3 g his 

(78) Mi yuf tarttft;, Oneiroci 1. 2, c, 44. 



2o6 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

• < < 4 4 ■< 4 4-44 -4 ■< <■■< <■<■■<■•<■■<•<■■<-<■•<••< .<-<..<■<<■<.<•<.< •< -< -4 ■<-< 4 4 <4*>>>"> >•■*■■>•■>■■>■■>• >■ »•<>-->•>.). > >-> • » v >..>■>. >.■>■>-► ►■>•>• v- »■>•>.*.>■ > >■ > > 

his arms, when he celebrated the rites of Ifis; Under Adrian, many of thefe 
Egyptian temples were erected. Severus repaired the Ifeum and Serapeum. Cara- 
calla conflruded a large fane to Ifis ; as Antonius Pius did to Serapis. In a word, 
Otho, Domitian, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Philip and Tetricus were entirely de- 
voted to the Egyptian religion, as their coins and the writers of the Hiftorise Au- 
guflae teftify. Every part of Europe, Afia and Africa was confequently deeply in- 
fecled with it. 

In the fecond century Bafilides, and other herefiarchs of the oriental fchool, 
taking advantage of the reigning fuperftitions, and to increafe the number of their 
(79) followers, interwove many heathen notions and practices into their fyftem of 
chriftianity j they formed innumerable amulets engraven with, Egyptian hierogly- 
phics, monftrous letters, and the names of iEorts. Thefe were to fecure the poflef- 
fors longevity, opulence, health and fuccefs. Thefe heretics, according to St. Je- 
rome, difleminated their peftilent notions over France and Spain, where they more 
particularly folicited and obtained the patronage of the fair fex. The teftimony of 
this father is ftrengthened in the higheft degree by the multiplicity of abraxas found 
in thefe kingdoms, exhibited by ChifHet and Montfaucon, and by the works of 
Irenaeus, bifhop of Lyons, who wrote againft them. It is further evident from 
Lindenbrog's code of barbarian laws, that the Franks and Romans occupied in 
common the country of Gaul, as the other tribes and Romans did Spain and the 
reft of the empire : the former accommodated their (80) civil institutions as well 
as their religious opinions to thofe of the latter. Julian, Conflantius, and even the 
christian emperor Conflantine, bore Egyptian fyrnbols on their coins j nor need we 
wonder at a barbarous prince, as Chjlderic, ambitioufly imitating fuch examples. 
This reafoning feems conclufive, and at the fame time gives the folution of the ap- 
pearance of the Egyptian Scarabceus in the tomb of a French king, and of 
hieroglyphics on ancient northern monuments. 

In like manner, numberlefs mull have been the temples and crypts facred to 
Egyptian deities difperfed over Europe, whofe feuillage was the fame as that in the 
undercroft at Canterbury. Some of them with all their hieroglyphical ornaments 
were converted to chriftian churches, as that of (81) St. Andrew in Barbara in 
Rome appears at this day. Some were conftru&ed on the fite of fuch temples as 7 

the 

(79) Bruker and Molheim, fup. 

(80) Montcfquku l'efprit dcs loix. Camden de offic. Marefch, Baxter. Gluff, Antiq. Rom. voc. Aurum. 
(Bi) Ciampini dc fac, asdif. t. i. p. 19. 








s 



————— 



I -L. '— ■ 





I j 1 




' 




I 






OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 207 

•< < < << < < < < < < <•<.<.<•<•<.<.<•«•<•< <<<<< < <« ■<«■■<■< <•<■■<-<■■<■<•<+>•»••>•>•■>•>•>•>.>••>■■>•>■>.>•>•>>■>■>>■>■>■>■>•>■ >•>•>>■>■•►■> >>••>>■>•>»■ 
the church of St. Germain was on that of the fans of (82) Ifis. The furious, though 
pious zeal of believers, and the rage of accommodating every thing to the fafliion- 
able ftyle have deprived us of many of thefe ancient monuments : enow remain to 
eftablifh the idea advanced in thefe pages. 

The decay of learning and the corruption of religion reduced chriftianity almoft 
to femi-paganifm. From St. Audeon's life of St. Eloi, bifhop of Noyon, we find 
that the ancient heathen deities were commonly worshipped in France in the feventh 
century : and in fucceeding ages the Capitulars, Councils an^ Rhegino demonftrate 
with what difficulty idolatry was fupprefied, though neither fubdued or eradicated, 
for it received new vigour, and the eaftern fuperftition particularly, frefh flrength 
from the congenial myftic theology of the Arabians. It is not unreafonable then to 
fuppofe, that the fondnefs for hieroglyphics and grotefques had not abated in the 
ninth century, when Grymbald founded his crypt at Oxford, though fhortly after 
the Danes introduced a new ftyle compofed of ancient grotefques, Greek and Ro- 
man mythologic figures and whimfies of their own, as in Adderbury church. 

The mod elegant figure there, is on the fouth front, it is a ftar or rather mullet 
of five points, a true Egyptian magical figure, the fame as feen on a canopus in 
(S3) Montfaucon. 

A new ftyle of fculptural ornament now folicits the reader's attention ; it is cer- 
tainly Danifli; and the fpecimen is unique in Ireland. A fmall crypt, or ftone- 
roofed oratory was difcovered by the late Samuel Hayes, Efq. which for ages had 
been buried amid the rubbifli of a contiguous fallen church, unnoticed and unex- 
plored. This crypt is about fourteen feet by ten ; the tomb of St. Kevin occupies 
a great part of the room. The entrance is through a weft door, whofe arch with 
the capitals and bafes of its pillars is adorned with various figures. Here are no 
traces of Saxon feuillage, no chriftian fymbols, or allufions to facred or legendary 
ftory : the fculptures are expreflive of a favage and uncultivated ftate of fociety. 
Had there been a mixture of ftyles, fomething might be allowed for the caprice of 
the carver, but the defign and execution being uniform, the whole mufl be con- 
figned to a particular people and aera. 

No. 1. A ravenous quadruped, a wolf, devours a human head : the head is a 
living one ; the hair, whilkers and beard give it a favage appearance. The animal 

is 

(8z) Le lieu qui parut Ie plus propre fut celui ou felon Popinion commune reftorent encore let anciens veftigeg du temple 
d'Uis. Brouillart. hid. c!e l'Abfa. de S. Germain, p. 4. This was A. D. 556. 
(83) Turn. a. p. 366. 



2o8 OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

is eafily difcovered by the following (84) (lory. One of the failors of king Harald 
dreamed, that a woman of gigantic fize appeared to him, riding on a wolf, who 
had in his mouth the head of a man, the blood of which flowed from his jaws. 
When he had fwallowed that head, the woman put another into his mouth, and fo 
on with many more, all of them he devoured, and then fhe began the fong of 
death. 

No. 2. Exhibits the head of a young man and a wolf ; the long hair of the 
former elegantly entwined with the tail of the latter. The hair thus thrown back 
from the forehead was the genuine Irifh Culan, Cooleen, or Glibb. Wolves, until 
the year 1710, were not extirpated; the mountains of Glendaloch muft have 
abounded with them. There was a fingular propriety in joining the tail of this 
animal with the young man's glibb, to indicate the fondnefs of the one for the pur- 
fuit of the other. 

No. 3. Is a wolf in a rage, with his tail in his mouth. The ferocity of this 
animal and his delight in human blood l e the chief themes of Scaldic poetry. 
Odin, the ruler of the gods, as he is ftiled in the (85) Edda, is conflantly attended 
by two, named Geri and Freki, whom he feeds with meat from his own (86) table. 

No. 4. Are two ravens picking a fkull. This bird was (87) peculiarly facred 
to Odin: he is called the king of ravens. In the (88) epicedium of Regner Lod- 
brog is recorded an engagement of the Danes and lrifh at Vedrafiord, or Waterford. 
" In heaps promifcuous was piled the enemy : 
Glad was the (89) kindred of the falcon. From 
The clam'rous lhout they boded an 
Approaching feaft. Marftein, Erins's king whelm'd 
By the irony fleet, allay'd the hunger of the 
Eagle and the wolf, the flain at Vedra's ford became 
The raven's booty." 
The three daughters of Lodbrog worked a reafan on the flandard of Hingar and 
Hubba, with many magical incantations, which was to be invincible. This enfign, 

common 

(84) Barthol. p. 426. Johnftone's Antiq. Celt. Scand. p. 199. 
(8j) Apud Barthol. p. 424 — 425. 

(86) Ciburn menfse fua? impofitum Odin us duobus lupis diftribuit, qui vocantur Geri et Freki. Itaque cum lupi cada- 
■veribus inipenfe deleitentur, nihil ufitatius Scaldis antiquis. Barthol. -fnp. 

(87) Corvus Odino peculiariter facrarus erat, ut et deus corvorum nominaretur. Barthol. p. 429—475. Bircherod. 
(pee. rei. mon. p. 24. They were long worfhipped by the Norwegians. Thorkelin's tradb, p. 42. 

(88) Johnftone's Lodbroker quida, p. 21. Worm, liter, run. p. 196. 

(89) Gladruard gera broder, i. e. glad was the brother of the wolf, the raven. Barthol. fup, 



OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 209 

•< < < < < •< < < < < < < < < < < .«-<-< • «•■< < < < ;<•■<■■< < < ■■< •■< < < <•<■;<••< ' + > > > > > > > > >. >. >. >. >..> > > >. >. >. >..,. ,. > > > > , > > > » > > > > >■ >..> ... 

common among the Northerns, was fuppofed to give omens of victory or defeat : if 
it gayly fluttered in the wind, it prefaged fuccefs, but if it hung down motionlefs, 
it portended misfortunes. It is plain from many Abraxas in Chifflet, and many paf- 
fages adduced in Cuper's Harpocrates, that the raven was an Egyptian hieroglyphic, 
and had a predictive virtue. 

Nos. 5. 5. 5. Thefe figures are Runic knots, compofed of the fegments of cir- 
cles, their arcs and chords interfecting each other. There is fcarcely a carved done, 
crofs or other remnant of antiquity, during the time of the Danifli power, but ex« 
hibits a knot of fome kind. In the middle ot the ninth century, it appears on the 
(90) ring of the Anglo-Saxon prince Ethelwolf. Wormius gives but little infor- 
mation or fatisfaction on this head, but Keyfler fupplies (91) his defects. From him 
we learn, that there were feven kinds of runes, adapted to promote every human 
aclion and wifh, according to the ceremonies ufed in writing them, the materials 
on which they were written, in the place where they were expofed, and in the 
manner in which they were drawn ; whether in the form of a circle, a ferpent, tri- 
angle, &c. Hickes, in his Thefaurus, tells us of a filver fhield found in the Ifie of 
Ely ; the convex fide had many knots and gyrations, which he pronounces magical : 
on the concave was a runic infcription, praying defence and protection to the wearer. 
The cyphers, dotted on the bread, and between the thumb and forefinger of our 
common people are the runic cervifiariae of Keyfler. The figure on the Egyptian 
Canopus, on the frieze at Adderbury, the (92) Scutum Davidis, and our fegments 
of circles, are magic knots of triangular and oval fhields, which were to fecure the 
wearer from harm. So late as the year 1504, William Faques, an Englifh printer, 
took the (93) Scutum Davidis, as a fpell againfl; fire and accidents. Even in the 
next century, fpells had not loll their credit in the north of England, as Nicolfon, 
in Camden, records. 

After having evinced by (perhaps too protracted) a detail that thefe fculptures are 
agreeable to the fentiments and manners of the Northerns, it will be neceflfary to offer 
fome hints towards ascertaining their aera. The legendary ilory of St. Kevin affords 
none. In 880, Alfred obliged Guthrum to embrace chriflianity : but this forced 
converfion had little influence on his Danifli fubjects or fucceffors, for in 925, Sihtric, 

3 h the 

/90) Archaeologia. V. 7 p. 409. 

(91) Sunt cniiu Runje vicloriales, fontanx, cervifiarije, auxiliatrices, cordialcs, arborea et L"go runx. Antiq. Septen- 
trion. p. 465. 

^) Fa ric. Cod. pfeudepig. t. a. p. 1007. 

(93) Aniens typog. Antiq. by Herbert, V. 1. p. 309. 



IMMi^H^^^^H 



sio OBSERVATIONS ON SAXON AND GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 

the Danifh prince of Northumberland, had Edgitha, fifter of Athelftan, beftowed 
on him in marriage on his renouncing paganifm ; and a crofs appears on his coin in 
Camden. In 984, according to Sir James Ware, the Irifh Danes received the 
faith ; but it was earlier, as marks of chriflianity are feen on a coin of AnlafF, A. D. 
930, fo that it is extremely probable the Englifh and Irifh Danes embraced the gof- 
pel about the fame time. Let us remember that mafonry was not pra&ifed in Ire- 
land before the eftablifhment of the Danifh power in the tenth century. The words 
of Mofheim, are pertinent on this occafion. — " The flupid (94) veneration paid to 
the bones and carcafes of departed faints at this time, mufl convince us, of the 
deplorable progrefs of fuperflition. This idolatrous devotion was confidered as the 
mofl momentous branch of religion. Hence every church had its particular pa- 
tron among the faints, and this notion rendered it neceffary to multiply prodigi- 
oufly their number, and to create daily new ones. The clergy fet their invention 
at work, and peopled at discretion the invifible world with imaginary protestors ; 
they invented the names and hiflories of faints that never exifted ; either phantoms 
of their own creation, or diftradled fanatics, whom they fainted." 

From the foregoing data, I prefume, we cannot err much in determining the date 
of thefe curious fculptures. 

(94) Ecc. Hift. V. a. p. 104, 105. cent. IX. 




t)F 



( 211 ) 



.•"•. .*••'. . ,,# «. «'•• »•'*•. •"'». .•''•..•''*•. .•'*'•..••"*•., »»*'•. ■•**.. .*••*. •*••*, ,»•'»» •*".. .»•'*. ,»*'*, .»'*'# •■*'*, •••••, .»*•• »*'» »•'* »••< »••• »*•• »*•» ••*• 
+ + + + +-+ + + + + + + + * + + + ♦ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + ** + + 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 

THE civilization of any country is eafily traced by her coins. While mankind 
continue in a barbarous ftate they have few wants : food and clothes of the 
meanefl: kind are all nature calls for, and thefe the chafe, or domeflicated animals 
amply fupply. A people more polifhed, fearching for commodities neceffary for 
their fupport, manufactures or luxuries, arrive among thefe barbarians, and offer 
them many tempting novelties in exchange for peltry, or other produce of their 
land. Thefe inhabitants of the fcreft now feel wants, to which before they were 
(hangers ; a trade commences, and is carried on by permutation ; this is found an 
uncertain and troublefome mode j the precious metals are then introduced as repre- 
fentatives of the value of things : the natives embody in fmall communities and 
become focial : their friendly intercourfe with merchants wears off the ferocity of 
rude nature ; foft and agreeable manners fucceed, and at length, an high degree of 
civility. Thus commerce produces wealth, and the latter fuggefls coin, with all the 
capricious vanity of its various impreffes. Such is the origin of money, as delivered 
by every judicious and enlightened writer. If we add, that the (i) date of the ear- 
lieft Grecian coins is about 800 years before the Incarnation, and that of the Ro- 
mans five centuries later, we mud be at a lofs to difcover, by what rules Irifh anti- 
quaries conduct their inquiries concerning Irifh money, for they are evidently not 
thofe of learning and good fenfe, as then they would have produced fomething 
fober and rational on the fubject ; whereas we fee nothing but the wildeft whimfies, 
and all the exorbitance of romantic and licentious affertion. 

Our (2) writers, with unblufhing confidence, affure us, gold was found and re- 
fined 4iere a thoufand years before Chrifl ; and mints erected, and filver coined five 
hundred years before the fame event. The authors of thefe fplendid fictions had 
certainly paffed Virgil's ivory gate of fleep : 

Altera 

(1) Spanheim. de prasft. & ufu Numifm. Jobert, Science des Medailles. Tom. I. Pinkerton on Medah, Vol. i„ 
{1) Keating. Cambrens. Evers. p, 8j. O'Flahert. Ogyg. p. 19,5—241. 



212 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. . 

Altera candenti perfefta nitens elephanto, 
Sed falfa ad coslum mittunt inf omnia manes. 

In vain we inquire for the coins of thefe ideal mints, and for thofe of Armaghj 
Camel, and Clonmacnois. Even Mr. Harris, who is never nice in receiving Irifh 
fables, cannot (3) reconcile himfelf to the palpable abfurdity of our writers, who 
are perpetually telling us of our coined money, yet producing no fpecimens of it. 

But we fee a more folid objection lies to thefe idle dreams than the abfence of 
coins, and that is, the barbarifm of the natives to a late period. We mud depend 
on the picture drawn of their manners by Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Mela, and 
Solinus, becaufe there is not a fingle authentic circumdance handed down to im- 
peach its veracity, except an obfcure notice in * Tacitus, informing us, that the 
ports and harbours of Ireland were more frequented by merchants than thofe of 
Britain. The learned (4) Huet cites this paffage, but leaves it in its original dark- 
nefs. I fay darknefs ; for can it be imagined, that a commercial nation would not 
have forced itfelf on the obfervation of the Romans, who mult have looked on it 
as an uieful ally, or dangerous enemy. Would not the arts have been cultivated 
among fuch a people, and their manufactures, as well as the produce of an im- 
proved foil been defirable objects of trade ? If they had wealth, which commerce 
ever generates, or valuable metals or commodities, they never would have efcaped 
Italian rapacity. It was a third for gold and filver that caufed the Roman invafion 
of Britain ; and Cicero, (5) in more places than one, expreffes his own and his 
countrymen's chagrin at their difappointment. Huet fuppofes, from an anecdote in 
(6) Strabo, that Craffus, one of Julius Csefar's lieutenants, had explored the coafts 
of Ireland, and rinding it poflefled good harbours, inferred, that they were probably 
frequented by traders. This ingenious conje&ure will fatisfactorily explain to us 
the reafon of Tacifus's affertion before. Writing from the bed information he could 
collect, he perhaps found Craffus's obfervations either as a f minute among the pub- 
lic records, or as a tradition. Having nothing better, he inferted it in his work, 
without attending to the infuperable objections to which it was liable. Whatever 
may be the general character of this admired writer for veracity and accuracy, he 

has 

(3) Harris's Ware, p. 204 — 205. . 

* This paffage in Tacitus is corrupted ; fee Gronovius's edition in loco. Nov. comment. Gotting. t. 2. p. 6r. 

(4) Hifloirc du Commerce, p. 196. Ric. Corinens. p. 45. 

(5) In Britannia nihil tffe audio, neque auri neque argtnti. Epift, Trebatio To Atticus, he fays : Etiam illud jam cog- 
pitum ell, neque argtnti krupulum effe uilum in ilia infula. Vuff. ad Mel. p. 254. 

(6) Lib. 3. p. I21. Edit. Cafaub. 

4/ The Romans muft have known this ifland well, from what Mela fays of it, which is correct. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 213 

< < < < < < < <<<<<<<<< < <<<•<•<.<.<■<.<.<<.<..<.<.<..<.<■<■<.«<■■<••«+>•>■>■>>>>.>..>>►>.>.>.».>.>.>.►■>► >.>■>>►>>■> ►■>>■>>•»►>■>•>•>■ 

has fallen into unaccountable errors on many occafions. Thus, he fpeaks of tem- 
ples, porticos, and other large and noble dructures erected by the Britons on the 
encouragement of Agricola, when not a (7) relique of fuch has been found, while 
numberlefs altars, fepulchral (tones, coins, and more perifhable antiquities are daily 
met with. Would not one be inclined to think, that in this indance he facrificed 
truth to the glory of his father-in-law? If our ports were reforted to by foreigners, 
thefe foreigners were (8) Scandinavians. The tales then of our bards and feanachies 
of the abundance of gold, filver, and coined money, are unfounded, and of the 
fame (lamp with that of Hector Boethius, who tells us, that Donald, whom all con- 
fefs to be a fictitious king of Scotland, minted gold and filver, A. D. 199, with a 
crofs on one fide, and his own effigies on the other. A dory rejected with jud con- 
tempt by the (9) Antiquaries of that kingdom. 

That Ireland pofieffes mines of (10) lead, iron, and copper, is incontedibly true ; 
and it is probable fhe has fome of gold or filver. The relation in (1 1) Boate, of 
gold being taken out of a dream -in Tyrone, is but little regarded by the hiftorian 
of the county of Down. The fond wifhes of a more (12) learned and ingenious 
writer, grounded on the exploded traditions of Irifli mythologids, are like many 
other pleafing reveries of that patriotic author. From Mr. Simon, a refident in this 
country, and not defective in information, one would have expe&ed fomething well 
founded. After relating (13) thefe, he frigidly concludes, " that thefe mines feem to 
have been lod for fome ages pad." Surely it was well worth the pains of inquiring, 
how mines of valuable metals ever came to be forgotten ; or how they revealed 
themfelves to our fimpler ancedors, and are now concealed from the perfevering 
and fiery fcrutiny of modern avarice and chemidry. Without the fainted gleam of 
light then to guide us through the darknefs of ancient times, the utmod caution is 
necefiary, and (hall be obferved in profecuting this fubjeft. 

It has often before been faid, that the Celtes were the primitive poffeflbrs of this 
ifle. They had not quitted the hunting date, when invaded by the Firbolgs. 
Strangers to the cravings of inordinate appetites and the violence of unruly paffions, 
they fought no gratifications but fuch as were within their reach, and were in 

3 l every 

(7) As is well remarked by Mr. Effex. Archaeologia, Vol. 4. p. 80. Whitaker fhewj Tacitus to becarelefo and un- 
faithful in 1 lis reprefentations. Review of Gibbon, p. 4 — 5. 

(8) Antiquities of Ireland, fupra. (9) Ruddiman's Introduction, p. 119. 

(10) Hift. of Down, p. 187. Smith's Waterford, p. 303. Cork, V. 1. p. 390. 

(11) Natural Hiftory, Chap. 16. 

(iz) Campbell's Political Survey, Vol. 3. p. jj. Edit. Dublin, 
(13) On Iriih coins, initio. 



2i 4 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 

. < «•<..< <<•<■< .<<<<<<<<<<<< .<.<..<..<..<.<.<..<..<..<.<•.<..<.•<••<•<■•<•<>■■>■•>">■•>■ >■>••>••>>■•>••>■> > > > > > ..> . > ..>. > » > ■> ■■>■ ■>• > ■■> >>•>■ >..>.>.>..>..>..>..>..>„ 

every thing the children of Nature. They had two ftages in fociety to advance, 
the paftoral and agricultural, before they arrived at the (14) metallurgic. Sinking 
fhafts, and refining ores, were too ingenious and laborious employments for the 
ignorance and indolence of rude life. Not to infift on a matter fo obvious, there 
is one decifive proof of the unacquaintance of the Celtes with metals, and that is, 
the want of terms in their language, to exprefs them. The Irifh word, Airgiod, fil- 
ver, is the Greek Arguros, or Latin Argentum, as the Irifh Or, gold, is the Latin 
Aurum. The Irifh Pras, for brafs, Copar for copper, Luaighe for lead, and Jarann 
for iron, demonflrate that a knowledge of thefe was * communicated to them by 
the Firbolgs, as they are all Teutonic or Anglo-Saxon words. As the Celtes had 
no names for the precious or bafer metals, fo no remains of fuch, as domeftic 
utenfils, perfonal or military ornaments, have come down to us. The heads of 
their axes, fpears and arrows, are of flone or flint, and are a full confirmation of 
what has been advanced. 

Widely different were the Belgee or Firbolgs, the next colony. A branch of the 
great Scythian (tern, they cultivated from the earlier! ages the fcience of metallurgy, 
and in every department of it, obtained celebrity. Homer praifes the Thracian 
fword, adorned with filver ftuds. The Belgic Gauls, part of our Firbolgs, had 
their (15) rich gold tiflues, golden chains, collars, bracelets and rings; and the 
Cloths were (16) fkilful miners. The knowledge and ufe of metals then in this ifle 
may, very fairly, be afcribed to the Firbolgs, and their terms for them are living 
evidences at this day of this truth. 

The Belgas, when they arrived here, beheld a country defigned by Nature for 
paliurage, and abounding in flocks and herds, and numerous fpecies of wild ani- 
mals. Whether they explored the bowels of our mountains for ores is not eafy to 
determine ; the probability is, that they did not, but contented themfelves with 
fuch articles of commerce as the ifland readily offered; fuch as peltry, cattle, Irifh 
dogs, and Celtic flaves. Some of thefe they (17) exported to the continent of 
France, and others to the northern parts of Europe. A tradition reported by 

Giraldus 

(i.j) This Ariftotle long ago obfe-rved. OZconom, 1. r. c. a. 

• Tacitus ispofuive, that the Gothini, a ]>cople of Silelia " fcrrum effodiunt.'" Germ. c. 43. Ptolemy mentions thefe 
iron mines. 1. 2. c. II. 

(ij) Strab. 1. 4. Vol)!). 1. 2. And above all, Diod. Sic. 1. 5. 

(16) Q"ibus acceffere fequendarum auri • venarum pcriti non panci. Amm, Marccll. p. 447. Edit. Vales. & not_ 
eiufd. in loco. p. 424. Clarke, on Saxon coins, very well explains the conneclioii of the Golhs and GrecU • from the 
Liter the former learned many arts. 

(1;) Huet. fupra, p. 196. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 215 

Giraldus Cambrenfis, flrongly countenances what is now advanced. He (18) tells 
us, the Northerns firft introduced themfelves as traders ; this was confidered as a 
national advantage, as thereby the commodities of other countries, and of which 
the Irifh flood in need, were imported. That, though Ireland abounded in various 
mines, yet being never worked, they availed nothing, fo that it was from merchants, 
who traverfed the ocean in queft of gain, gold was procured. 

This tradition is perfectly confident with what has been advanced in the early 
part of this work, and with the elucidation of the pafTage in Tacitus, above cited, 
that the Scandinavians vifited this ifle both in the way of trade, and to acquire 
fettlements : And we may further remark, that when the channel of commerce is' 
once opened with any country, fome very extraordinary caufe muft arife to flop it 
up. But fuch a caufe did not occur in Ireland for many ages : it was more than 
twelve hundred years from the firfl appearance of the Northerns here to the time 
they (19) finally withdrew. During this long period, thefe foreigners were the fole 
traders with this ifle. Mr. Simon is certain the Northerns were allured here by the 
hopes of money : this {hews he had but little confidered the fubje£l, or rhe internal 
evidence arifing from the (late of the kingdom and its inhabitants, or indeed the au- 
thorities he cites. The Icelandic (20) Sagas teflify, that a booty of cattle was the: 
great object of thefe rovers, and the only hopes of enjoying their Idol, or brumal 
feflival, with hilarity and abundance. In thefe expeditions they traded, when not 
powerful enough to plunder. The gold and filver thus given to the Irifh were not 
coins, but rings, necklaces, and fuch garnitures. Even the Roman money acquired 
by the Irifh in their predatory incurfions into Britain fome centuries before, did not 
circulate as a medium of trade, but was manufactured into ornaments, for few Ro- 
man coins have been difcovered in this ifle. That confiderable wealth in trinkets 
exifled among the natives, there can be no doubt. In the Iliad and OdyfTey men- 
tion is made of goldfmiths, brafiers and fmiths, and ample proofs are exhibited 
of their ingenuity and execution, and yet there was then no mint in Greece. There 
is a certain point in the progrefs of fociety when coinage begins ; but neither- the 
Greeks, Northerns, or Irifh, had yet attained it. Many have been deceived, and 
Mr. Simon among others, by not adverting to the double meaning of the word 
Pecunia. Finding this term in the annalifls of our own and other countries, and 

forming 

(iS) Topograph, p. 749—750—759- 

(19) Johnftone's Antiq. Celto-Norman, p. 79. 

(zo) Apud Johuftone fupra paffim. Bartholine is more particular. Antiq. Dan, p. 450. 



ai6 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS, 

•« •< «-« « ■<•■« <•*-<-<■* ■< •<•«••<■•«••<-«-«•<..«•.< .<..<..<..«.«..<..«..«..«..« .«.«..<..«..«..«+>..». ►■ >..>.>.•>..»■ >•>•>>■>.>. ►■ >..►.»■ >•»■ ►•>■•>• ».->.►.■►■ ».>>>•> >■ >.>>. >. »« 

forming their no'tions by modern ideas, they fuppofe coined money to be underftood, 
whereas it is plain from (21) Du Cange, that cattle, as the word originally im- 
ported was meant, and alfo property of every kind, and of this he gives numerous 
inftances in the middle ages. There was no mint in Ireland antecedent to the 9th 
century, and that erected by the Oilmen : their coins were only current among 
themfelves, and are therefore found only in their garrifons and fettlements. And 
however extraordinary it may appear, the ftricteft enquiry, I believe, will prove it 
true, that not before the middle of the 14th century, did Englilh money pafs among 
the Irifti. The following proofs of this curious fact, I hope will fatisfy the inquifi- 
tive reader. 

In the Brehon laws, Erics or fines, the drefs of different ranks, and various im- 
plements are appreciated by heifers and cumals of cattle. In 1331, amerciaments 
were ordered to be received no longer in heifers but in (22) deniers. Edward III. 
who had eminent talents, faw clearly that the trade of Ireland mufl be greatly im- 
proved by the introduction of coin, and that the revenue in confequence would be 
more certain and productive ; he therefore, in the fifth year of his reign, fent hi- 
ther many judicious ordinances and regulations for the direction of his officers, 
and among others, that laft quoted. To render thefe effective, he directed a 
(23) new coinage for Ireland, as he did for England; but as there are no fpecimens 
of the former, it is likely his intentions were never carried into execution. That 
the Irifh did not adopt money as a flandard for eftimating the value of things 
about 70 years after, we have evidence in Mac Murrogh, the prince of Leinfter's 
horfe being (24; rated at 400 cows. The relator of this exprefsly adds, " in Ire- 
land, they barter by exchange, one commodity for another, and not for ready mo- 
ney." They exchange, fays (25) Campion in 1570, by commutation of wares, for 
the mofl part, and have utterly no coin ftirring in any great lord's houfes. This 
brings down the want of circulating fpecie much later than above remarked. The 
reafon of this ftrange appearance is now to be explained. 

If 

(ar) Voce Pecunia. 

(*i) Quod te caetero, fines de vaecis pro redemptione non eapiantur fed denarii. Prynne on the 4th Inftitute, p. *;6. 
In 1583, money was to fcarce, that Sir John Perrot was directed to receive the fourth part of the rents in beeves, wheat, 
malt and oats. Defid. Cur. Hib. p. 41—76. 

(13) Leake's Hiftory of Englifh Money. Simon, p. 16—17. 

(34) Harris's Hibernica, p. 53. The Earl of EiTex, in 1599, tells Queen Elixabetk, " the wealth of this kingdom 
eonfifls in cattle, oatmeal, and other victuals. Cot. I. p. 418. 

(15) Htft. p. to. 






OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 217 

,.« < .< < < < .« < « < <«<«.<■•<■.< < «•<■< •<•<■< < < < .<<<■•<.<•<■.<•<•.<•< < <..<..<^.>..>.. >.....,. >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >, >..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>,.>..>..>..>.>.■>..>..>. >., 

If coin is the criterion of civilization, the Irifh, through every period of their 
hiftory, mud have been little removed from barbarifm. Nothing lefs could be 
expected from a wretched code of laws, made up of Gavelkind, Taniftr\, and 
Brehonic inftitutes. No man endeavoured to acquire property, when his children 
were not to inherit it. If one became wealthy through induflry, or other means, 
the (26) arbitrary cuttings, feflings, and cofherings of his lord foon reduced him to 
a level with his other beggarly Haves. This lord looked no farther than the fup- 
port of a b^barous magnificence and hofpitality : he received his (27J rents in but- 
ter, oatmeal, porks and beeves. To fuch the Englifh laws and Englifh name car- 
ried an hated found, becaufe it alarmed their pride and their independence, and 
they feared, with the lofs of dignity and poffeflions, an emancipation of their vaf- 
fals. In a word, their general policy and municipal regulations extinguifhed every 
inclination and reprefled every motive to induflry, manufactures, trade, and wealth. 
Can we wonder then at their having no coin of their own, or at their not defiring 
that of others? It was not before the reign of the elder James, and the (28) year 
1607, that the pernicious and fatal fyflem of Brehon laws was abrogated, and a 
dawn of happinefs firfl appeared in this ifle. The fleadinefs and care of a wife 
and affectionate government has brought us from the vilefl obfeurity and mifery to 
opulence and refinement, and to a refpectable rank among the nations of the 
earth ; and the firm fupport of that government can alone perpetuate fuch fignal 
bleflings. 

After thefe neceffary and introductory remarks, I mail proceed to collect 
fuch numifmatic fragments as lie fcattered in our writers. An Exchequer (29) 
record informs us, that in the 33 Edward I. A. D. 1305, halfpence, of ancient 
and unknown money, were dug up in a field near Kilcullen. Were thefe any of 
King John's (30) halfpence, the Englifh could be no flrangers to them ; they were 
probably Anglo-Saxon (31) haelflings or halfpence, refembling the penny in every 
refpect but fize, and are therefore properly defcribed in the record, as " Minores 
denarii, quafi oboli," and as injudicioufly (32) tranflated by Harris, " pence and 
halfpence." 

Ware gives us a coin of 'Anlaf, with a legend on the obverfe : " Anlaf Cyn- 
ning ;" and on the reverfe, " Farhan monetaj" and concludes it to be minted at 

2. k Dublin,, 

(26) Davis's Letter. Collect. No. I. p. i6t. (37) Davis's Relations, p. 119 — 120. 

(a8) In Davis's Report of Taniftry, and in his Hiftorical Relations, this fubjetS is ably treated, 

(19) Warsei Difq. p. 154. (30) Simon, p. 11. Ware, fup. p. ijj. 

(31) Hickes. Thefaur. p. j8*, (3a) Harris's Ware, p. %o6. 



ai8 "' OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 

Dublin, by Anlaf, king of that city. It may be fo ; yet it is not likely that Anlaf 
had any regal power there, or like his predeceflbrs, he would have put — Rex Dyflin 
— on his coins. Mr. Harris fills up a folio page with his own and the conjeftures 
of others on this coin ; and after all comes to no determination. I do not recoiled 
the word — Cynning, or King — on any Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-Danifh coin, except 
on this and on another of the fame Prince in Camden, which has on the reverfe 
the well-known Danifh raven, which Mr. Charleton makes a fpread eagle. From 
the uniform pradice of the Saxon and Danifh kings in expreifing their titles in the 
name of the country they ruled, I infer, with fome degree of confidence, that Anlaf 
was a potent independent Danifh earl, probably of Northumberland, who aflumed 
in thofe ages, as others did of the fame rank, the flyle of kings. Thus (33) moft 
of the principal lords of Wulfere, king of Mercia, A. D. 658, fubfcribe themfelves 
kings, and fo did all the great feudatories in England until the year 920, when (34) 
Alfred changed the title of King to that of Earl. 

Of the great (35) quantity of coins difcOvered at Glendaloch in 1639, but fix 
came to the hands of Sir James Ware, and are here given. Their legends and 
devices are very obfcure, and not eafily explained. They however are an additional 
confirmarion of the antiquities of that celebrated place, before delivered. As it 
was built by the Danes, and much reforted to for devotion, we cannot admire at 
finding much of their money there. The mintage is extremely rude, and befpeaks 
the infancy of the art, and the unfkilfulnefs of the workmen. 

Bifhop (36) Nicolfon, in 1724, compofed a chapter on Irifh coins and medals: 
he produces not the leafl evidence of money being coined by the natives, and gives 
no fatisfacUon on Danifh coins : the fame may be faid of Mr. Harris, the Editor of 
V/are. The fubjecl:, in this very imperfect ftate, was taken up in 1749, by Mr. Si- 
mon, u naturalized foreigner and an ingenious man, under the patronage of the 
Phyfico-Hiftorical Society, a mofl valuable and refpectable body. From the Englifh 
Invafion to th* time he writ, our author's work has great merit, and admits of but 
few additions or improvements. In the ages antecedent, (which thefe pages are de- 
figned to illuftrate) he feems to be much miftaken, and to have lapfed into many 
errors. Like his predeceflbrs, he tells us, gold and filver were very abundant in 

the 

(35) E g° Wulfere, cum fociis regibus, fays he in his charter to the Abbey of Peterborough. Hearne's Antiq. Dif- 
courfes. V. 1. p. 183. 

(34) J"h«flonc'» Antiq. Celto-Scand. p. 33. 

(33) Magnam vim numifniatum Hibernicorum. Supra, p. IJ3, 

{36) Irifh Hiltorical Library, chap. 8. 






OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 219 

-< < < < < ■< < < < < < < < < < <■<-<•■< < ■< • •« < < <■< < < < < <<•<■<■<<■<•<■<•< + >>■>>>>> >. ►■■>■■>•>. > > > >.>>>>. y. .> ..>. > >.>••►•►.►■>■>••>■•>■►■■>■>•>■>■>..>• 

the ifle about the nth century, and paffed by weight; but has no proof of money 
being coined by the native Irifh, or even fuch being current among them, except 
s one, which he borrows from Ware, and thinks decifive. It is this : Lanfranc, arch- 
bifhop of Canterbury, reciting and condemning, about 1089, fome Irifli ecclefiaftical 
cuftoms repugnant to the Romifh, ftates, that our Bifhops conferred Holy Orders 
for (37; money. Pecunia, the word here ufed, and interpreted money, I have be- 
fore fhewn to fignify property of every kind. Giraldus (38) Cambrenfis relates, 
that the Welch Bifhops granted benefices for cattle, which were in thofe times 
termed — Pecunia; ; — and as there was no coin among the Irifli, thefe were likewife 
the money of the Irifh. Immediately after this citation, Mr. Simon, with great 
complacency, adds, " I have, I fear, been too long in endeavouring to prove the 
early ufe of mints and money in Ireland," when in reality all his endeavours, fo 
far from proving, have not advanced one flep towards this point. 

Mr. Walker, treating of the Saxon coins in Camden, very kindly bellows on 
Ireland fome that are barbarous and unintelligible, to be fure, wifely concluding, 
that no people had fuch but the rude natives of this ifle. Thefe Mr. Simon accepts 
as a great favour, and fets about explaining them. His fuccefs is fuch as might 
be expeded:'his reading of Dida Medina, where the letters are tranfpofed and 
inverted; his making Medini, Meath, and afligning a coin to Brian Boru, " be- 
caufe the head is aimed, and he was a great warrior," may excite a fmile at mif- 
taken patriotifm, but do him no honour as a Medallift. His interpreting — Dimn. 
roex Mneghi, Domnaldus rex Mnegin, — Donald, king of Monaghan, or, of the 
Magnatae, in the county of Mayo ; and the jargon he makes of the epigraphe on 
the reverfe, — Odiulfeoimviri — are truly laughable, and evince, that the firft quali- 
fications of a numifmatic connoifleur is to be able to exhibit legends with the mi- 
nuted accuracy. The coin of this prince is common, and may be feen in the Sup- 
plement to Simon; the legend the fame as on the coin in Simon, and runs thus : — 
Dym. roe. Mnegni, or Mnegmi. — This Domnald feems to have been king of the 
Ifles and of Man; Meneg, by which the latter was (39) anciently known, deviates 
but little from Mnegni. The reverfe is plainly : — Fcenemn. mo. Dyfli. — Foeneman, 
or'Foereman Moneyer, in Dublin. 

Mr. Simon amufes us with a very fingular conje&ure, that the ornamental firokes 
or lines round the obverfe and reverfe of our coins, were Ogham Craobh infcrip- 

tions. 

(37) Sscros Ordines per pccuniam. Ware fupra. 

(38) Wharton. Acglia Sacra, p. 530. (3?) Baxter. Gloflar. voce Menna, 



S20 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 

tions. Plad our author looked into Molloy's Irifh Grammar, or Harris's Ware, 
then recently publifhed, he never could have conceived thefe flrokes to be occult 
characters, as they are not placed on a perpendicular or horizontal mafler-line, and 
have no flexure in their form. 

In 1767, was publifhed a Supplement to Simon, confiding of two additional 
plates, and one of ancient coins found in Ireland, and in poffeffion of the late 
Matthew Duane, Efq. They contain fome curious and valuable things, and fhould 
be inferted in a new edition of Simon, which is much wanted, and from which 
every coin not minted in Ireland, or not immediately connected with its hiftory and 
antiquities, fhould be (40) excluded. 

I come now to (41) Mr. Pinkerton, the laft who has treated of Irifh coins. Un- 
reduced by the falfe reprefentations and plaufible fictions of our national writers, he 
clearly faw that the native Irifh never coined money, nor had any current among 
them of other people. He has a few miflakes, which feem to have arifen rather 
from hurry, than want of information. Thus, he fays, " the old Danifh pennies 
have no refemblance of the ancient Gaulic, or Britifh coins, or even of the Skeattas, 
or old Englifh pennies, but are mere rude copies of thofe of the 8th and 9th 
centuries, executed by artifls, who could neither form nor read letters, and there- 
fore inftead of them, put only flrokes, 1111 1." On the contrary, let the Num- 
bers I. and II. of the plate be compared with Camden's Tables of Britifh Coins, 
and a ftrong fimilitude in the reverfes of the latter, with the obverfes of the former, 
will be perceived. Even the uncouth and flrange figure on the obverfe of Number 
II. and which indicates great rudenefs of defign and execution, yet does not betray 
in the artift, as Mr. Pinkerton afferts, ignorance of letters, for it has two on the 
reverfe, and with them the Jtrokes which our ingenious author alleges as the crite- 
rion of unacquaintance with the alphabetic elements. 

The Danes having, in the (42) ninth century, fubjugated Ireland under Thorgils, 
or Turges, foon after ere&ed a mint in Dublin, and from thence iffued money j 
this was accepted, and accumulated by the Irifh for either (43) melting into ingots, 
or the fabrication of perfonal ornaments. Of the truth of this, our domeflic annals 
bear witnefs. For otherwife, how could Brian Boru lay 20 ounces of gold on the 

altar 

(40) The writer of this work has an edition of Simon, on this plan, under confideration. 

(41) On Medals, Vol. II. p. n8, and feq.' Lond. I 789. 
(41) Harris's Ware, p. 204. 

(43) This practice of melting money continued for a long time, and became at length fo dcftruAive of the current coin , 
that it was prohibited by 9 Edw. HI. 













. -;„/■/.;/,;/ /;,/*/„ /... ~ . / -j> 



..*,/ /^/r^ csa~s _ r s..u;. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 221 

altar of Armagh, or 420 ounces of filver be collected for the Comorban of Colum- 
celle? Frequent mention is made of fuch prefents, and money paid for ranfom, but 
not a word of Danilh or Irim coin : if fuch were current, it is impoilible, but on 
the occafion now dated, and >many more that might be enumerated, thefe coins 
mult have been fpecified ; whereas they never occur. I fhall now beg leave to fub- 
mit to the reader, a felect collection of ancient coins, few indeed in number, but 
fully fufficient for thofe who do not wifli to go very deep into the fubject ; fuch as 
will enable him to form fome judgment of fimilar ones, and their legends and 
devices ; the limits of this work confining me to truth, information, and concife- 
nefs. 

No. 1. On the obverfe is an horfe, or fome quadruped, with a troth patree over 
it : The reverfe are, fegments of circles, forming an ingenious, and no inelegant 
crofs. 

No. 2. The obverfe, the fame as the foregoing : The reverfe, a decuflated, or 
St. Andrew's crofs j in the upper and lower angles, erodes ; and in the fide ones, 
letters. Thefe coins not having the head of a prince, or legend to direct us to 
whom they belong, feem, with others of the fame kind, either to refer to the wor- 
fhip of bulls, common in times of paganifm in the (44) Cimbric Cherfonefe, or 
were talifmans, with fuch animals impreffed on them : or what is full as probable, 
they were (truck by fome city, town, baron, or magiftrate, with magical or other 
fymbols ; and this is the opinion of a fenfible Danifh numifmatic (45) writer. On 
almoft all the ancient (tone-monuments in Scotland, we fee figures not unlike thofe 
on our coins : thefe (46) Mr. Cordiner takes for elephants, (Mr. Harris fuppofes 
them birds) and that the idea of them was derived from drawings and illuminations 
in books of devotion brought from the Ealt by the fir(t preachers of Chriftianity. 
This conjecture is ingenious ; but it is fo far liable to objection, that fimilar figures 
appear (47) on Britifli coins long before the promulgation of the Gofpel. Nor is 
the prefence of Heathen devices and croffes on the fame coin unufual, as Chriftians 
in thofe times were for the moft part Semi-pagans, as thofe who are acquainted with 
the dawnings of Chriftianity in every country well know. The letter M, on the fe- 
cond coin, exprefTed the initial of the perfon or place to whom it related. 

3 l No, 

(44) Fabric. Biblio'h. Antiq p. 556. Or they might be memorials of their ancient deities, which they bore on their 
ftundards. Tacit. Germ, and Hill. lib. 4. Mod. Un. Hift. 11. p. 3^0. Amulets were very ancient among the North- 
srns. Tac. Germ. c. 45. Nov. lit. maris 3alt. t. 3. 

(45) Bercherod. Spec, rei Monet. Hafn. 1701. p. 33 — 135— 136. 

(46) Remarkable Ruins in Scotland, No. HI. ■ 

(47) Camden. Tab: I. No. 24. Tab. If, No. 1. 3. 5. 16. z6, 



L22 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 



..>..>>. >..>..>.>..>. >..>..>.>. ► >..> >. >.>. > ► > >. v»- >■ >-» ■■>• ► ■ ►■• 



No. 3. The obverfe, an head helmeted, with a crofs in the neck; the reverfe, 
a bar dividing the field : above and below it, a hand and arm couped above the 
elbow. Mr. Simon calls this helmet a crown; it has every appearance of armour 
for the head ; it confifts of a number of rays, (landing like porcupine's quills, and 
pointed with pearls. A paflage in Lodbrog's Death-Song will help us to explain 
this matter.: 

(48; " There while our temper'd fleel 
" Sung on the high-feam'd helm." 

If thefe words are to be underftood literally, the helmet was compofed of thick 
felt or leather, and this flrengthened by fleel plates ; and this is the idea fuggefled 
£>y our coins. In another ftrophe we find-7- 

" The temper'd edge divided. 
" 8teel-capt fculls." 

Here the fleel helmet might have been adorned with plates of gold, and faid poe- 
tically to be feamed. 

The couped arm is on many of Camden's coins, and on moft of thofe minted 
in Ireland. Do&or Charle<on, fpeaking of one of Ethelred with an hand, pioufly 
remarks, that it is a devout acknowledgment for his being fuilained by the hand of 
the Almighty, Others interpret it as a mark of prowefs or friendfhip ; and as 
guefles generally have a ridiculous termination, this hand had been fuppofed to be 
the Irifh harp, or at leafl to refer to our ancient fame for playing on that inftru- 
ment. But a conftitution of Ethelflan, A. D. 928, folves every difficulty on this 
point. " We ordain but one kind of money to be current through the king's do- 
minion, and that no one make money out of the following towns. If any coiner 
adulterate money, let his hand be cut off, and fixed (49) confpicuoufly over the 
mint. If he be accufed, and will purge himfelf, let him go to the hot iron, and 
let the hand, with which he is accufed to have committed the crime, make the 
purgation." Here the crime and punifhment are fully declared j the latter appears 
from our coin (very curious in this refpect) to have been the amputating the arm 
above the elbow, which rendered the member quite ufelefs : And, No. 7, a coin of 
Sihtric, found in the (Queen's County, and- in pofTeffion of Mr. Beauford of Athy, 

absolutely 

(48) Lodbrokar Quida, p. 7. 

(49) Nummarias confpicienda fabric* affigitor. Candentis ferri quseftione manum fceleris puram atque immunem 
oftendito. Spelman. Concil. p. 399. Qui folidos 3dulteraverit, circumcideret vel raferit. Si iiervis fuerit, eidcm dcx- 
tram manum abfcindat. JLindenbrog. Cod. LL. p. 154. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 



223 



•4 < < < 



<<<<<•<<<<<< 



< < < •<•<•<-<< •<< + >• >• >• >->••>■ >••>■■>■■>•• 



*•►■>•>.■.■■>•>•>■•>">•>■>•>' 



abfolutely (hews how the hand was fufpended at the mint-houfe, by driving a nail 
through the palm. 

Nos. 4 — 5. Are not remarkable. 

No. 6. The obverfe, a head Angularly drefied, with a few letters of the legend ; 
the reverie, a crofs, with the letters N. C. V. and an X, or crofs, in the angles. 
Ware fuppofes they exprefs the year of Chrifl:, 1 1 15 ; but Simon very well remarks, 
that no dates are found on our coins before 151 3, but that the letters, with the 
variation of one, made Crux. The abfurdity of fuppofing the letters to be placed 
backwards and diagonally, which they muft be to make Crux, forbids us to agree 
with Simon. Thefe fix coins were dug up at Glendaloch, and carry genuine marks 
of a very early mintage. 

No. 7. The obverfe, an head helmeted ; the legend not very fair, was — Sihtric 
Re Difl. — Sihtric King of Dublin ; reverfe, a crofs and hand in one angle; the le- 
gend not intelligible. The rim furrounding the outward femicircle of the helmet 
is here vifible, nor is it ornamented with pearls. 

No. 8. The obverfe an head helmeted ; the legend Ifarus, re Dyflin :-— the re* 
verfe, a crofs, with the fingers and part of the hand in two angles of the crofs, 
and a legend not eafily explicable. This is the earliefl infcribed coin that has hi- 
therto occurred. Giraldus Cambrenfis (50) mentions the arrival of Amlave, Syta- 
ricus and Yvor, which are Anlaf, Sihtric and Ivar, in Ireland : Ware dates this 
event, A. D. 853. About this very time, the Saxon Chronicle records three great 
defeats of the Danes in WefTex, Kent, and at Ocley, in Surrey. After thefe, it is 
likely they fteered for Ireland in fearch of better fortune, and thefe three leaders 
were perhaps part of thofe adventurers. Our annals tell us, they fettled in Dublin, 
Waterford, and Limerick, and erected mints in thofe places. In 870, Anlaf and 
Ivar went with a large fleet to the affiftance of Hinguar and Hubba, fons of Ragnar 
Lodbrog, who invaded Northumberland, to revenge on JElla the cruel (51) death 
of their father. It is probable they fucceeded in their defign, for their defcendants, 
a century after, were (52) kings there. 

This coin is valuable for preferving an hifloric faft, and for correcting our annal- 
ifts : the crofs on it evinces that the Danes were now Chriftians j whereas Ware 
dates their converfion an hundred years later. 

No. 



(50) Waraei difq. p. 1 29. From a fimilarity in the coinage, Keder conje&ures that fome of the Sihtrics arc co-eval 
with Ethelred. Num. in Hib. cuf. p. 19. 

(51) Johnftone's Lodbrokar Quida, paflim. 

(52) Sim. Dunelm. 



224 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS, 



■<<<"% « A -« •« < <<<<«.<<•<<<< ■■<•■ 



>■>••>• >•>••>■ >' >•> > > > >• ■> 



No. 9. The obverfe an head helmeted j the legend, Sihtric rex Dyfln : the 
reverfe," a crofs ; the legend, Ciodman mo Luni. Where Luni was is difficult to 
■difcover. To fuppofe a king of Dublin would mint money in a fmall ifle, fuch as 
(53) Lambay, diftant from his capital, and expofed to every piratical attempt, is 
too great a facrifice to probability. It is uncertain what place is meant by Lim« 
neach, or Lumneach. Keder thinks Luni, Luntis or Lundis, London in England 
or Scania. Murray, that it was Louth, becatife the See was anciently {tyled Lu T 
nicenfis ; and Wright fays, there are'many Danilh monuments there. It could not 
be Limerick, which-in Icelandic is Hlimreck, as we fee in Thorkelin's tracts. The 
NM at the end of Dyfl, is made, and juftly, to fignify Nordmen ; the whole le- 
gend on the obverfe being, Sihtric, king of the Dublinian Normen. Thus, Anlaf, 
on one of his coins is (tyled, Rex"Anglorum, and the practice was common among 
the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Danifh princes. Sihtric, the fon of Ivar, after bafely 
"murdering his brother Godfrid, reigned in (54) Dublin, A. D. 888. The annals 
laft cited, under this year, tell us of the return of " Sigtryg Mc. Ivar to Ireland," 
and place his death in 895. It was thought unneceffary to multiply fpecimens of 
the elder Sihtric, as they are nearly fimilar, and fo are thofe of the (55) fecond 
Sihtric, prince of Dublin^ A. D. 916. All the coins publifhed by the (56) Royal 
Irifh Academy, and many in the Supplement to Simon belong to thefe kings of 
Dublin. 

No. 10. On the obverfe is an head helmeted ; the legend, iEthelred rex Angl. 
on the reverfe, Fseremn. mo. Dyfl. Ethelred, king of the Englifh, and Fgereman, 
Moneyer at Dublin. " How thefe coins of Ethelred, fays Simon, happened to be 
ilruck in Dublin, feems furprifmg. To account for it, we. mud have recourfe to 
his father king Edgar's charter of Ofwald's law, whereby it appears, he conquered 
the kingdom and city of Dublin, and a great part of Ireland, confequently that he 
jaid a tribute on the nation, and obliged it to ftrike his name and effigies on its 
coins, in which it paid the tribute." The charter of Ofwald's law, in the ($y) opi- 
nion of many, among whom may be reckoned Primate Ufiher, and O'Flaherty, is a 
forgery j it is indeed countenanced by the Saxon Chronicle, but this is interpolated. 
The impugners of this charter having omitted one proof, which feems decifive. In 
974, Edgar fummoned all the kings then fubjecl: to him, to Chefter, as (58) Kuna- 

dius, 

(53) Simon, fupra. (54) Ware fupra. Johnftone's Antiq. Ciho-Norm. p. 65. 

(55) Ware fupra, p. ijo. (56) Tranfadlioiis, Vol. r. 

(i?) See fome valid arguments to this purpofe in O'Flahert. Ogyg. p. 39—40—41. 
(58) Cuil. Malnufb. lib. 2. c. 8, 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 225 

-< •<■<■<<■.<•< <-»•< < .< .< ..< < .<•<<< < .«<<•< ■<<■<<■<■<•< <•«< <■<■< <••<■<+>■ >■ > ->■ > > > > > ..>. >..». > > > > > >>..>■> >>>>> > >• > ►>>>> > >>>. >..>.. 

dius, king of Scotland ; Malcolm, king of Cumberland ; Macufle, king of Man 
and the Iflands ; Dufwal, Hewel, Giferth, Jacob, and Judethal, kings of Wales. 
Certainly the king of Dublin was as near to Chefter as the king of Scotland, we 
may therefore conclude, that as no Irifh princes are enumerated, his power did not 
extend over them. So that Mr. Simon's argument carries no force. Mr. Pinker- 
ton's conjecture is more to the purpofe, though I do not think it exactly ri^ht. He 
U. , s. hiftory is fo defective, that it cannot certainly be known whether Ectfed, Edgar, 
or L .elred had Dublin fubject to them, or if its Danifli princes flruck thefe coins 
that they might be received in Englifh commerce. 

Here is an infiance of Antiquaries obfcuring and puzzling by their erudition the 
plained matter. A man of vivacity and learning requires all the magnetifm of good 
fenfe to direct his inquiries. Ethelred on the coins calls himfelf not king of Dub- 
lin, but of the Englifh. The Normen of Dublin were never called Englifh, and 
therefore this prince lays no claim to the dominion of Dublin or of Ireland. But 
his mint-mailer, who either coined this money at Dublin, or was a native of that 
city, by the abfurdefl fuppofition ever conceived, gives him that dominion which 
he himfelf never alferted. Whoever perufes the hiftory of the reign of this unfor- 
tunate king in the early Englifh. writers, and particularly in the Saxon Chronicle, 
will fee the perpetual necefnty he had for money to ranfom his country from its 
Danifh invaders. He might have had bullion minted in Dublin, as the Manks 
princes had, and tranfmitted to him to anfwer his frequent and preffing calls. 
Without laying much ftrefs on this opinion, it is more likely he employed Faere- 
man, a celebrated Dublin moneyer, whofe name appears on many of Sihtric's 
coins. An ancient moneyer, as Simon well obferves, was not a common work- 
man ; he farmed the mint, and was anfwerable for the weight and fineness of the 
coin, and was therefore obliged to flamp his name on it. If a fkilful artift was ever 
ufeful, he was particularly fo to Ethelred, who, in the fpace of twenty-three years, 
paid in (59) ranfoms and fubfidies to the Danes, no lefs than 176,000!. of Saxon 
money, equal in quantity of filver to 469,687k fterling. 

No. 11. On the obverfe is an head capped and tied with a diadem; the legend, 
Sihtrc, rex Dyflnr : the reverfe, a crofs pattee ; the legend, Aelfeln mo Duflimo. 
This coin, I apprehend, belongs to a Sihtric, king of Dublin, who reigned there 
(60) about 1020. The plain unadorned cap agrees very well with that peaceful 
and humble temper, which induced him to take a pilgrimage to Rome, and, had 
he lived, would probably have fent him to the convent. 

3 m No. 

(59) Henry's Hiftory, Vol. 2. p. 448 — 449. (60) Ware, fupra. p, i^8. 



226 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 

No. 12. Is another coin of this prince, but not fo well exhibited as the fore- 
going. I cannot agree with the illuftrator of Camden's coins, that our Sihtrics were 
kings of Northumberland, for fuch ftyle would have been found on fome of their 
money. 

No. 13. The obverfe an head encircled with a crown, adorned with trefoils or 
fleurs-de-lis ; the legend, Sihtrc rex Dyflmp : The reverfe, a crofs ; the legend, 
Stelenmonond, or Stelen, moneyer, in Dublin. As this crown fleurie, in a kind 
of treffure of four femicircles, refembles that of Canute, A. D. 1018, and alfo that 
of Edward the Confeffor about twenty years after, I therefore think this coin may 
belong to Sihtric, who was king of Dublin about 1041, and the fori of Anlaf. 

No. 14. The obverfe an head helmeted, either of a particular form, or tied with 
a cincture ; with a fceptre ; the legend defaced, but fo much of it legible as to fhew 
it belongs to Sihtric ; the reverfe a crofs, with flowers in the angles ; the legend 
not intelligible. I am indebted to Mr. Beauford for this beautiful coin, which, with 
many more, were dug up in the Queen's County. 

This fpecimen of our coins, which includes almofl two centuries, leads us from 
the rude beginnings of the art in this kingdom to a fiate of confiderable refinement. 
The flady is highly pleafmg to a cultivated understanding, and instructive when con- 
fined within proper bounds ; when we tranfcend thefe, and indulge in wild whimfies 
and groundlefs conjectures, it dwindles into an idle and unprofitable amufement. 

The Anglo-Saxon penny, and this is the denomination of our Hiberno-Danifh 
coins, was of filver, and mould have weighed 22^ Troy grains, being the 240th 
part of the Saxon pound. They wanted one Troy grain and an half to be equal to 
our filver three-pences. But from 26 of thefe coins, weighed by Mr. Simon, moft 
of them pennies and fome haelflings, and fcarcely two of them agreeing in weight, 
he remarks, there was a conftant necessity of paying and receiving money in thofe 
ages (61) per fcalam, by the fcale. This inequality arofe, no doubt, from long cir- 
culation, as well as the difhonefty of mint-matters, who could not be restrained, even 
by the terror of a fevere law, from coining money below the ftandard. 

The quantity of Danifh coin, particularly that of the Sihtrics, hitherto difcovered, 
is very confiderable. It proves how great was the fpoil in filver collected by thefe 
rovers in their (62) predatory expeditions. The fum paid by Ethelred is furprifing ; 

how 

(6j) Clarke, fupra, p. 400. 

(6i) Sturl.-tfon fpeSking of Harald Hardraade's treafures, fays, " omnes qui h.-ec videbant, admirati funt in feptentriona- 
W>us tcrris tantum auri colkdum effe, Hxc autcm pecunia rcvera regis Gracix fucrat. Uarthwl. 458 — 4J9, Bircherod. 
fpec. rci monct.' p. 14. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH COINS. 227 

..« ■< < < < <<<< ■< < < < < < < < < < < < ■<< < < < <<<<<<<<<<<<< <+►>•>■ >•>>. >..>. >..>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>..>..>. >.•>.>..>. >.>..>. >,.>.. 

how much greater was the plunder of continental nations ? Ireland feems to have 
been the only place where thofe pirates could fecurely victual their numerous fleets, 
and therefore much of their money centered here, which, pailing to the Irilh, ena- 
bled them to make fuch rich offerings to the church as was before noticed. 

I do not recollect, that our'Medallifts or Antiquaries fpeak of the Danifh Oras 
being current in this kingdom, and yet the fact is certain. The Monaftery (63) of 
the Holy Crofs, in the county of Mayo, was to pay to the Mother-church of Balli- 
natobber, " the fum of twenty oras of filver, or thirty millings and four-pence, 
and the fub-prior was to expend a farther fum of three oras, or five millings." Ora 
is derived, or rather corrupted from (64) Aureus, the principal gold coin of the 
empire. The ora was not introduced into England before the fettlement of the 
Danes there. Writers have not determined whether it was a real coin, or only a 
denomination of money. The former feems nearefl the truth. In our record, three 
oras are equal to five (hillings, or twenty pence each ; fo that twenty oras, inftead 
of thirty millings and four-pence, mould be one pound thirteen millings and four- 
pence. Here we have evidence againfl Mr. Clarke, who values them at (65) twelve 
or fixteen pence each, and in favour of Spelman and Somner, who make them 
worth twenty. The mention of filver oras in our record is fome proof that there 
were fome gold ones. " It is therefore, fays the (66) Regiam Majeftatem, be the 
King, that Cro of ane Erie of Scotland is feven tymes twentie kye, or for ilk kow, 
thrle pieces of gold called ora." That is, the Erie or Weregild of an Earl is 140 
kine, or for each cow, three pieces of gold, called oras. To bring the gold to 
equal the filver ora, the former was about a third lefs than the Saxon gold mancuSo 
Thefe hints are here propofed to afiifl further inquiry. 

(63) An-hchH's Monad. Hib. p. 501. (64) Clarke, fupra, p. 3 it. 

(65) Clarke, fupra, p 312. See alfo Fleetwood's Chron. Precios. p. 33. 

(66) Pag. 73. fol. 2. Edit. Skene. Biihop Nicolfon throws no light on the ancient Scottifh coins ; as ufual, he paCes 
ibjed with hafly Heps. Scot. Hift. Library, p. 291. 



OBSERVATIONS 



( 228 ) 



+ 4. + + + -fr + * + + + + + + + +**** + +++ + + + ■*• i- ■•• + + 



OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 

AVERY learned and ingenious writer (V f opinion, that the Harp was an 
inftrument ufed by the Gallic Bards, anu i ; its confti iction, of Barbaric 
origin : Diodorus Siculus is his authority, who only u 'heir imtruments were like 
Lyres. (2) Such words, in Diodorus' time, might convey a precife idea, but in 
ours, we know not the figure of the Lyre, the Cithara, or Chelys ; at leaft, 
Montfaucon, who examined above fix hundred of thefe ancient inftruments, could 
not venture to affix names to any of them, or afcertain their fpecific (3) differences. 
On fuch precarious ground then, Voffius feems to have been too precipitate in his 
inference ; nor can his authority be of weight in :his cafe. Befides, we fhall here- 
after fee reafon to believe the Harp derived rather from the Scythic or Teutonic 
branch that peopled Europe, than the Celtic, of which latter the (4) Gauls were 
a part. 

The Harp was unknown to the ancient Greeks and Romans, as its name does riot 
occur in their writings. Martianus Capella, a man of great curiofity and informa- 
tion, found it among thofe northern nations who poffefled themfelves of the Roman 
empire in the 5th century ; he mentions it with other inftruments, whofe (5) deep, 
grave, and harm founds were fitted to alarm female timidity. 

Eucherius, Bifhop of Lyons, in the fame age, informs us, that the Nablium was 
like the barbarian Cithara, and fhaped like the Greek Delta. This is the only de- 
fcription we have of the ancient Harp. Venantius Fortunatus, who flourifhed in 
the 6th century, and refided alfo in France, makes the Harp a barbarian (6) inftru- 
ment 5 

(i)Voff. De pocmat. eautu, & viribus Rythmi. Pag. n8. 

(2) Tais Xvfitis opotm. Lib. 5. pag. 308. 

(3) See Do&or Burney's conjectures on this fubject : Hiftory of Mufic. vol. I. p. 308, 

(4) The different people inhabiting Gaul were early remarked , by Dio<i. Sic. particularly, Lib. 5. 

(5) Apad Du Cange. Voce Harpa. 

(6) Romanufquc Lyra plaudet tibi ; barbarus Harpa, 

Grxcus Achilliaca, Crotta Britanna canat. Lib. 7. carm. 8. 

It is aflonifliing how Barnes, Prologom. in Anacreon. could fay, the Harp and Lyre \tere the fame : the Romans call- 
ing 



Fiot 




B"IROMIi.i HARP, 2\ s/n "i/J . 



OJ.D TJ117TOXTC 




/■■;., i 



JJA.RJ>,18 sS/vnyjt . 












■Fti?. 6 



I f'lXI.E A ^r, „, r „ IO{lr .„, . '/j,ryy,y,„, 



J>I/>13&s\r^£A 




/Z^i)y(.Vp/- iTrr/ie/rr . 



j jits ii .musical J z;^vr^'Jez r .li r -E.l < y.i , . 



/ / 



t/L, 






OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, &c. 225 

.•«■<•<•<•<•<<■<•<■<•<<<<••<■■<•< . » <.< .»..< <<■<■< < . > < < . <.<.<—•.<■.<+>.->.>..>..>.►.>.>..»..>.,., , >,.>.,.,..>..,.>.>..,..,.,.>..>..>..>..>.►..>..>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>..>.. 

ment ; diftinguifhing it from the Greek and Roman Lyres, and from the Britifh 
Crwth. France was then poflefled by Romans, Goths, Burgundians, Franks, and 
Armoricans ; fome of them Celtic, but moft Teutonic nations. The national instru- 
ment of each is accurately marked ; the Teutonic people had their Harp, the Celtic 
their Crwth, and the Romans their Lyre. This difcrimination is decifive evidence 
of the difference between the Harp and the Lyre, and of Voflius being deceived 
by a warm imagination. 

The Teutonic tribes were noted for harfh and brutifh voices : Ovid thus fpeaks of 
the Sarmatians : 

. Omnia barbaricse loca funt, vocifone ferinae, 
Omnia funt Getici plena timore ioni. 

The affected hoarfe enunciation of the Germans is mentioned by Tacitus, (7) and 
the croaking German finging by the Emperor Julian. ^8) The Harp, in its primi- 
tive (9) ftate, was not calculated to correct: fuch harfh and difagreeable notes ; it was 
incapable of a pleafing fucceflion of founds, or agreeable confonance, fo that it 
produced nei her melody nor harmony. Hence a concert of fuch barbarous, dif- 
cordant vocal and instrumental founds powerfully excited horror and terror, and 
had the effect already noticed by Capella. 

That the Harp was confined to particular northern tribes, may be inferred from 
the filence of Ifidore Hifpalenfis in his Origines, and Suidas in his Lexicon j had 
its ufe been general, it would not have been paffed over by them. 

From the Teutonic derivation of the Harp, it is eafy to account for its becoming 
the national inftrument of the Englifh. The Anglo-Saxons were of German race, 
and introduced the Harp into Britain. Inflamed with a thirft of conqueft, and eager 
to pofiefs alone that fertile Ifle, they almoft exterminated the natives, and totally 
erafed every veftige of Roman and Britifh civility. The gentler modulations and 
fofter harmony of the Crwth were equally defpifed with its performers and admirers: 
this inftrument was banifhed to Wales, Cornwall, and Armorica > in the laft county 
Venantius found it in the 6th century. 

3 n The 

ing it by the latter, the Barbarians by the former name. He has candour enough to add : " Nonnulli putent, Venantium 
Fortunatum inter Harpam & Lyram diftinguere." wpella and Eucherius could not be miftaken, but our modern Editor, 
totally ignorant of the fubjeft, might. 

(7) Affe&atur prscipue afperitas foni, & fraftum murmur. Germ. cap. 3. Diod, Sic. calls the barbarians Saputix" 
nai rfa%u$vtio> Lib. J. 

(8) Ayficc fctXri Xi£n ■rram>ifti**,r*f>tfer\MiK rais ■xXayyajt vtn <r(tt-X v %W"* tp»ita* uSwras. Mifopog. p. j6. Edit., 
Petavli. Inftead of *Xu.yya,is fome MSS. read xpr noii, or that found emit .ed by crows; and it fccms the beft reading, 

(a) Sola faepe bombicaas barbarcs kudos harpa itlidebat. Fortuaat, fupra, 



2 3 o OBSERVATIONS Otf THE HARP, 

The Roman rhiffioners kept alive and augmented the enmity between the Britoni 
fend Anglo-Saxons : the former would not adopt Popery or its fuperftitions, to 
which the latter were devoted : every temporal and fpiritual motive which theolo- 
gical malignity could invent, was conjured up to make the refentment of both peo- 
ple implacable and perpetual, and with too good fuccefs. Hence the triumph of the 
Harp over the Crwth, and hence its general life among all ranks of people until 
the Norman invafion. 

This reafonihg may perhaps account for the introduction and practice of the Harp 
in England, but will not apply, it may be faid, to Ireland. The Irifli, I think, re- 
ceived it in the 4th and 5th centuries from their clofe connexion with the Saxons, 
and other rovers from the Baltic mores, who conjunctly ravaged the coafh of Bri- 
tain and Gaul in thole ages. I know Mr. Macpherfon(io) has ingeniously combated 
the opinion of this connection ; but it is impoffible to invalidate all the arguments 
fupplied by antiquity in its favour. Giraldus Cambrenfis fpeaks of St. Patrick's 
Harp, which, if any faith is to be placed on Legends, he might have brought from 
Tours, where he fludied ; and wheTe, no doubt, it was cultivated by the Barba- 
rians. The Harp is mentioned by (11) Ifo, in the 9th century; he was a monk of 
St. Gall. The founder of this abbey being an (12) Iriflbman, and the monks, for 
the mod part, of the fame nation, who fled from the Danifh tyranny, they could 
be no flrangers to this inftrument. 

It may be no improbable conjecture, and will certainly meet the ideas of many, 
to fay, that the Celtic Crwth was primarily ufed by the Irifh, but gave place to the 
Harp on the eftablifhrnent of the Danifh power in this kingdom. The Harp was thie 
delight of the northern nations, and their Princes and Scalds eminent performers 
on it. The monument at Nieg, exhibited by (13) Mr. Cordiner, has every appear- 
ance of being a Danifh work. The bird at top was their favourite raven, of which 
their fagas and fcaldic poetry are full, as may be feen in Wormius, Bartholine, and 
Mallet. The obliterated figure, taken by Mr. Cordiner for an angel, may or may 
not be one ; it is obvious, there are no concomitant fymbols to evince the fculpture 
to "be by a christian artifl. Mr. Cordiner obferves, that this monument, which 
gives an Irifh Harp, belongs to the nth century; in this I perfectly agree with 
him. , 

From 
■/ 

(10) In his Introduction to the Hiftory of Great Britain and Ireland. 

<u) Du Cange, in Harpa. (12) Ware's Writers. Cave Hifioria Lherarw. 

(13) Remarkable Ruins in Scotland. No. I. 1784. 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 231 

■■< < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < <■ < ■ <••<-<■■< < < < •< .< •■< •< < < < < < < < •<•{.>• > ■ > ■■>■ >■ > ■■> ■•>■ > > > > > > > > > •■>■ > > >• > •■>■ >•■>•■>• > ••>■ >•■»■ y ■■> -y •>■ > •■>• > •■>• >.. 

From fome drawings of the Davidic Lyre in Montfaucon, Calmet, and others, 
which refemble our Harp, it has been fuppofed our instrument is derived. It has 
been fhewn from Eucherius, that the Barbaric Cithara, or Harp, was a trigonal 
figure, and fnnilar to what was then called the Nablium. What the original 
Nablium, or Jewifh Nebalius, mentioned in the Pfalms was, or what the Chinnor, 
Neginot, and other instruments occurring in Scripture, were unknown to the Sep- 
tuagint tranHators, as Bifhop Hare (14) has fully proved. Of what weight then can 
the dreams of modern Rabbins, or the fancirul drawings of (15) Kircher, their 
blind follower, be on this fubject? Eucherius makes the Nablium a triangle, in 
Kircher it is a fquare. Bifhcp Low-th, who has with great elegance ^and learning 
treated of Hebrew poetry, never touches on the mufical inftruments of the Jewifh 
people, nor contefts Bifhop Hare's fentiments, though he criticifes him on other 
(16) points. An argument much in favour of what has been advanced. 

Whether the Harp was an imitation of the ancient (17) Lyre, or at what time it 
afiumed its prefent form or number of firings, is not eafy to determine. The mo- 
nument at Nieg, if of the age before allowed it, fhews what it was in the nth 
century, and therefore I muft decline from the opinion of Lord Pembroke and 
(18) Biihop Nicoifon, who imagined the triangles on fome of our old coins, referred 
to the Irifh Harp. An obfolete figure would fcarcely be revived ; indeed it is molt 
probable it was buried in total oblivion. The heads of our Kings inferibed in 
triangles expreffed their attachment to the Church, and its reciprocal fupport of 
them: this is verified by the French coins of Philip IV. Lewis X. Philip V. 
Charles IV. and John. * 

Another object of this inquiry is, at what time the Harp became the armorial 
bearing of Ireland. Though coats armorial were not unknown to mod -of the na- 
tions of antiquity, yet gentilitial arms undoubtedly were until the middle of the 
12th century; the latter were hereditary, the former (19) perfonal or cafual. A 
learned (20) German writer fays, the romantic expeditions to the Holy Land intro- 
duced 

'(14) Prdlogom. inTlalmos. pag. 75. They did not know how to tranflate the titles of the Pfalms, but gave the 
jnoft abfurd and incongruous interpretation of them. 

(15) In his Mufurgia Univerf. torn. i. lib. 2. cap. 1. (16) Pr<cle(ft. Poet, Sub finem. 

(17) Martinii Lexic. Philog. in Lyra. (18) Irifh Hiftorical Library, p. 158 — 159. 

• As rfiis triangle is feen on the coin of our King John, I adopt this opinion in preference to fuppofing the triangle to 
be a fltield. 

(19) Edmondfon's Body o[ Heraldry. Djod. Sic. with much propriety applies to thefe the word t&Kurpotfas- lib. 5. p. 307. 

(2.0) Bielfield, L'Erudition Complettc. torn. 3. p. aor. Mo enim avo (fc. 8co) nondum infignia, non nomina genti- 
licia coeperant, fed haud dubie poft hoc feodum adve&a: funt. Montfaucon Diar. Italic, pag, a«*— 446. O'Flaherty fays 
hereditary arms were uot ufed before the 1 3th century, Ogygia vindicated, pag. 60. 



232 OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, 

..<■<■< ■< •< < •< ■< •<■■<•<■<< « .< ■< .<..<< .<..<..<..<..< .<..<..< .<..<.< .<<.<..» .<..<-.<-.<4,>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>.. > ..>..>.. > . >..>..>..>..>. >..>..>.>..>..>..>..>.,>..>. >. >..> >..>..>.>.>..> >■ ■►■ > ».. 

duced the diftinction of armories and the jargon of blazonry ; the faltiers, the fu- 
fils, the girons, and lozenges of this fcience being parts of the harnefs, armour and 
ornaments of the Chevaliers. Bifhop Kennet agrees, that armorial bearings were 
not fo early as the reign of Edward the ConfefTor. (21) The arms, therefore, on 
the Harp of Brien Boiromh, and the Harp itfelf, can neither be of the age, nor 
belong to the perfon, that an anecdote delivered in the 13th Number of Collectanea 
de rebus Hibernicis, would perfuade us. Nothing lefs than pofitive proof will 
convince the heraldic antiquary, that the Irifh preceded their neighbours in genti- 
litial armories. 

Hector Boethius (22) relates, that on a treaty concluded between Charlemagne 
and the Scottifh King Achaius, A. D. 791, it was granted, that the latter prince 
ihould bear a red lion in a counter-charged border of fleurs-de-lis. As the Irifh 
were equally favourites with that great monarch, he might have conferred the fame 
honour on our Kings ; though, from what has been advanced, there is not the 
leaft probability of this being fo. Befides, had the tafle for heraldic pageantry been 
then fafhionable, fome fpecimens. would have been difplayed on his coins, whereas 
they exhibit nothing but fimple monograms. 

An ancient roll of arms, preferved by (23) Leland, of the age of Henry III. 
gives the bearings of mod of the European princes, and of mod of the Englifh and 
French nobility. Among thefe we find the arms of Wales, of Scotland, and the 
little Me of Man, but not a word of Ireland. It is a ftrong*prefumption, that Ire- 
land then had no arms : Quartering, it may be faid, was not introduced till the 
(24) reign of Edward III. half a century later; but when it was introduced, no no- 
tice was taken of Ireland. Harold, King of Man, came to this Henry, did (25) ho- 
mage, was dubbed a Knight, and received arms, which are recorded in the roll. 
Maurice Fitzgerald, an anceftor of the Duke of Leinfter, received Knighthood and 
arms, and they are alfo in the roll. 

It was Henry VIII. who, on being proclaimed King of Ireland, fir ft gave us the 
Harp. The Englifh allowed us eminence in nothing but mufic. He therefore feledted 
this inflrument as being our favourite one, and to perpetuate the celebrity of our 
performance on it in former times. Such a bearing was a judicious compliment ; it 
neither reminded us of our prefent dependence, nor upbraided us with our former 

rebellions. 

(ai) Parochial Antiquities, pag. 51. (za) Pag. 188. Nicolfon's Scottifh Hift. Library, pag. 46. 

(i3) Collectanea, vol. 2. pag. 616. (24) Camden's Remains, pag 163. 

(25) Caradoc. pag. 318. A fimilar proof from Antiquarian Difc. vol. 1. p. 97, 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 233 

< <<<<<<<<■<<<<<< <■<<<<<< <.<.<<..<■<.<■■<<■<■<•<•<<<<<■<+)•>>>>>■>>>•>■>■>>■>•>•>•>>•>>>>.>>■>>•>•>■>>■>•>•>•>•>•>•>■>>>•' 
rebellions. James I. quartered it with the arms of France and England; and may 
it long continue the ornament and fupport of the Bririfh Crown ! 
• How plain foever it may appear, that Mufic exifted in the Chriftian Church 
from its foundation, yet fome induftry is requifite to difcover it in England and in 
Ireland. Biihop Stillingfleet (26) has been able to collect but few mufical traits of 
the Gallican or Britifh offices, as contra-diftinguifhed from the Gregorian or Ro- 
man : the paucity of records, and the bare hints of writers forming very uncertain 
data from whence to deduce pofitive conclufions. The fame obfcurity clouds the 
remote periods of Mufical Hiltory in Ireland. This muft be an apology for the 
imperfection of the hints now offered on this topic, which however lies open to 
future improvement from fuperior abilities and more extenfive erudition. 

It was in the year 1 134, that Malachy O'Morgair (27) afcended the archiepifcopal 
chair of Armagh. He was the beloved friend of St. Bernard, after whofe deceafe, 
the latter, in a high {train of panegyric, compofed his (28) life. Among other 
particulars there recorded, he informs us, that the Irifh, through the Primate's zeal, 
were brought to a conformity with the apoftolic constitutions and the decrees of the 
Fathers, but efpecially with the cuftoms of the holy church of Rome. They then 
began to chant and fing the canonical hours, as in other places, which before was 
not done even in the metropolitical city of Armagh ; Malachy had learned fong in 
his youth, and enjoined finging in his own monastery, when as yet it was unknown, 
or not practifed in the city or diocefe. Thus far St. Bernard. 

This citation fuggefts two facts; the firft incredible and certainly far from truth, 
that the Irifh church had fubfifted for feven hundred years without Mufic or Pfal- 
mody : the other more probable, that Malachy exerted the influence of his ftation 
to oblige the Irifh to relinquifli their old ritual, and adopt the Roman manner 
of celebrating divine offices. His efforts were in vain, even allowing a temporary 
acquiefcence ; for, in thirty years after, we find, the Council of Cafhel decreeing 
an uniformity of public worfhip, according to the model of the Englifh church. 
The Irifh received, very reluctantly, innovations in doctrine and difcipline ; nor 
was it before their princes were expatriated and the people reduced to extreme 
mifery, that they embraced foreign fuperftition, and obeyed the dictates of the 
Sovereign Pontiff. 

3 o That 

(26) In his Antiquiciei of the Britifh Churches, chap. 4. page S3 7, 

(27) Ware'. Bifhops, page 54. (i!i) Inter S. Eernaidi Opera, cap. 16. 



2j4 



OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, 



• >•>> >■>•>>• >>->•>•>■>> 



That the Chriftian Fathers adapted their (ag) Pfalms and Hymns to the Greek 
notation and modes, admits of the fulleft proof. Accuftomed from infancy to the 
choral fervice of paganifm, the convert naturally retained his former mufical ideas, 
but applied them to more fanctified compofitions, and a purer object. Though it 
is impoffible to determine of what kind the ecclefiaftical modes were, or what the 
difcipline of the fingers, I cannot believe the whole fervice (30) of the primitive 
church was irregular ; or that the people fang as their inclination led them, with 
fcarce any other reftriction than that it mould be to the praife of God. . For early 
in the third century, Origen (31) informs us, that chriftians fang in rhythm, that 
is, with nice regard to the length and (hortnefs of the fyllables of the poetry, and 
in good tune and harmony. The terms he ufes are taken from the Greek Mufic, 
and evince that chriftians in their church-performances, were fcientific and correct. 
The definition of a Pfalm(32) by Gregory Nazienzen, and by St.Bafil and Chryfoflom, 
in the 4th century, is an additional proof of what is advanced. I have infilled on 
this point the more, in order to fubvert the groundlefs affertion of St. Bernard, 
and to demonftrate, that finging made a part of the chriftian fervice wherever the 
gofpel was eftablifhed. 

About the year 386, Pfalms and Hymns were ordered to be fung after the Eaft- 
ern manner; and about 384, the Ambrofian Chant was formed of the Dorian, 
Lydian, Mixolydian and Phrygian tones, which were called authentic modes, and 
to which Pope Gregory in 599, added four plagal. Weftern Europe had been 
evangelized antecedent to Gregory's Pontificate, and the Ambrofian Chant admitted 
into many principal churches : I fay principal, becaufe there is reafon to believe, 
many biihops and diocefes preferved the Curfus, that is, the (33) offices and finging 
introduced by the firft miflionaries, and which more clofely adhered to the Eaftern, 
that is, the ancient Greek Mufic, than the Chant of the Cathedral of Milan. And 
this feems countenanced by a very curious MS. fuppofed to have been written by 
an Irifh fcholar about 901, and printed by (34) Sir Henry Spelman. In this it is 
faid, that the Curfus of the Scots (for fuch was the appellation of the Irifh in thofe 

days) 

(29) The ufe of thefe in the earlieft ages is clearly proved by Hornbeck, de Pfalmodia, inter Mifcell. Sac. cap. %. See 
Warton's hift. of Englifh poetry. Vol. 2. p. 369. 

(30) Hawkins's hiltory of Mufic. Vol. I. p. 188. 

(31) Evfvtftus *■«■> 1/j.fi.ii.as^ x.ai ippiXvi xai w/ilputus, De Orat. p. J. 

(ji) VaX/tai ifiv, n Si« t» opycct/v ru fiurncv piXuhcc. Greg, in tra&. %, in pfaltn. cap. 3. Bafil. in pfalm 29. Chry 
foft. ad pfalm: 35- vcr - i' 

(33) Uiher's Religion of the ancient Irifh. chap. 4. 
C34) Condi, Vol. I. Uffcr. Primord. p. 916—917, 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 235 

days) was compofed by St. Mark, and ufed by St. Gregory Naz, St. Bafil, 
and communicated to the continent by Columbanus. No notice is taken of 
St. Ambrofe and Pope Gregory but juft mentioned. Now, as the monaftic rule of 
our counrryman, (35) Columbanus, has been publifhed, and as this rule made part 
of the Trifli Curfus, we fhall fee how great a part of it was made up of Pfalmody 
and Anthems, or alternate finging. 

The Monks are to aflemble thrice every night, and as often in the day, to pray 
and fmg. In each office of the day, they were to ufe prayers and fing three pfalms- 
In each office of the night, from October to February, they are to fing thirty-fix 
pfalms and twelve anthems, at three feveral times ; in the reft of the year, twenty- 
one pfalms and eight anthems ; but on Saturday and Sunday nights, twenty-five 
pfalms and twenty-five anthems. Here was a perpetual pfalmody or laus perennis, 
like that practifed in Pfalmody Ifle (36) in the diocefe of Nifmes, founded by Cor- 
billa, a Syrian monk, about the end of the 4th century. Thefe may be added to 
the other numerous inftances of the orientalifm of our church, and its fymbolizing 
with the eaftern in moft articles of faith and practice, and which created fo much, 
uneafinefs to Rome and her emiifaries for many ages ; the feductions of flattery and 
the thunders of the Vatican were equally ineffectual to {hake our principles ; the 
mellifluous eloquence of St. Bernard might calumniate, but was unable to fubjecl: 
us to the domination of the Roman See. 

The Canons afcribed to St. Patrick, Auxilius and Iferninus, extant in Corpus 
Chrifti College, Cambridge, were tranfcribed, according to an (37) excellent anti- 
quary, in the 10th century ; Dachery (3$) fuppofes they were made in the 8th, and 
I have elfewhere fliewn this to be probable. The fecond directs the readers to re- 
main in the church in which they are appointed to (39) fing j this feems to be the 
meaning, but whatever it is, it teaches us that the Reader and Singer had the fame 
office. Many of our Primates, as may be feen in Ware's Bifhops, and moft of 
our learned men, among other literary diftinctions, are called Readers. On this 
it is remarked (40) — " that the name, Leclor, is more frequently found among the 
Irifh hiitorians than that of Scribe ; neverthelefs, to conceal nothing, fome by the 
ancient Scribes underftand Writers •" — this throws no light on the Lector. By the 

(35) Romas, 1661, by Luc. Holftein Dupin, fieclc 7. 

(36) Burney's Hiftory of Mulic. Vol. %. p. 9. (37) Aftle's Origin of Writing, p. I*P» 

(38) Spicileg. torn. 9. Opuf. S. Patric. edit. Ware, p. 42. 

(39) Ledores deuique cognofcant urmfquifque ecckfiam in qua pfallat, 

(40) Ware's Antiquities, by Harris, p. 236, 



236 OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, 

•■<<< < < < < < < < .< .< < .<•<•< < .< .< .<..< .<..<..<..<..<..<..< .<..<..<..<..<..<•<..<■.<<*>■>■>■ >• >■ >■>■■>•>>>■ > >■>■ >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>. >.>>.> >..>..>..»..>. > >..>. >• > >.>. > 
15th canon of the Laodicean Council, no one is to fing in the church but the ca- 
nonical fingers, who are to afcend the defk and read from the book, in the anfwers 
of John, bifhop of Citri, to Conftantine Cabafilas, archbimop of Dyrrachium, we 
find the Readers were placed on each fide of the (41) choir, and like the precentor 
and fuccentor, led the chorifters. At this day we read each verfe of the pfalm be- 
fore it is fung ; in this inftance alfo we retained the ufage of the Eaftern church. 
On the whole, the evidence now produced is fufficient to convict St. Bernard of 
error, and vindicate our practice of mufic and pfalmody. 

Giraldus Cambrenfis gives a fplendid account of the perfections of Irifh Mufic in 
the 1 2th century, and Caradoc of Lhancarvan agrees with him. They confine 
their praife to fecular performances, and fpeak nothing of ecclefiaftical. Such ex- 
cellence was not attainable by any fudden or fafhionable application ; it mud have 
been the effect of long practice and habit. Perhaps the following obfervations may 
elucidate this point. 

Caradoc, without any of that illiberal partiality fo common with national wri- 
ters, affures us, the Irifh devifed all the inftruments, tunes and meafures in ufe 
among the Welfn, Cambrenfis is even more copious in his praife, when he pe- 
remptorily declares, that the (42) Irifh, above any other nation, is incomparably 
{killed in fymphonal mufic. Such unequivocal teftimony of our fuperior tafte and 
improvement in the mufical art, naturally calls for fome inquiries into fo curious a 
fact, more efpecially as the perfons, who delivered it, lived in a polifhed (43) age, 
both in refpecT: of literature and manners. 

The words of Cambrenfis are clearly expreffive of attainments in the fcience of 
mufic far beyond the miniftrelfy of England and France, or any other country 
he had (44) travelled. The richnefs of our invention ; the vivacity, beauty, and 
variety of our melodies extorted applaufe from him: I fay extorted, becaufe he 
takes care to inform us, there was fcarce (45) any thing elfe to commend among 
the Irifh. 

This incomparable fkill could never be predicated of unlearned, extemporaneous 
Bardic airs : It implies a knowledge of the diagram, and an exact divifion of the 

harmonic 

(41) Avayvarav 01 oQQixiu, ravrtt o'bofiieixes tk Ss£ih X't*> &c. Here the Domeftkus of the right fide of the Choir, 
was a mufical officer and dignitary. Du Gauge in voce. 

(4?) Prze omni natione quam vidimus, incomparabilitiT eft inflrucla. Topog. cap. 1 1, p. 739. 

(43) See the ingenious Mr. Warton's hift. of Ellglilh poetry. Diifertation II. 

(44) Quam vidimus, fupra He refidtd fomt years on the continent. Biographia, Brit. — Article Barry. 

(45) In muficis folum inftrumentis conimendabilem invenio gentis iftius Jiligeutiam. Topog. fupra. 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 237 



< < < <<<<<<< <•<«<<<<■<•<•<<•<■<•<<<.<.<<.<.<<.<<<.<..<.<+>..>..>..>.>.>.>..>.>. 



harmonic intervals ; a jufl expreffton of the tones, and in the quickeft movements, 
an unity of melody. Cambrenfis (46) obferves thefe particulars of our mufic. 
He accurately diftinguifhes the Irifh and Englifh ftyles : the latter was the diatonic 
(47) genus ; flow and made up of concords : heavy ; the intervals fpacious, as in 
ecclefiafucal chant. The former was the enharmonic (48) genus ; full of minute 
divifions, with every diefis marked : the fucceffion of our melodies (49 J lively and 
rapid ; our modulations full and fweet. 

He alone who had the fharpefl faculties, and was the mod profoundly verfed in 
the mufical art, felt ineffable (50) pleafure. It is then evident, that all this tranf- 
cendant excellence in mufic could be derived but from two fources ; a perfect know- 
ledge of it as a fcience and practice. We are not, it is true, able to produce our 
ancient tablature, or tunes from MSS. hitherto difcovered ; but as from Caradoc, 
it appears we communicated both to the Welfh, and as they exift in Mr. Morris's 
(51) Collections, we may fairly affume them as our own, and derivatives from this 
Ifle. Thefe collections are of the 12th century, the very time in which Caradoc and 
Cambrenfis flourifhed ; fo that connecting the evidence together, that we had mufic 
in fcore, can hardly be difputed, and what is more extraordinary, moft of the pieces 
for the Harp are in full harmony and counterpoint. 

From thefe facts a miftake of Cambrenfis unfolds itfelf to view. The Irifh he 
informs us, ufed but the Tabor and Harp. Here then could not be a varied combi- 
nation of founds ; a multiplicity of parts, or fuch an artificial compofition as to 
conftitute counterpoint : a fingle melody, and that confined within a fmall compafs, 
was all that could be executed. The Welfh, he tells us, had three inftruments 
confequently they could play counterpoint ; fo that Cambrenfis muft have been igno- 
rant of the art he was defcribing, or extremely inadvertent, as no fuch effects, as 
he fuggefts, could be produced by fuch inftruments. Nor can any reafon be 
affigned, why we mould not have an equal number of mufical inftruments with the 

3 p Welfh, 

(46) Minim quod in tanta tarn praecipiti digitorum rapacitate mufica fervatur proportio, et arte per omnia indemni 
inter crifpatos modules, organaque multipliciter intricata, tam fuavi vclocitate, tam inipari paritate, tamdifcordi concordii 
eonfona redditur, & completur melodia. Supra. 

(47) Tarda & rr.orofa eft modulatio. Supra. Jones's relicks of the Welfli Bards, p. 35. not. 9. 

(48) Tam fub;iliter modulos intrant & exeunt; ficque fub obtufo groffioris chorda; fonitu, gracilium tinnitus licentius 
ludunt. Supra. 

(49} Modulatio verum velox & praeceps, fuavis tamen & jucunda fonoritas. Supra, 

(50) Mine accidit, ut ea qu« fubtiliusintuentibus; & artis archana acute difcernentibus, internas & ineflabiles comparand 
animi delicias. Supra. 

(51) Burney's hiftory of Mufic. Vol. a. p. 109 — 31a. 



238 OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, 



>• >■■>•■>• >■ ■>■ > > > > > »••>..> k >• > > > > > >•»•».-. 



Weldi, who confeffedly adopted them from us. An omiffion of a tranfcriber very 
probably gives rife to the error. 

The tenor of our ecclefiaflical hiftory very explicitly mews the propagation of the 
gofpel among us by Helleniflic Miflioners ; our doctrine and difcipline were the fame 
as praclifed in the primitive church during the foui firft centuries. Thefe points are 
amply detailed in another (52J place. Each Bifhop appointed fuch an order for the 
celebration of divine offices, as he judged mod eligible and bed fuited to his re- 
fpective diocefe. So various were thefe offices in 1090, that Gillebert, Bifhop of 
Limerick, preffes the Irifh Clergy to adopt the Roman. " What," (53) fays he, 
" can be more indecent, or fchifmatical, than that a Clergyman who is very learned 
in the offices of one Church, mould be ignorant and a Laic in thofe of another r" 
This is a new proof that we were unacquainted with the Roman fervice, as well as 
with the Ambrofian and Gregorian Chant, and that we retained the forms of the 
Eaftern church, originally delivered to us. Bifhop Sullingfleet, as cited by Doctor 
(54) Burney, makes the principal difference between the Roman and Gallican ritual 
to confift in their church mufic. 

St. Paul (55) defires the Ephefians to fpeak to each other in pfalms and hymns 
and fpiritual fongs. He here feems to make ufe of a harm expremon to avoid 
introducing a heathen (56") term. With what propriety could Chriftians be faid to 
fpeak to each other in hymns, which celebrated the divine perfections ? But they 
might, as in the Pagan Dithyrambics and Pceans, exercife themfelves in anti- 
phonial finging, and fucceed or anfwer each other. And this is clearly the Apoftle's 
meaning. 

However, 

(5a) Antiquities, fupra, p. 55. 

(J3) Quid enim magis Indecens aut fchifmaticum dici poterit, quani doctiffimum unius ordiuis in alterius ecdefia idi- 
otam & laicum fieri? Ufler. Syll. Epift. Hib. p. 77. 

(54) Hiftory of Mufic. Vol. 2. p. 56. 

(55) Ephef. chap. 5. ver. 19. AaXvtrii lawrois Vu.Xfx.ois xat vptMt xai u$ats vrfivfiicnxxis. ColofT. iii. 16. The 
apofllc diftinguifhes Odes from Pfalms and joins the latter to Hymns. The latter were frequently recited, but the former 
were accompanied with instrumental mufic. Scalig. Poet. pais. Gatikeri Cinn. pag. 124. Le Oleic will have Odes, 
Hymns, and Pfalms to mean the fume thing; but Hammond makes them refer to three different kinds of canticles among 
the Jews. It is certain they are different; but would St. Paul have any refpeft to Jewifh mufic when writing to the 
J>"phefians and Coloffians ? 

(36) The claffical word is — a/uuiwris — which referred to amiphonial or alternate finging of the heathen hjtnns. 

Mvfaw S', ai uuScv, au.tnSeu;vai tirt xaXn Horn. 

The practice it not of Chiiftian origin. Suid. & Mears. GlofT. voce Avrifanx. 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. 239 

However he difiiked the practice of idolatry, the permiflion he here gives the 
Ephefians, a gay and luxurious people, of ufing pfalms, hymns, and odes, was 
absolutely necetlary for keeping new converts in the faith : They could not eafily 
forget the raptures of their feiial and choral hymns ; and it is probable the Apof- 
tles, ($j) and their difciples, formed fpiritual fongs, on their model, in various 
metres and melodies : at lead, the early fathers of the church, as Clemens of Alex- 
andria, Eufebius, Chryfoftom, Bafil, and Gregory Nazienzen did fo. Some of 
their imitations are poetical, but no merit of this kind could compenfate a Grecian 
ear for the negligent, injudicious, and offenfive ufe of improper (58) meafures, with 
which the chriilian compofitions abounded. Dionyfius Halicarnafseus, in his beau- 
tiful treatife laft (59) cited, gives inftances of the mod: favourite performers being 
hilled on the ftage, for the fmalleft want of rythm or accent ; fuch were the deli- 
cacy of Grecian organs, and the correctnefs of Grecian tafte. 

The more zealous catholics digefted thefe infipid productions ; but the public 
were very far from acquiefcing in fuch unlearned and barbarous poetry and mufic. 
St. Bafil (60) complains that his flock neglected his pfalms and hymns for their old 
pagan fongs. The (61) Arians, Apollinarians, and other heretics taking advantage 
of the popular difguit formed poems in the true Greek flyle, and in captivating 
melodies ; the union and charms of harmony and verfe were too powerful for. ortho- 
doxy ; the number of feclaries foon exceeded that of true believers. The church 
beheld this triumph with terror and amazement, ihe faw her danger and endea- 
voured to avert it. She reformed her hymns and embraced the Greek modes ; nor 
was John, the cecumenic bifhop of Conftantinople afliamed to urge (62) his. peo- 
ple (63) to imitate the Arian compofitions. Gildas and Bede agree, that Britain 

was- 

(57) Eufebius informs us the early Chriftians compofed and fang — Arf&ajx xxi vpws Six vavretav furpav xai fiiXar, 
fvipais rtftvrtpait. Hift. Ecc. lib. a. cap. I 7. Valefius thinks the Therupeutae, of whom this is faid, were not Chrif- 
tians -, but confidering the ages of the Father and Critic, the latter is more liable to miftake. 

(5<i) Tliefc were the — -mz^Xai^^iia ptrpa xai araxms (yCpus — of Dionyf. Hal. de Struck. Or3t. p. 224. edit. Upton. 

(59) Pag. 72. Upton illultrates this from Cicero: — Si verfus pronunciatus eft fyllaba una brevior a-ut longior, exfibi- 
Jatur & exploditur Hiftrio. 

(60) Serm. de ebiiet. & lux. & Vales. Not. in lib. 7. Efcb. Hift. Ecc. p. 153. 

(61) For Arius's hymns, fee Philoftorg. lib;, a. p. 470. Socrates, the ecclefiaftical hiftorian, confeffes Apollinaris wag 
fully inftrucled in human learning; and an excellent judge dedaoes-: — Sic expreffit pfalmos ut cekritate cum propheta 
regio ccrtare videa:ur. Heinf. Exerc. in Nonnum. p. 256. 

(61) Ew* tuv ;s-ev rpoarav <ms 'VaX/j.umas rev aura >.at>v -rpcrpt-sru Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 8. 

(63) Tunc hymni &pfalmi, ut canerentur fecundum morem Qrienuliurn pavthim, ne pnpulus mceioris t«dio conta*- 
befceret, inftitutum eft. Auguft. ConfeiT. lib. 9, oap. 7. 



2 4 o OBSERVATIONS ON THE HARP, 



< < <.<..<..<.. 



was infected with Arianifm, and St. Jerom complains, that the chriftian world 
groaned under this herefy. 

Thefe notices, hitherto unconnected, may perhaps throw ibme light on the pecu- 
liar flyle of our ancient mufic. We received the knowledge of the gofpel about 
the end of the 4th century, and with it the Greek or Eaflern harmony, then uni- 
versally in ufe. From an expreflion of St. Auftin, it is evident, the enharmonic 
genus was then adopted and cultivated, as it alone was calculated to exhilarate the 
fpirits, revive pleafing hopes, and banifh melancholy and defpair ; nor can there be 
any doubt but our primitive miffioners firfl conciliated the affections of their hearers 
by harmony before they opened to them the doctrine of redemption. Bede makes 
Auguftine (64) approach Ethelbert and his court fmging litanies. 

Before the Ambrofian and Gregorian chants were generally introduced, we were 
grown ftrong in religion and learning, and for a long time flrangers to, as well as 
averfe from Romifli innovations. We had an independent hierarchy, which nei- 
ther in 900 nor in 1090, as has been feen, yielded fubjection to St. Ambrofe or 
Pope Gregory ; it therefore was not poffible for us to have any other mufic but on 
the Greek model, the ch.aract.er of which, as may be collected from St. Auftin 
and Cambrenfis, was enharmonic. 

The ftate of fociety here at our converfion ; a precife and energetic language ; 
the paucity of our inftruments and the admirable effects of our harmony, clearly 
point out the fimple ilyle of our melodies ; how exactly they coincided with the 
Greek ; how well adapted to delight our national vivacity and amufe our indo- 
lence. Topics thefe, capable of much curious and entertaining amplification, but 
exceeding our limits. 

As the feeds of chriftianity and learning were coeval in this ifle, notwithstanding 
the vain and groundlefs pretentions of fome Antiquaries, fo they found a foil wherein 
they vegetated with uncommon itrength and rapidity : monadic foundations, the 
fchools of literature in thofe ages, greatly multiplied, and letters foon flourifhed in 
every corner. I will elfewhere alledge many circumftances to induce a belief that 
the Greek language was particularly cultivated in thofe feminaries. Can it then feem 
flrange that we mould have the mufical diagram of the Greeks, or that we prac- 
tifed fcientifically their bed melodies ? This notation, it is true, appears corrupted in 
Mr. Morris's MSS. but it invincibly demonftrates that the Welfh had a notation, and 

that 

(64) Bed. lib. 1. cap. 95. 



AND ANCIENT IRISH MUSIC. . 241 

that it muff have exifled previoufly among the Irifh. The (65) Northumbrians and 
Albanian Scots, both converted by the Irifh, excelled in harmony. 

The Englifh mufic on the contrary was of the diatonic genus. It was the policy 
of the church of Rome, from the firft entrance of her miffionaries into Britain, 
to decry and depreciate the ancient rites and ceremonies of the natives, and to 
exalt the efficacy and perfection of her own. Arguments however were in vain, (66") 
power foon decided the controverfy in favour of the latter. We are informed by 
Bede, that James, the deacon, inftructed the clergy of York in finging after the 
Roman manner, as Stephen did the Northern ecclefiaftics. Pope Agatho thought 
the eftablifhment of the Gregorian chant fo important an affair, that he fent John, 
his precentor, hither for that purpofe. Thefe efforts of the Papal See, feconded by 
the favour of the Britifh princes, foon extinguifhed every fpark of our ancient mu- 
fic, and confirmed the flow, fpacious and unifonous melody of plain (67) fong. The 
perpetual ufe of it to both clergy and laity was fecured by canons, and when it 
became a commutation for fins and (68) faffing, the practice of it mufl have been 
univerfal. ' 1 is then no wonder that the tafte of the nation accommodated itfelf to 
this chant ; a dull and heavy modulation fucceeded, well fitted to a ftate of fpiri- 
tual thraldom, and to exprefs the difmal tales of minftrelfy. 

The foregoing obfervations were printed in 1786, but fortunately for the lovers 
of Irifh antiquities, the fubjeft was taken up on a more extenfive plan in the follow- 
ing effay, by my ingenious and accomplished friend William Beauford, A. M. whofe 
fcientific knowledge of mufic has enabled him to illuminate a fubjecl hitherto bu- 
ried in darknefs. His effay appeared in the firfl edition of thefe Antiquities in 1790. 
The candid reader will pardon a fimilarity of remarks and citations in a few in- 
ftances in both effays, which indeed was unavoidable in treating of the fame fub- 
jed. 

(65) Dr. Burnejr. Vol. a. p. 108, 109. (66) Bed. lib. 4. cap. 1. 

(67) The diftinction infifted on of Greek and Roman mufic, receives the higheft confirmation from Charlemagne's book 
agiinft the Greeks; and, his grandfon, Charles the Bald's Letter to the Clergy of Ravenna : both Princes hefitated long, 
before they embraced the Greek or Roman harmony. Charles fays : — Celebrata funt coram nobis facra miflarum officia, 
more Hierofolimitano, & more Conftantinopolitano. — But he preferred the Roman : the feverefl punilliments alone made 
his national clergy relinquifti the Eaftern manner, 

(68) johnfon'i Saxon Councils. 



3 0. ° F 



( 242 ) 



+ + + * + + + + * + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 1 |. + + + + + + \ > 



* OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 

'HE origin of Poetry and Mufic, deduced from the organization of the human 
frame, has already been elegantly difcuffed and minutely inveftigated (i) by 
fome eminent writers. Antiquity records the cultivation of thefe pleafing arts 
among the rudeft and mofl favage nations, and modern (2) difcoveries unite their 
teftimony that no people exift without them. A learned and ingenious friend has 
decifively proved, that no genuine remains of Celtic cuftoms and manners, of 
Celtic arts and fciences exift at this day : that overborne at an early period by the 
great Scythian fwarm, the Celtes were either exterminated, or adopted the ufages 
of their conquerors. As this fwarm, which bent its courfe to Ireland, probably 
iffued from Belgic Gaul, we are there firft to enquire what were the mufic and 
poetry of that country. On thefe heads Diodorus Siculus offers us fome valuable 
information. " There are, fays he, among the Gauls, poets, who compofe melical 
poems ; they call thefe Bards, and they fing the praifes of fome, and the difpraifes 
of others, to inftruments not unlike Lyres." Our Author here is correct in deno- 
minating thefe rude fongs melical, becaufe they differed from Lyric, which were 
always fung to the Lyre, and from Dithyrambic, which were, for the mofl part, in 
honour of Bacchus, and confifted of the flrophe, antiftrophe and epode, whereas 
the melical were often fung without (4) any inftrument, which muff have frequently 
happened among an uncivilized and wandering people. They were therefore fimple 
melodies executed by a fingle voice, and occafionally fuftained by an inftrument. 
The meafure of this melical poetry was Iambic ; a meafure fo natural to man, that 
Dionyfius Halicarnafaeus and Demetrius Phalerius, two excellent judges, declare he 
very commonly expreffes himfelf in it without defign. In ancient languages, the 

accents 

* <By William Beauford, A. M. 

(1) Harris's three Treaufes. Webb on Poetry and Mufic, and by many French and Italians. 

(a) Cook's Voyages. ( .}) Lib. 5. 

1 4) Pangi mclos potelt, quod non ad iyram canatur, latiufque interdum pateat. Turneb. Adv. p. 5. 



OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, &c. 243 

• < < < •« < < < < « < < •<■<■<•.<<•< «..<..<..<.<.<..< < <•< < < 1 <<■•<■■<■<••< •<<■<■<+>••>••>••>••>• >■>•>• >.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>..>..».>..>..>..>..>..». >.. 

accents were numerous, consequently the inflections of the voice were mufical, fell 
into pleafing intervals and Lyric meafures. And the oldeft fpecimens of Scaldic, 
German, and Irifh poetry fupply ftrong reafon to believe this to have been the 
cafe ; though the number or quantity of their verfes, their rhythm and modulation 
are, in a great part, unknown, as the pronunciation and accentuation of thefe Ian* 
guages are greatly altered, and with them their melodies. Without entering deeper 
into a fubjecl: involved in much obfcurity, we (hall begin with Giraldus Cambrenfis, 
an ingenious and intelligent writer, who (5) obferves, that the Irifh excelled all 
other nations in the ufe of mufical inftruments : that mufic, proceeding from founds, 
naturally divided itfelf into three parts, harmonic, or that performed by the voice : 
organic, or that by wind-inftruments, and rythmical, or that produced by the pul-. 
fation of the fingers. Under the heads of vocal and inftrumental mufic will be con- 
tained all we mall now lay before the reader. 

The old inhabi rants of Ireland denominated their vocal mufic, or that in which 
their poems and fongs were fung, Pbeateadh or Peiisad/b, that is, narrative mufic. 

The original mufic of all countries was vocal, and in the early periods, proceeded 
in a great meafure, from the extemporaneous hymns and fongs fung in praife of 
their deities, and in honour of ancient heroes. It was in the day of battle and 
hour of facrifice, that the concerts of our remote and barbarous anceflors were 
performed. The warrior advanced to the charge, finging the actions of ancient 
captains ; and the prieft, whilft the bleeding victim expired on the altar, chaunted 
in artlefs accents the praife of the Divinity. However harfh and diffonant thefe 
performances mult originally have been, experience reduced them to order, and 
time meliorated their cadence. Men, endowed with more folid judgment and 
more accurate ears than others, would naturally endeavour to reduce the wild effu- 
fions of native melody to fome llandard rules, and thereby give birth to the Bardic 
Order, and the regulation of mufical performances at public Solemnities.. Thus, 
inftructed in fimple melody, the body of the people would join in one general 
chorus at their public aifemblies, and lay the foundation of harmonic compofition, 
or, what no writer on the mufical art, hi. yet attended to, a natural counterpoint. 
For the different tones of the human voice, finging the .fame air in concert, would 
confequently fall into feparate claffes; the moil grave .would murmur in the bafe, 
the middle tones be fonorous in the tenor, and the moll acute warble in the 
treble. 

Accuftomed 

(j) Topograph. Kib. p, 7.3— 741. 



*44 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 



•.<•< .<..<..<..<..< .< .< < .<..< .< .<..<..< .< ..< .< .<..<..<..< .< .< .<..<,< .<..< .<..,..< . 



■V ►•>•> >.•>••>•>•>.• 



Accuftomed thus through a long feries of ages, to fing together, the body of the 
people would gradually be formed into a nation of chorifters ; and the faculty 
they had thus through fucceffive generations acquired of finging in parts, would 
remain among them for many ages after the caufe which gave rife to it was re- 
moved. 

Such was the (late in refpect to the raufic of ancient Europe in general, we have 
every re'afon to imagine ; and that it was actually fo, among the inhabitants of 
Wales and England in the 12th century, we are affured by Cambrenfis before 
quoted ; who informs us that the Britons did not fing in unifon like the inhabitants 
of other countries, but in different parts ; it being cuflomary (6) in Wales, when 
a company of fingers among the common people met, as many different parts were 
heard, as there were performers ; who all at length united, with organic fweetnefs. 
And in the northern parts of England, beyond the Humber, the inhabitants ufed 
the fame kind of fymphonic harmony, except that they only fang in two parts ; 
nor in either country was a fingle melody ever well fung. And what is flill more 
extraordinary, their children, as foon as they attempted to fmg, fang in the fame 
manner. Here we have a remarkable inftance of native counterpoint, from the 
effects of cuftom, through a feries of ages ; a cuflom we may reafonably imagine 
which was retained much longer than the time of Cambrenfis, as we may trace, 
even at this day, fome remains of it in the highlands of Scotland and in this 
country. 

Thefe circumflarices point out to us, that counterpoint, was neither the produc- 
tion of any one age or country, nor the invention of an individual, but had its 
foundation in nature. Nor doth it appear what improvement the native bardic 
mufic received from the church mufic, during the middle ages, that is, from the 
6th to the 9th centuries. It probably continued to flow in its native channel undif- 
turbed for ages, receiving only from time to time, fuch additions as experience ma- 
tured by time might introduce ; and thereby gradually bring it to the ftandard of 
fcience. — However, there is the greatefl probability, that the Hibernian bards re- 
ceived much inftru&ion in the melodious part of their mufic from that cultivated 
by the chriflian clergy. Which mufic was that of the Curfus, ufed in the original 
offices of the chriflian church, and was in the ftyle of the ancient Greek mufic of 
the middle ages. A genus much more brilliant than the diatonic ufed by the La- 
tin church in fubfequent times, and in all probability laid the foundation of that 

fuperiority, 

(6) Cambrens. Cambri» Defcrlp. p. 890. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 245 

••< < < < <• < < < < ..-<..< ■<<■•<••< •<•<•< « .«•■<'•<■■<•<•<■< < •<■< •<•<■< •< •<••«•< •<••<■<+>•■>.>■>■■>■>•>• >>>>>>>> >..>..>..>. >>..>..>..>>. >..>. >. >. >. >. >. > >••>..>. >>>..>.. 

fuperiority, to which the Hibernian bards in later periods attained. (7) In the har- 
monic divifion no improvements were probably introduced till towards the 12th 
century, after the introduction of the Latin church mufic by Malachy. This mufic 
was more famed for its harmonic than melodious perfection. However, feveral im- 
portant and ufeful hints were received from it, and thereby greatly improved the 
oral counterpoint, which, with their native flyle, they ftill retained ; finging alter- 
nately, after the manner of the Greeks, and other heathen nations of antiquity. 
O'Carrol about 1330, and Cruife, two eminent harpers, were mod probably the 
firfl who tuned their harps on the true diatonic harmonic principles. But even 
this improvement feems to have been confined to thofe refiding in the Englifh 
pale. (8). 

With the ftate of the ancient Irifli melodies of the middle ages, we are not ac- 
quainted, few having reached our time. The native mufic at prefent found among 
the defcendants of the aboriginal inhabitants, is extremely characteriftic, and flrongly 
expreflive of the language and genius of the people. 

The ancient Irifh mufic, or as it was denominated by the bards Ceo/, or Sound, 
when confidered as a fcience, may like that of all other countries, be comprized 
under two heads, that is, Oirfid or Melody, and Cor or Harmony. 

The Oirfid, or melodious part, was compofed of a certain number of Fnam or 
Tones ; of thefe they had two fpecies, confidered relatively, that is, Foghair, or 
whole Tones, and Foghair-beg, or Semi-tones. But it doth not appear, what fpe- 
cific names they gave to the feveral tones rifing and falling in the fcale. It is mod 
probable they had no diftin&ive denominations for them, but entirely depended on 
the ear ; as it is certain they had no marks or notation to exprefs them in writing, 
but like mod of the modern pipers, depended folely on their auditory organs. 
Time, or the relative duration of the feveral tones, which we diflinguifh by the 
general name of notes, they exprefled by the word Amhar, but by what denomi- 
nation they diflinguifhed their refpedtive lengths, we have no certain information; 
probably they never confidered fuch minutiee, but depended for the regulation of 
their meafure on the beating of the drum, or the flriking of the firings of the 
harp. 

Cor, or Harmony, they, like the moderns, divided into two grand divifions, 
that is, Chruifich, or Treble, and Crondn, or- Bafe. Which parts united, confti- 

3 R tuted ; 

(7) Hornlerk de Pfalmodii. inter Mifcell. fao cap. 2. Walker's Memoir? of Irifli Bards, 

(8) Scanihurft de reb. Hib. p. 39. Walker's Irilh Bards. 



«4<5 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

tuted one grand fcale, under the denomination of Arjideach, or Airfideah ; compre- 
hending the Bafafcanes, or Bale Cliff; the Tia-aorchanus, or Tenor Cliff, called alfo 
Cionar ; and Rinnchanus^ or Treble Cliff. 

As the names of thefe Cliffs, are evidently derived from the Latin, the Bards 
muft have received them from church mufic; and to which they feem to have been 
indebted for much of their mufical fcience, during the latter periods. 

In refpecT; to counterpoint, the Cor was diftinguifhed into two fpecies, that is, 
Fuaigbel, or Concords, and Eijfighe, or Difcords. The Concords confided of the 
Fuaighe/, or 5th, the Fuaighelbeg, or 4th. being the leffer fundamental interval, 
and the Fuaigbelmor, or Ocfave, or greater interval, and which was nearly one- 
eighth of a tone higher than the modern, being compofed of the 4th and 5th 
equally divided by the ear. 

The EiJJighe, or Difcords, comprehended the EiJJlghebeg or 2d, the tones of the 
ancients ; and the Eijfighanore, any unharmonious interval compounded of others, 
as the 7th, 9th, &c. (9) 

Thefe appear, to have comprehended all the component parts of the ancient Hi- 
bernian counterpoint ; but of their method of conducting them in compofition, we 
have no authentic information. They certainly were not acquainted with the rules 
of modern harmony ; which were probably founded by Guido in the 1 ith century, 
and improved by fubfequent performers. 

But, however, they might regulate the fucceffion of their chords, they feem in 
refpecl to difcant, to have been fuperior to their neighbours, for whilfl the Scotch, 
Welfh, Englifh, and even the Ecclefiaflic Mufic, kept nearly equal time in all their 
parts, the Irifh at leaft, in the 13th century, according to Cambrenfis, ufed great 
latitude in their mufical performances ; for, fays the writer, It is indeed evident, 
that the Scotch and Welfh have cultivated this art with commendation, and with an 
affinity of expreffion, endeavouring with emulation to imitate the fkill of the Irifh 
in modulation. (10) This fuperiority we fhall have other opportunities of con- 
sidering, in treating of their inftrumental mufic, to which we fhall now 
proceed. 

IRISH 

(9) For thefe technical terms, fee Lhuyd's Did:. O'Clerigh, &c. (ic) Gir. Camb. Supra, p. 739. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 247 

IRISH MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, or ADHBHACHIUIL. 

Barbarous nations, have feldom a variety of mufical inflruments ; and it doth not 
appear, that the ancient inhabitants of either Britain or Ireland, had any among 
them, prior to the arrival of the Romans, except the Buglehorn. From Britain, 
the Roman mufical inflruments might have been introduced into Ireland, though 
molt probably the principal of them were brought over by the Chriftian clergy, 
and others by the Northern nations. 

The original ufe of mufical inflruments was either to fuflain the voice, or to beat 
time to the feveral performers in their general concerns. Under this idea, they 
may be reduced to two fpecies, that is, Organical and Rythmical. 

ORGANIC. 

Of the Irifli Organic, or Wind Inflruments, Cambrenfis is entirely filent ; per- 
haps in his time, they had not any that could with propriety be claffed under that 
denomination. Yet, the native writers mention feveral under the different names 
of ( 1 1 ) Stuic, Stoc, Adhrac, Corn-bean, Gall-trompa, Buabball, Dudog, Fideog, Lon- 
loingcan, Readan, Adharcaidh-Chiuil, Cuijlelgh-Chiil and Piob-mala. The Stuic, Stoc, 
Buabal, Beann, and Adharc, were different names for the fame inflrument, and 
were only the common Bugle Horn, with a wooden mouth-piece, fl ill ufed by the 
common people. The horns of animals were mofl probably the firfl attempt at 
mufical inflruments, and ufed in common by all the barbarous nations of ancient 
Europe. They were employed to fuflain the voice in their rude religious concerts, 
during the times of paganifm ; and for a number of ages after, they were the prin- 
cipal inflruments in (12) war and in the chace. 

The Gall-trompa, or Trumpet of the Strangers, was the brazen Horn, ufed by 
the Danes, Normans and Englifh ; and introduced into this Ifland by thofe people. 
It was of different forms. 

The Trompa refembled the modern Trumpet, and was the military mufical in- 
flrument of the Saxons, Franks, and Normans. The Corn was a metal Horn, in 
general refembiing the natural horns of animals, efpecially thofe of the Ram and 
wild Ox, with mouth pieces either at the end or fide ; and during the middle and 

latter 

(11) See LhuyiV* Di&ionary for thefe terms. 

(12) The Goths marched to war with the found of the Horn of the Urus, or wild Ox. Ammian. 31 — 5.— And the 
Celtes in general ufed them. Lib. j. 37. 39. 



24 8 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

latter ages, were ufed for various purpofes. A number of thefe instruments have 
at different times been difcovered in Ireland in bogs ; and alfo, in feveral parts of 
(13) England j and have occafioned much conjecture among Antiquaries. They, 
however, are not very ancient, few exceeding the 10th century, and none are older 
than the 6th jn this country ; nor are they of Irifh origin, nor can they be confi- 
dered as mufical inftruments. 

The Adharcaidh'Chiuil, or Mufical Horn, feems to have been the firft attempt at 
a mufical wind inftrument, and probably the origin of moft of them, as the Horn, 
pipe, Cornet, Hautboy, Flute, &c. It confided of a metal or animal Horn, with 
a mouth-piece, and body perforated with three or four ventages, and is ftill retained 
by (14) the Laplanders. Adharcaidh-Chiuil was alfo a name given by the Irifh to 
the French Horn, or Corne de Chaffe. 

The Feadain^ Fideog, or Lonloingean, was a wooden Pipe, and the ancient Horn- 
pipe, frequently denominated by the Irifh from the acutenefs of its found, Dudog, 
as it was called Feadain and Lonloingean, or Mufical Stick, from being made of 
wood. This inftrument is reprefented on an old Stone Crofs at Clonemacnois, and 
on fome old paintings in England, where it appears to be the fame as the old Cor- 
nette. 

The Readan, was not a mufical inftrument^ but only a mouth-piece made of reed, 
by which the Feadan and other wind inftruments were founded j and is ftill retained 
in the modern Bag-pipes. 

The Piob-mala, or Bagpipes, the Chorus of the Latin-Writers of the middle 
ages, do not appear of great antiquity in this ifland. Cambrenfis does not mention 
them among the Irifh mufical inftruments, though he (15) afferts, that both the 
Welfh and Scots had them. The Chorus fo denominated by the Latins, from hav- 
ing the Bag of Skin, feems to be a very ancient inftrument ; we find it among the 
Greeks and Romans, and by them probably introduced from the eaft. Among 
them however, it was of a very fimple conftru&ion, confifting only of a bag of 
fkin or leather, with two pipes, one blown (16) by the mouth, by which the bag 
was filled with air, the other emitted the found and had ventages. Under this form 

it 

(13) Camden, vol. 3d. Ed. Cough. 

(14) Walker's Historical Memoirs of the Irifh Bards, p. 84. 

(15) Scotia tribus, Cythara, Tympano, et Choro. 

Gwallia vero Cythara, Tibiis, et Choro. — Supra, p. 739. 
(t6) Fuit Chorus quoque (implex, pellis cum duabus cicutis ./Ercis, 

Et per primam infpiratur, fecunda vocem cmittit. — Walker, fuprs. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH, 249 

it is reprefented on an (17) ancient marble Ilatue found at Croton in Italy ; and on 
the front of (18) Adderbury church in Suffolk : and (till retained by the Spanifh 
and Italian peafants. It was probably introduced into Britain by the Romans, and 
among the Saxons by the Britons. In England, it retained its original form and 
power to the 1 ith or 12th centuries. In iubfequent ages it received feveral improve- 
ments, a chorus was added, confuting of two fide drones ; in which ftate it ftill 
remains among the highland Scots, and in this ftate it probably was introduced into 
Ireland fome time prior to the 14th century; for we find it a martial mufical inftru- 
ment of the (19) Irifh Kerns or Infantry, in the reign of Edward III. And as fuch, 
continued down to the 16th century. 

Having obtained this inftrument from Britain, the Irifh retained its original name, 
and called it Piob-mala, or Bag-pipe ; it had the loud fhrill tone of the prefent 
Highland pipes, being conftructed on the ancient mufical fcale. The Chanter had 
feven ventages, as at prefent, the lower founded the lower D in the Treble, and the 
upper C. The firfl Drone was in unifon to E, the fecond hole in the Chanter ; and 
the large Drone an octave below it. 

This feems to have been the ftate of the Bag-pipes throughout the Britifh Iflands 
to the clofe of the 16th century, when confiderable improvements were made, by 
taking the pipe from the mouth, and caufing the bag to be filled by a fmall pair 
of bellows on compreflion by the elbow. This form (20) Mr. Walker afferts, they 
received from the Irifh, by whom they were no longer denominated Piob-mala, or 

Bag-pipes, but 

Cuijleart, or Cuifleagh-Cuil, that is, the Elbow-pipes, or Elbow-rnufic. — Under 
this denomination they ftill remain among the people, and are at prefent much im- 
proved ; having no longer the loud martial found of the Erfe Piobh-mala, but 
more refembling a Flute, and are reduced to the modern fcale. In the prefent 
Irifli Bag-pipes, the Chanter confifts of feven double holes, the lowed founding 
D in the Treble, and the upper C or the feventh above it. The chorus confifts of 
four Drones, the fmalleft or firft founds unifon to A, the fifth hole in the Chanter; 
the fecond Drone a third below the firft, and in unifon with F the third hole in the 
Chanter ; and a fifth below C the upper hole. The third founds an octave to F, 
and the fourth an octave below that, or a double octave to the key note. 

3 s Hence 

(17) Walker, lupra. (i3) Grofs's Antiq. vol. ift. 

(19) Smith's Hift. of the County of Cork, vol. a. p. 43.— Camden. 

(20) Hift. Mem. of the Irifh Bards, p. 73. 



250 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

•>«■•<■<■•« .<..< .<.<.« < .<..< .«.<..<..<..<..<..<.<.< .<..<..,..<..<..<..<..<..< .<..<.<.<.<.<■<•<•<+>•> >•>•>■>■>■>.>.>.>..>..>.>. >. > >. >. >..>. >.> >./.>• >>>>>. >>>>> >>>>• 

Hence the modern Irifh Bag-pipes, extend to the three Cliffs or principal Keys of 
F, C and G, and their concords are the 3d, 5th and 8th. Their component parts 
in the Irifh language are, the Bolg or Bag ; the Bollogna Cuijli or Bellows ; the 
Feadain or Pipes ; the Dudog or Chanter ; the Readan or Reeds, which give the 
tone to the Pipes ; and the Anan or Drones, fo denominated from their refemblance 
to Horns, whence Anan lometimes in Irifh fignifies the Bafe in mufic. 

By the improvement of double holes in the Chanter, a fkilful performer is ena- 
bled to play two parts without the Drones j and the inflrument under the 
hands of a mafter, is rendered worthy of being efleemed a mufical inflrument. 
Efpecially in thofe inftruments in which a fecond Chanter is inferted, denominated 
a Regulator. This Regulator founds a 5th below the Chanter, and has the fame 
number of ventages, each of which is clofed by a brafs key like thofe of a Ger- 
man Flute. By means of thefe keys, which are flruck by the wrifls, the performer 
is better enabled to play in two or more parts, without the Drones ; as the feverai 
chords of 3ds, 4ths, 5ths, 6ths, and 8ths, can be conveniently founded, and the 
inflrument rendered fuffkiently harmonious. But this lafl improvement is at pre- 
fent not univerfal, few being acquainted with it. 

Thefe are all the Irifh wind inftruments we have been able to difcover, nor doth 
it appear they had any more. And even thefe, the ancient Bards during the clofe 
of the middle and commencement of the latter ages, either were not acquainted 
with, or did not confider them ckffic, and confequently rejected them from their 
concerts. The only bardic inftruments in efleem on the arrival of the Englifh, were 
the Rythmical j which we fhall now confider. 

IRISH RYTHMICAL INSTRUMENTS. 

Of this fpecies of inftruments Cambrenfis mentions only two, which were in 
efleem among the Irifh in his time, that is, the Drum and Harp j and Brompton 
fpeaks of no more. (21) 

The Drum or Tympanum^ called by the Irifh Tiompan, is a very ancient inflru- 
ment ; the Greeks and Romans were acquainted with it in very remote periods, and 
all the Gothic nations ufed it as a mufical inflrument to beat time with ; for which 
purpofe it is flill retained by the fouthern Europeans and mofl of the Afiatics, 

Among 

(ji) Hibernia quidem tantum duobus utitur et dele&atur inflrumentis; Cythaia fcilicet ct Tympana, fupra, p. 739, 
Hibernici in duobus mufici generis iuftrumentis. Brompion. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 25 r 

.« < 4-4 4-4 -4 4 '4-4 -4-4 -4 -4-4-4 4--4-4-4-4 «4 -4-4-4-4-4-4-4-4-4-4-4 -4-4-4 •«-<-«+>..►..>. »..>..>..,..»_>..,..,->..»..>..,..».,>..»..>..>.>..>..>. ► ">.■>.■>• >••>•>.>■■>• ►• >■•>•■>-»•>. 

Among the Irifh it was a kind of Tabor, confiding of a fkin drained over an iron 
hoop or ring, and beat with the fingers or flicks. 

Befides the Tiompan, the Irifh are faid to have had two others, not mentioned 
by Cambrenfis, that is the Chrotal and Crotalin. 

The Chrotal feems not to have been a Bardic Inflrument ; but the Bell-Cymbal 
ufed by the Clergy, and denominated a Crotalum by the Latins ; confiding of two 
metallic fpheres, hollow, and containing fome grains of metal to make them found, 
being connected by a flexible fliank (22). The Bell Crotalum was alfa ufed by 
the Roman Pagan Prieds, where the Bellswere hemifpheres, its figure is on a 
done dedicated to the mother of the Gods j and during the lad century was in 
the palace of Cardinal Csefius in Rome. 

The Crotalin or Crotba, feems to be the Crepitaculum of the Romans, being a 
kind of rattle, made of wood, brafs, gold or filver, of different forms. Several of 
thefe indruments of brafs, were found in the park of Slane in 1781, confiding of 
two circular plates of brafs, connected by a wire twided in a wormlike manner 
round the fliank, and jingled when the inflrument was druck by the fingers. They 
were only ufed in accompanying a fingle voice, and not peculiar to the Irifh, but 
common to mod nations of Europe, and with the Crotalum and Tiompan,. were 
probably introduced by the Chridian Clergy. 

Of the Irifh Stringed Indruments, Cambrenfis mentions only one, that is the 
Harp ; but the native writers fpeak of another, which they denominate a Cruit or 
Cruitb, without expreffing either its form or power. The word in the prefent ac- 
ceptation of the language, fignifies either a Harp or Violin, and feems to be a ge-. 
neral name for all Stringed Indruments. In former times, it probably was the fame, 
as the Welfh Crzutb, and neglected on the introduction of the Harp. 

The Clarfecb or Harp, the principal mufical inflrument of the Hibernian Bards,, 
does not appear to be of Irifh origin, nor indigenous to any of the Britifh iflands. 
The Britons undoubtedly were not acquainted with it, during the refidence of the, 
Romans in their country j as on all their coins, on which mufical indruments are 
reprefented, we fee only the Roman Lyra, and not the Britifh Teylin or Harp. 
Neither can the Welfh trace their Bards or Mufic, higher than the time of CadwaU 
lador, who died in 688. (23) Both the Greeks and Romans were unacquainted 

witlV; 

(iz) Crotala quoque did fonoras fpherulas, qus quibufdam granis in.'erroStis pro quaiititate fui, et fyeci'e mctalli fen* 
cdunt. Joh. Sarifber, 1. 8. c. 10. 

(23) Pennant's Tour through N. Waies, 



aja OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 



••<•■<•■<+>■•>••>■>■. 



• >•>■>■»■ >•■>>• >• > » > > >. >• >•».. 



with fuch an inflrument, as it is not found on their Coins and Sculptures, till 
towards the decline of the Empire of the latter. The Greeks have it not ; the 
Mufical Inflruments of the modern Greeks confift of the ancient Lyre, which they 
play with their fingers and a Bow; they have alfo the Guittar, but no Harp. (24) 

Eucherius Bifhop of Lyons, who flourifhed in the 5th century, informs us, that 
the Barbatic Cithara, was in the form of a Greek Delta, and like the Nablium. 
But the Nablium and Harp could not be the fame ; for, in (25) Ovid, they are dif- 
ferent. As to its form refembling the Greek Delta, the Irifh Harp ftill retains the 
form of that letter of the 6th century (26) ; and is rudely reprefented on the front 
of Adderbury Church Suffolk ; but more accurately delineated on the elegant mo- 
nument at Nieg in Scotland (27) ; which leaves not the leaft doubt of the Irilh 
Harp being of the fame form as thofe of the Saxons, and other Gothic nations. 
But as none of the Sculptures reprefent the firings, nor are they expreffed by any 
writer of the middle ages, the power of this mufical inflrument (till remains un- 
known. To obtain fuch information it will be neceffary to enquire among the Sythic 
Tribes yet uncivilized, for its prifline (late, where it lately has been discovered. 

Monfieur Gmelin in his Travels through Weflern Tartary, fays, that " they 
* c have a mufical inflrument, which the Ruffians call a GouJJi. This inflrument is 
" made like a Harp. It has eighteen firings fupported by a very low bridge, fitu- 
" ated near the place where the firings are fixed. The pins round which they are 
" turned, and by which they are tuned, are fituated on the other fide of the inflru- 
" ment. The firfl and fecond firings are 5ths to each other, the third is a femitone 
" above the fecond ; the fourth a third above the fecond, the fifth a third above the 
" fourth, the fixth a femitone above the fifth, the feventh a tone above the fixth, 
" and fo of the others. The Mufician feated on the ground, plays with the right 
■" hand the Bafs, and with the other, the Treble." (28) 

Here we have the real power and number of the firings of the ancient Harp, 
and probably in the very flate it was introduced into Britain by fome of the Gothic 
Tribes in the 5th century. The intire compafs of the three Scales or Syflems of 

Tones, 

(14) Voyage Lit. de la Grece 3 Edit. torn. I. par Monfieur Guys. See alfo the figure of a Lyre, to be plaped on 
with a Bow, having the bridge curved like a Violin, in plate 109, vol. 1. of the Cabinet of the Hon. Sir. William 
Hamilton, Naples, 1.766. 

( 2 j) " Difce etiam duplici genialia Nablia palma 

*' Ple&ere, conveniunt dulcibus ilia modus." Ovid. 

(26) Bernard's Tables. (27) Cordner's Views, &c. No. I. 

(18) Voyage en Sibere, par Monf. Gmelin, torn. 1, p. 30. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 253 

Tones, will be a 4th -above four o&aves ; the latitude of the modern Welfh Harp, 
and nearly that of our prefent Harpfichords, beginning in the lower E in the Bafs, 
and afcending by 5ths, 3ds, and 2nds to G G in alt, with the chromatics of the 
fundamentals marked. r l he Scales are in E and B, and the Keys in which Tunes 
could be played, are in E* and B^. The initrument in this (late was principally 
calculated for fuftaining the voice ; fome few airs indeed might be played upon it, 
but it was inadequate to that lively fymphonic mufic, cultivated by both the Irifh 
Bards and Northern Scalds, in fubfequent and more improved periods. (See this 
Harp, in the annexed plate taken from the Monument of Nieg.) 

The Irilh Bards, on receiving the Gothic or Scythic Harp, or as they denominat- 
ed it in their native tongue Oirpeam^ would naturally confider of the moft proper 
means of adapting it to their vocal mufic, and render it capable of fupporting the 
voice and performing their fymphonic airs, for which in fubfequent periods they 
became fo celebrated. This they effe&ed by filling up the 5ths and 3ds in each 
Scale, by which, and the afiiftance of the Church Mufic, they were enabled to 
complete their Scale, and increafe the number of firings from 18 to 28 ; in which 
the original Chromatic Tones were retained, and the whole formed on the oral 
improved fyflem. Under thefe improvements, though the inflrument had increafed 
in the number of its firings, it was fomewhat reduced in capacity ; for inflead of 
beginning in the lower E in the Bafs, it commenced in C a fixth above, and termi- 
nated in G an octave below ; and in confequence became much more melodious, 
and capable of accompanying the voice. Thefe improvements were mofl probably 
further enlarged on the introduction of the Latin Church Mufic by (30) Malachy 
O'Morgair, Archbifhop of Armagh, about the year 1134. From which period the 
Irifh Poetry and Mufic are fuppofed to have (31) feparated, and vocal and inflru- 
mental Mufic became diftinct. Prior to this century it is probable Symphonic Mufic 
was not fo much practifed, and the inflruments were principally ufed to fuflain the 
voice by accompanying its accented parts. However they feem to have improved in 
a few years, far fuperior to their neighbours ; and the Irifh Harp of 28 firings 
became more capable of true Mufic than any other at that time in ufe. 

A Harp of this fpecies and 32 inches high, is reprefented in the plate, taken from 
one in Trinity College, Dublin, and fuppofed to have belonged to Brien Boromh. 
It is certainly much later than that Prince, and probably not Bardic j but of that 

3 t fpecies 

(30) Inter S. Bernardi Opera, cap. 16. (3!) O'Connor's Differtations, 



254 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

fpecies denominated Cainthar or Cainthar Cruit, that is, the finging Harp ; being 
ufed by private perfons to accompany the voice ; efpecially by Ecclefiaftics, who 
conflantly carried one about with them, and to which they fang their Hymns, (32) 
and in all probability was derived from the Roman Nablium introduced from Italy. 
This inftrument was nearly of the fame figure as the Harp, but much fmaller, 
containing only 12 firings, but in fubfequent periods improved into the fmall 
Harp of 28 firings. 

The Bardic Harp derived from the Gothic, was a large inftrument .with deep 
Bafs Tones, generally ufed in concerts or large companies, and diftinguifhed by the 
Irifh by the name of Cream-Crutin or Creamtin Cruit, that is, the noify or feftival 
Harp. This, from 28 firings, was in the latter ages augmented to 33, beginning 
in C in the Tenor, and extending to D in alt. Which feems to have been the lafl 
improvement in the Irifh Harp, and in which flate it flill remains. A Harp of this 
kind 5 feet high, is (33) reprefented in the plate, and was made in 1726. 

Although the Irifh on the decline of the Bardic Order neglected the Harp, the 
Welfh, who are faid to have, as well as the Erfe, received the improved Harp from 
(34) Ireland, continued to augment the power of the inftrument j and adopting the 
prefent fyftem, have increafed the number of firings to 97, extending their power 
from C in the Tenor, to double G in alt, divided into three rows ; by which means 
the Diatonic and Chromatic Syftems are preferved diftin£l. The right hand row 
contains the Bafs of 36 firings : the (3$) left the Treble of 26, and the middle the 
Semitones of .35. — It will not be neceffary here to defcribe the Harp as improved by 
Nugent, an Irifh Jefuit, mentioned by Lynch, as it never was ufed either in Ireland 
or in Britain ; and as it has been fully dilated upon by Mr. Walker, (36) to whom 
Ireland is indebted for the firft attempt, to trace the rife and progrefs of her 
Mufic. 

In refpeft to the technical terms of the component (^y) parts of the Harp in the 
Irifh language, the wooden frame was denominated Clair or the Board ; the firings 
Tead or Teadach ; the armor head in which the pins were placed, Cionar ; the 

front 

(3a) Hinc accidit, ut Epifcopi et Abbates, et fanfti in Hibernia viri cytharas circumferre et in eis modulando pie 
delectari confueverint. Cambrens. fupra. *s 

(33) Walkei's Memoirs of Irifh Bards, p. I — 163. 

(34) The Welfh received the Irifh Harp under Gryffidh ap Conan, Prince of North Wales, in the reign of King 
Stephen, according to Caradoc and Powel, p. 191. 

(35) Evans on the Welfh Harp, in Ree's Edit, of Chambers's Dictionary. 
(36; Hift. Memoirs of the Irifh Bards, p. 133. (37) O'Clerigh, 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 255 

-«-+•««•< ■< «<•< ■<• •< •<<<■<< < < < <<<■•< •< •«•<••<•< •«•<■<•■< .<■■<■•<••<■•<••<•.<•<+>..>..>..>. >. >. >. >•■>.•>.>.>.>..>..>.>.>..>..>..>.». >..>..>. >>••>■>■>■>■->•>■■>■►'>•>•>•>•>■>•■ 

front or (lay, Orfead, and the pins on which the firings were tuned, Urnaidhim 
Geangal. — Under thefe relative denominations the Irifh gave their Harp various 
names ; as from its founding board Clairfech or Mufical Board ; from its firings 
Teadhkin, whence the Welfh Teylin ; from its arm Cionar^ and from the trembling 
of the firings Cruit. Among which derivatives, the original name (38) Oirpeam, 
from the Gothic Hearpa, was nearly loft. 

Concerning the materials of which the ancient Irifh Harps were compofed we 
have no juft information ; they mod probably were of wood, and the firings either 
of thongs of leather called Teadfeitbeach, or of brafs wire denominated TeadmioU 
aha ; but moft generally the latter, according to (39) Cambrenfis. The fmall 
Harps were generally flrung with thongs and flruck with the fingers. The larger 
had firings of brafs wire, and were played on with a (40J plettrum, or crooked 
nail. 

During the middle ages, the Harp appears to have been an univerfal inftrument 
among the inhabitants of this Ifle ; and in confequence their muficians became ex- 
pert performers, and fuperior to their brethren in Britain j and in a great meafure, 
rrlerited the high character given them by Cambrenfis, who obferves, that " tlie 
* c attention of thefe people to mufical inflruments is worthy of praife - r in which 
" their fkill is beyond comparison, fuperior to that of any other nation that we fee. 
" For in thefe modulation is not flow and folemn, as in the inflruments of Britain, 
" to which we are accuflomed ; but the founds are rapid and precipitate, yet fweet 
" and pleafmg. It is extraordinary in fuch rapidity of the fingers, how the mufical 
" proportions are preferved, and the art every where unhurt, among the compli- 
" cated modulations, and the multitude of intricate notes ; fo fweetly fwift, fo 
" irregular jn their compofition, fo diforderly in their concords, yet returning to 
" unifon and completing the melody. Whether the chords of the Diatefieron or 
" Diapente be flruck together, they always begin in Dulce and end in the fame, 
" that all may be perfect in completing the delightful fonorous melody. They com- 
" mence and quit their modulations, with fo much fubtlety, and the tinkling of 
" the fmall firings fport with fo much freedom under the deep notes of the Bafs ;, 
*' delight with fo much delicacy, and footh fo foftly, that the excellency of their 
" art lies in concealing it." (41) 

This 

[ (38) From Oirpeam comes the modern Irifh Oirpbeadacb a Harper, and Oirfd, Melody. 

(39) JErk quoque magis utuntur chordis Hiberni, quam de corio faftis. Supra. 

(40) Good's account of the Irifh in Camden's Britannia. (,41) Cambrenfis. Supra/ 



356 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 

This eminence of the IriPn Harpers is not exaggerated, nor is it a compliment 
paid to the nation, as forae have imagined. Cambrenns was one of the mod ac- 
complifhed fcholars of his time, and perfectly underftood both the theory and practice 
of Mufic at that period cultivated in Britain, where the Englifh Minflrels and 
Welfh Bards, principally applied their inftruments in fupporting the voice in plain 
fong, and were in a great meafure unacquainted with fymphonic airs, to which in- 
deed their languages were little adapted ; on the contrary, the varied cadence of 
the Irifli tongue, and the brilliant fymphonies which naturally arofe from it, muft 
have greatly delighted and aflonifhed an ear not accuftomed thereto. Befides, it 
was not in the full choir nor crowded theatre, that the Irifh muficians were trained 
in practice, but in the lonely defart, the deep valley and the rugged mountain, where, 
familiar with the fighing gale, foftening echo and pealing thunder, they became 
acquainted with thofe natural graces, which give fo much elegance to modern mufic; 
and the Forte, Piano, Termente, &c. conflantly adorned their melodious perfor- 
mances. And in accompanying the vocal mufic with the Harp, they fometimes 
imitated the modulations of the voice, then quitting it, the Bafs notes only founded; 
again, whilfl the voice moved flowly and gravely along, the treble firings delight- 
fully tinkled above, as it were re-echoing the fong from the furrounding objects. 
But it was principally in their fymphonies that their inflrumental mufic was exhibit- 
ed ; for they do not appear to have had pieces entirely compofed for inftruments as 
in the prefent age. In the harmonic part, the 4th and 5th feem to have been the 
principal chords, either fingle or {truck together, and by which the octave was 
formed in the commencement and clofe of the Key ; whilfl the Difcords were fre- 
quently introduced towards the (42) middle of the performance. As their fyftem 
was founded on the Oral Scale, and the chromatic tones only fuch as naturally arofe 
therefrom, they mufl have frequently been under the necefiity of changing their 
Keys, and in confequence have recourfe to the refolution of Difcords. But of their 
difpofition of thefe, and even the general management of their Concords, we are 
ignorant. They feem in every part of their performances to have fludied nature, 
and to have paid little regard to art ; thereby forming a flyle flrong and expreffive, 
but wild and irregular. This wildnefs, however, though deflitute of the truth of 
compofition, was not deflitute of the power of producing pleafing and extraordinary 
effects on the minds of the hearers. 

About 

(41) Cambrenfis, fwpra. 






OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 2 57 

About the commencement of the 14th century, feveral of the Irjfh Bards who 
refilled within the Englifli Pale, fuch as O'Carrol and Cruife, becoming acquainted 
with the modern improvements, tuned their Harps on the Diatonic Syitem, and 
thereby rendered their inftruments more pleafing to an ear accuftomed to the Church 
and Italian Mufic, at that time (43) cultivated in Britain. But whether fuch improve- 
ments extended through the kingdom we are not informed. The Irifh Harps every 
where however feem to have fupported their credit, by agreeable and able performer^, 
even to the (44) middle of the 16th century. From which period the whole Ifland 
becoming fubject to the laws, and adopting the manners of the Englifli, the Bardic 
Order became extinct. 

Thus have we fpecified the nature and ftate of the ancient Irifli Mufic both Vocal 
and Instrumental, as far as the materials we have been able to obtain have thrown 
light upon the fubject. It would have been a pleafing circumstance if they had 
enabled us to have proceeded further, and given the reader fpecimens of the old 
Bardic Mufic of this Iiland ; but we are forry to fay this is far from being the cafe, 
no fuch fpecimens now exift ; as the whole for want of notation mult have died with 
the Order. So far from communicating their mufical compofitions to thofe not ini- 
tiated into their art, they took all poflible care to conceal their principles, conftantly 
instructing their pupils in private, and obliging them to commit their Ieffons to me- 
mory. (45) 

The fubjects on which they exerted their genius were various, embracing every 
fpecies of Poetry and Mufic that could affect and agitate the human mind. Thefe 
they diftinguimed under three fpecies or genera, which they denominated Adhbhan- 
trircach, or the three Modes of Mufic, that is, the Goltraigbi, or Sorrowful Mode, 
the Geantbraigbe, or Merry Mode, and the Suantraigbe, or Sleepy Mode. The 
firft comprehended all fongs on plaintive, folemn and grave fubjects, fuch as funeral 
lamentations, elegies, &c. The fecond thofe appertaining to festivity, war, the chace, 
dances, drinking fongs, he. And the third to love-ditties, and every kind of foft 
and effeminate pieces j and more efpecially to a kind of foft humming mufic, in 

3 u which 

(43) Camum O'Karvill, qui etfi non fuerit chorctalis primus inventor, omnium tamen prsedecefforum & prsecedentium 
ipfc ac cotemporancorum Corrector, Doiftor & Director extitit. Clynn apud. Walker's Bards, p. 122, and fome obferva- 
tions on this paffage of Clynn by the Author of thefe Antiquities. 

(44) Camden's Britannia, Gough'a Edit, vol 3d. p. 662. 

'.4j) " Adhbhantrireach, purt no Ceol as a ttuigthear thri ni 

" Geanthraighe, Goltraighi agus Suantraighc." 

Lhuyd ex O'Clerigh. 



258 OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, &c. 

■which the Bards fung their nocturnal poems in the chambers of their Patrons, (46) 
or whilft they flept in the fields during military and hunting expeditions. 

A number of fongs and tunes on thefe fubjects are (till remaining among the 
people, which are, as we obferved before, expreffive and well adapted to the genius 
of the language j but none are of ancient date, nor can any of them be properly 
deemed Bardic. Of thefe Luinniocs, or as the Scots call them, Lunigs, the molt 
elegant have long been laid before the public, and therefore need not be mentioned 
here. (47) 

From this examination of the Mufic of the old inhabitants of Ireland it appears, 
that their Bards cultivated that art in a ftyle equal, if not fuperior to their neigh- 
bours. But even in this, if compared with the moderns as an Art, candour muft 
acknowledge that they were nearly barbarians. — Though perhaps it is not juft to 
compare one with the other, either the ancient with the modem mufic, or the mo- 
dern with the ancient ; as they were undoubtedly conftructed on different principles. 
The object of the ancients was either to imitate, foothe or excite the paflions. 
This the moderns pay little attention to ; confined to the rules of art, their princi- 
pal object is to diverfify thofe rules, to produce a variety of compofitions in order 
to gratify the fluctuating and often depraved tafte of their age, in which the fubiime 
and beautiful are no more found. The feveral arts and fciences cultivated by the 
human mind are conftantly fluctuating, and appear in different periods to have an 
efflux and reflux, like the waves of the fea. From rude beginnings they gradually 
rife to a degree of perfection which nearly approaches the true fubiime. But this 
ftage is no fooner obtained, than they immediately decline, and by too great an 
exactnefs and minutenefs in their compofition become debilitated and effeminate ; 
preferving neither the gay, wild, or irregular features of youth, nor the fteady, 
regular and noble appearance of manhood, but covered over with the wrinkles of 
old age, hobble in a fhort time to the grave of oblivion. Such has conftantly been 
the fate of the polite arts in general, and of Mufic in particular. Among the Irifh, 
it probably had attained its utmoft point of perfection in the time of Cambrenfis, 
from which period it v/as on the decline ; and though in fubfequent ages it was 
reduced more to a regular art, it (till continued to decreafe in vigour, and at length 
expired with the Bardic Order. 



OF 



(46) Walker's Memoirs of the Irifh Bards, p. 71. 

(47) Ibid. 



( 2 59 ) 



.*"'*. .•"'. .•**'. . %,, n. .•''». .•*'■'.. ••" , .,.*"•*..•'''.. i*"%. •'*'•*. »*'*•• .•"'•., .*'••.. .**••.,.*"**..•''*.. .•*'«. .**''.,»»''». »•*'•. •"'«. 0> t# «» ,»"*, .•■•», »•*», .••*•, .»••■«, ■*-*« 

+ + + + + + + + + + + + -+ + + + + + + ♦ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + * + + + + + * 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

AVERY ingenious (i) friend has favoured the world with an hiflorical effay on 
this fubject, wherein tafte and knowledge are happily united. A critical ex- 
amination of ancient writers has fupplied fome additional information, and enabled 
me to make fome additions and correct fome miftakes. Involved in obfcurity, 
antiquarian topics are not eafily exhaufted, even by the mod fedulous investigation,, 
particularly Irifh Antiquities, which, in an enlightened view, are but a new ftudy. 

Ware gives a very flight and imperfect account of the drefs of the ancient Irifh, 
and what he advances will be found erroneous ; for the frize mantle reaching to the 
ankles was not their original, but more modern garb. Very little to be depended 
on has occurred to me of the ancient Irifh drefs, antecedent to the 8th century ; an 
Irifh Canon of that age ii) decrees, that every Clerk from the Door-keeper to the 
Prieft, who fhall be feen without his Tunic, and who does not cover the nakednefs 
of his belly, fhall be feparated from the Church. 

The clerical Tunic was at (3) firft a long loofe garment with fleeves, after it was 
fhortened and came but to the knees ; in either cafe it was a covering fufficiently 
decent, and therefore the Canon implies that the Irifh ecclefiaflics wore the fecular 
drefs which was the (4) Rheno, a lambfkin or woollen mantle, covering the moulders, 
and reaching only to the elbows, leaving the reft of the body naked ; the drefs of 
the Britons and Germans according to Caefar and Tacitus. If any reliance is to be 
placed on the legendary life of St. Cadoc, cited by Ware, the Irifh Coccula, in (5) 

the 

(1) Jofeph C. Walker, Efq. Author of the curious and valuable Memoirs of the Irifh Bards, &c. &c. 

(2) S. Patric. Opufc. a Ware, p. 42,43. Sperling fevereiy criticifes Cluverius for faying thu ancient Germans and. 
Northerns were naked before, as he had no authority for fuch an affertion. Apud Nov. liter, Mar. Bait. 1698. p. 2©6. 
We fee Cluverius was right. 

(3) Ferrar. de re vefciar. p. 109. Cafal.de rit. vet. p. 191. 

(4) See Csefar and Tacitus. Rhetiones velamhia funt humerorum. Ifidor, 1. 29. c, 13. For the name, Salmas. in.i 
Tertuli. de pallio, but more fully, I.ocen. Antiq. Sue- Goth-, p. 107. 

(5) Colgan. Act. Sa&&. Hib. T. 1. p. 39S. 



26o OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

*he middle of the 6th century was a cloke with a fringed or fhagged border at the neck, 
with an hood to cover the head, this (6) Coccula corrupted from Cucullus demon- 
strates. The Church was frequently obliged by fevere laws, during the (7; middle 
ages to renew and enforce the canons refpecting the drefs of the Clergy, who feerned 
fond of indulging in laical garments. But not one of thefe, as far as I have exa- 
mined, mention the deplorable excefs to which the Irifh and Anglo-Saxons carried 
indecency. Some farther explanation is necefTary. 

The Britons and Northern, from the remotest ages were accuftomed to mark their 
fkin with the (8) figures of animals either by way of ornament, or diltinction. As 
it was their greater!; pride to have thefe feen, they were confequently naked before, 
the bread and belly being particularly adorned. In (9) England the practice conti- 
nued to the nth century, and even in the 12th it had not gone into difufe ; for 
William of Malmefbury (10) tells us, the Anglo-Saxons wore fhort garments, reach- 
ing only to the knees, their {kins being punctured with ornamental figures. The 
Irifh defcended from the fame (n) flock with the Anglo-Saxons, and connected by 
a conflant friendly intercourfe, muft have acquired the fame cuftoms and manners, 
and the facts alleged evince the truth of this remark. So that it may fafely be af- 
firmed, the moft ancient Irifh drefs, of which we have any certain account, was 
barely a fkin mantle, which the (12) Welfh alfo ufed : this was afterwards changed 
for a woollen one, the reft of the body was entirely naked. 

Doctor Macpherfon properly (13) obferves that Sagum or Saic was the name of 
the German fkin mantle, and which it retained when it came to be made of manu- 
factured wool. Strabo calls the Belgic Gauls, Sagaferi, or wearers of Saga. The 
word is originally Teutonic, and appears to be fo in all its variations and com- 
pounds. The ancient Sagum was the fame as the Rheno, with a (14) cowl or hood, 

covering 

(6) See the 18th canon of the Council of Clovefhoo, A. D. 747. and 19th canon of Cealchythe, A. D. 785, apud 
Wiflrins and Johnfon. 

(7) Cone, Metens. A. D. 888. Rhegin. c. 335. Burchard. 1. 3. c. 2.08. In cone. Liptin. and Capit. 1. Carlom. 
Priefls and Deacons are inhibited from uflng the Saga of iaics. Boniface, Archbilhop of Mentr does the fame. Epift. 
105. Lindcnbrog. Cod 1373. 

(8) Pelloutier, Hilt, des Celtes. T. 1. p. 29$. Pinkerton proves this to be a German cuftom, and it ftrengthens what 
has been advanced on our colonization, Hid. of Scotland, v 1. p. 12H. 

(9) Pelloutier, fupra. 

(10) Angli veftibus ad medium genu expediti, pi&uratis ftigmatibus cutem infigniti. De geft. reg. Anglor. p. 10 J. 

(11) Antiquities of Ireland, fupra.. 

(12I They called it Yigin and Yigaen, Bernard. Etym Brit, in Sagum. 

(13) Critical Diff p. 150. 

(14) Braun. de veftic. Heb. T, a. p. 583. Spina fagulum infibulare folitos. Tacit. Germ 



y 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



261 



• ■<■■<■•<■« •< •<•!»>. >•■>•>->•< 



• ■>■>■•>•>■•>■>•■>■>•■ 



>■>>•>•>•>■>■•>•>•>•>•>.• 



covering the fhoulders and fattened before with a thorn, fkewer or broche. In 
the time of Strabo, about the Incarnation, the woollen manufu&ure was very exten- 
five and well underftood in Belgic Gaul. He (15) fays, its wool was coarfe and 
fhorr, of this they wove Saga, which the Romans (16) called Laense. Thofe who 
lived more to the northward had flocks with very fine wool, which they covered with 
(kins. It appears from Varro, that the fine woolled fheep of Tarentum and Attica 
were thus protected from the weather and dirt, fo precious were their fleeces. The 
fame excellent geographer goes on to inform us, fo abundant were the Belgic flocks 
and herds that they were enabled to fupply, not only Rome with Saga or mantles 
and fait provifions, but mofl other (17) parts of Italy. The Firbolgs or Belgic co- 
lonies introduced the woollen manufacture into this Ifle, and with it the Sagum or 
mantle. Through every age, the Belgians kept a fuperiority in woollen fabrics. In 
the 9th century, the Frifons a part of them, made Saga but fo fhort, that inftead 
of covering the whole body, (the fafhion then) they fcarcely came to the thighs, fo 
that Charlemagne found it neceflary to have them enlarged, by an (18) exprefs law. 
The Frifon Saga the French called (19) mantles. In the reign of William the 
Conqueror, thefe Flemings came to (20) England, where they fettled in various 
places, and improved the natives in the arts of weaving, fulling and dying. Being 
exceedingly (21) converfant in the working of wool and of trade, and fearlefs of 
danger, feeking gain by fea and land, there is flrong prefumption that numbers of 
them came to Ireland along with the Welch and other adventurers in the reign of 
Henry II. particularly as the maritime parts and beft ports in the Ifle were occur 
pied by their countrymen. Thefe notices may be added to the (22) Efiay of the 
Earl of Charlemont ; here the antiquity of the woollen manufacture is carried much 
higher than that memoir does. 



3* 



The 



(15) Lib. 4. p. 135, 136. Edit. Cafaub. The paffage is difficult and has been mifunderftood, but is clearly explained 
by Ferrar. fjp. p. 117, 118. 

(16) By adhering to the common punctuation, O'Brien makes Laena a Celtic word. Dit5lion. in Corplein. 

'17) AXXa xxi Tut ■rXlifoi; pipift ry>s IraXix;. Strab. fup. 

(18) Pithoei at Karol. M. Capit. p. 76, 77. 

(19) Mantel ot cher, que teiflirent Frifons. Du Cange in Saga Prefonica. 
(jo) Lord Lyttleton's Hen. II. v. 2. p. 185, 186: Dublin Edit. 

(ai) Gens laniSciis, gensmercicmoniis ufitatiilima, quocunque" labore fine periculo terra marique lucrum quxrcre, Gir. 
Cambrens. p. 848. 
[Zi) Tranfaclions of the Royal Irifh Academy. V. 1. p. 18. 



2f52 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

The derivation of Sagum, from the German word ferge cannot be admitted on any 
ground of analogy or etymology. Serge is an (23) original Teutonic word, and fo 
is Sack, the latter the Greeks and Romans changed into Sagum, and the (24) French 
into Sagia, Saium and Saia. lrifh Sayes or fluff are thus fpoken of by an (25) Ita- 
lian poet about 1357. 

" Simili 'merit 'e pajfamo en Irlanda, 
<l La qua! fra not e degna di fama, 
" Per le nobile Sale che ci manda." 
i. e. 
Ci In like manner we pafs into Ireland, which among us 
<c is worthy of renown, for the excellent fluffs (he fends us." 
From thefe words Lord Charlemon. infers, that Ireland at this time was famous 
for her woollen manufacture. But this conclufion refults more from the warmtn of 
patriotifm, than any fubflantial evidence. For had this manufacture been as great, 
as is pretended, Gilds, as in England, would have been founded, the crown would 
have looked for a revenue, and the public records in England and Ireland would 
have preferved traces of it, and our Sayes would probably have been found in the 
Wardrobe account of Edward I. A.D. 1299, publifhed by the London Society of 
Antiquaries. Three or four memorials of lrifh cloth, in the records of as many 
centuries, may evince the exiflence, but never the celebrity of fuch a manufacture. 
Befides thefe negative proofs, which mufl always carry confiderable weight, I (hall 
now account for the introduction of our fluffs into Italy, a curious point on which 
the noble Earl has not touched. 

A Statute made in Kilkenny, 3 Edward II. A.D. 13 10, forbids lrifh Lords to take 
exorbitant priiages, or heavy duties from merchants, for permiffion- of difpofing 
their commodities within their refpective territories. This law was enacted in favour 
of the Frefcobald fociety at Florence, who farmed the king's revenue throughout 
his dominions, and very difhoneflly carried it off, for which Edward (26) applied to 
the Pope to fecure their perfons and property. Thefe merchants imported Wines, 

Spices, 

(13) Killian. Dift. Teut. in Sargie, hence the German Serg, and the Italian Sargia. Skinner in Serge. 

(24) Saio nihil aliud eft quam Sago ; g in i mutato, quod in noftra lingua Gallic* 1'requens eft, in his vocabulis qua 
ex Latinis funt deflexa. Salmas in Spartian. p. »8. 

(45) Tranfadtions, l'upra. See the 8th ftatute of Edward III. A. D. 1 376, which feems net favourable to the Italian 
poet. 

(26) Prynne on the 4th Institute, p. 143. Anderfon's Hift. of Commerce, 13th and 14th centuries. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 263 

Spices, and the Shells of (27) Cocoa-nuts for drinking cups, and took in return 
our peltry and fayes. The Statute before recited was paffed to favour this traffic 
and by thefe means our woollens reached Italy ; they were cheaper and broader 
than thofe made there, and from the la ft circumftance the poet calls them " Nobile 
faie." As for Ireland being " degna di fama," merely for thefe Sayes, or to fuppofe 
the people polifhed and mercantile, without other concurrent proofs (and there are 
none) it muft be efteemed only a poetic expreflion. A country over-run with wild 
animals, and whofe fkins were its only riches, could be but little advanced in civi- 
lity and had but few objects of trade. 

Our noble writer conceives there was a peculiar excellence in Irifh fluffs to induce 
the Florentines, who made large quantities of them, to import them. In anfv/er 
to this, it muft be obferved, that the words, " fra noi," cannot be (trained to mean 
the Florentines excluhvely ; the Italians in general with whom they trafficked, are 
to be underftood, and for whofe fupply the Florentine manufactures were inade- 
quate. In a word, if it was not for the Lombard merchants, who accidentally 
cptned a trade here, we never mould have heard of Irifh Sayes in Italy. 

Giraldus Cambrenfis is the next authentic evidence, of the drefs of the Irifh in 
the 1 2th century : he (28) tells us they did not manufacture linen or woollen, or 
exercife any mechanical art. Lynch, who compofed a petulant and illiberal criti- 
cifm on this refpectable writer, pertly (29) afks., if the Irifh were fo ignorant, how 
they came to have mantles with hoods, fallins, lances and axes ? When Cambrenfis 
viewed the domeftication, the diet and drefs of the Irifh, and compared them with 
thofe of the Normans, who were elegantly (30) clad, delicately fed, and inhabiting 
large well built houfes he could not avoid pronouncing the former barbarians, defti- 
tute of every art and fcience, that could adorn or render life comfortable, and as 
fuch they would have appeared to every civilized man. That he meant by the fore- 
going general expreffions, the pofitive want of manufactures and mechanic arts can 
never be fuppofed, while his writings fupply fo many intimations to the contrary. 
Take his words as they lie before us, and by mercimonium muft be underftood, 
that neither their linens or woollens were objects to invite foreign commerce, and 

this 

(27) Collect, de reb . Hih. No. 5. p. 40. 

(18) Non lino, non lanificio, non aliqua mercimoniorum nee ulla mechanicarum artium fpecie vitam producunr. 
Page 739- 

(zo) Camb> in? E»er?. p. nj. 

(30) Veftibus ad invidiam cuki, cibis delicati, domi ingentia sdificiai William of Malmfb; fupra. 



264 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



,.< .«..<..< .< «..< .< .< < < .< .< .< .< .< <..<..« .< .<<..<< .,..<..<..<..<..<..<..< .< .<.. 



this is what he remarks of the (31) Welfh, his countrymen. Neither the exporta- 
tion of Saga, the ufe of golden chains, or dyed garments decorated with gold, 
made Strabo fay the Belgic Gauls were opulent and polifhed ; no, he obferves with 
all this finery there was fomething (32) barbarous, and uncommon in their nature, 
and that this was true of all the northern people. But the Editor of the Colle&anea 
and Lynch affirm the Irifh to have been civilized, becaufe acquainted with weaving 
and metallurgy ; if fo, then the natives of Africa, America, of Tartary, and all 
the ravages of the new and old world who pra&ifed, in fome degree, thefe arts may 
be faid to be refined : fuch exa&ly was the refinement of the Irifh, in the 1 2th 
century. 

, The Irifh, continues (33) Cambrenfis, are but lightly clad in woollen garments, 
barbaroufly fhaped, and for the moft part black, becaufe the fheep of the country 
are black. Lynch (34) here remarks, that our author contradicts himfelf, for he 
elfewhere fays their trowfers were dyed, whereas black will receive no colour. But 
it is our Hypercritic who errs, for Cambrenfis guardedly makes ufe of an adverb, 
by which he does not exclude white fheep, and by another (35) adverb, we learn 
the trowfe was not invariably dyed. 

Naturalifls (36) tell us, and with great truth, that the colours of animals are 
often their greateft fecurity from deftru&ion : thus the fmaller evade the larger infecls, 
and thus hares affuming a white colour in winter when fnow abounds, elude their 
fharp-fighted enemies. What nature thus kindly does for animals, refledion does 
for man. The Highlanders formerly exercifed in perpetual rapine, the better to 
conceal themfelves, gave to their clothes an heath-tincture. Thus fings Melville, 
one of their poets. 

Verum nunc plures fufcum magis cemu/a frondi 
Stfuteque ericina adamant ^ ut ne lux jiorida •vejlis 
Splendentis prodat, recubantes inque ericetis. 

The 

(31) Non mercimoniis, non navigiis, non mechanicis artibus, &c. Cambria defcrip. p. 887. Navigiis here juflifies 
the explanation I have here given. Rymer Fader, v. 3. p. jio. 

(32) T« BapSafov xui to IxtpvXm. Lib. 4. 

(33) Laneis enirn tenuiter utuntur & his omnibus ferme nigris, quia terrx iftius oves nigrx funt. Sup. p. 738. Sue- 
t!i3ns, Scandis populus pellium decora nigredine famofus. Jornandes. 

(34) Cambrcns. Evers. p. 104. (35) Braccis plerumque colore fucatis. p. 738. 

(36) Darwin's Botanic Garden. Canto I. p. 35. note Rubia. Melville apud Pennant's tour in Scotland. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



265 



_« ..< .< .« < i~t 4 « < < -< ■< < « < ■< < < <•<-<-< ■* ..«.<.<.«..< .<..«..<.« .«_«.< < .^. <+> ..,.. > . »..>..>_>..».>..,.>„>..>.>.>..>..>_,. >..>. >,.>„>. »_>..»..>. >,.>..>..►.». >..>..>..>->.>. 
The black clothing of the Irifh was for the fame purpofe, being the ($7) colour of 
their bogs, their conftant retreats. 

Cambrenfis next proceeds to an accurate defcription of the Irifh drefs as it was at 
the arrival of the Englifh : " They (38) ufually wear moderate clofe capuchins or 
" hooded mantles, covering the fhoulders and coming down to the elbows, compofed 
*' of various colours and ftripes, for the mod part fewed together, under which 
" they have Fallins or Jackets, and Breeches and Stockings of one piece." This 
account though very intelligible has as yet been ftrangely mifunderflood. The ca- 
puchin or mantle with its hood covered the head, moulders and breaft : the failin or 
jacket enclofed the body, and was met by the trowfers, which clothed the thighs 
and legs and were tied above the hips. It is no lefs extraordinary than true, that 
this was the drefs of the (39) Belgic Gauls in the age of Strabo. What this author 
defcribes feems to be the full drefs of one of fuperior rank ; the trowfers loofe and 
folded, the jacket open before and the (40) fleeves reaching to the fingers, belonged 
only to the higher claries. This ancient Teutonic drefs, Strutt has well exprelfed 
in one of his (41) plates. It would be furprizing indeed to find among the rude 
Irifh any thing like a pileus or petafus, which the Greeks and Romans long wanted; 
the (42) Suevi according to Tacitus had only their Cirri, and the Irifh their Coo- 
leens. 

The Birrus, Burrus, and Biretum of the Greek and Roman (43) writers were 
obvioufly the original of our Birred, the Teutonic Barret. It was (44) a thick 
woollen covering for the head and fhoulders : it was f\ nonimous with amphimallus. 
Juvenal fays : 

Tempora Santcnico vc/as adoperta cucullo. 



3 Y 



"Where 



(37) Borlafe's Ivirti Rebellion, p. 75. 

(38) Caputiis namque modicis aflueti funt 5c ardtis, trans humeros deorfum, cubito tenus, protends, variifque colorum 
generibus panniailorumque plerunque confutis : tub quibus phalingis laneis quoque palliorum vice utuntur, feu braccis 
calligatis, feu calligis braccatis. Page 738. Brompton. Chron. p. 107J. Compare this with Sidon. ApoIKnaris's account 
of the Gothic draft. Epift. 1. 4. ep. 20. & Savar. in loco. 

(39) "Seeyifcfust m x.cti »tu,orfof»iri, xxi u.ia,\u'pttrt xpavrui 'rifirrtra/iivatr. asri 01 giruvwv ;-,n?v; •^iifiiornt tytptvn ftifct._ 
Uiic.v. x&i yy.nrui. Strab 1. 4. • 

(40) 'X.uf.'iurai Ultra brachia & ufque in primores manus ac prope in digitos. Aul. Gell. 1. 7, c, 3, 

(41) Chronicle, V. 1. p. 340. It is alfo on the obeliik of Effie. Cordiner's ruins, No. 8. 

(42) Madido torquentis cornua cirro. Juvenal. 

(43) Suid. in Siffit. Meurs. Glofs. in B/p^;. Spelman. Glofs. p. 8r. 

(44) Sahms. in Vopifc. p. 393 — JI4 Turncb. Advcrf. 1, 18. c, 16. 1, ti, c. 30, 



266 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

Where the old Scholiafl interprets this Santonge cowl the Gallic Birrus ; and Mar- 
tial fhewslt was the Fame as the Bardocucullus, a fhort travelling mantle. 

Gallia Santonico vejlit te bardocucullo, 

Cercopithecorum ptsnula nuper erat. 

In latter ages, the Irifh detached the hood from the mantle, and formed it into a 
conical cap, and gave it the name of Birred. Rational, fober and authenticated 
inquiries will not fatisfy our Antiquaries ; this cap, common among the Anglo-Sax- 
ons, and to be feen in Strutt's work before quoted, our Antiquaries make an aca- 
demic Cap, conferred on the Bards, when they took the degree of Doctors in poetry: 
a regulation made by Ollamh Fodhla feven or eight centuries before Chrift. Such 
wild and contemptible fictions have long difgraced our Antiquities, and loudly fpeak 
the want of civility and letters, in thofe who liften to them. Academies were not 
incorporated as Univerfities before the izth or 13th century; antecedent to that, 
degrees were (45) not conferred. In Ireland there was no Univerfity till 1320. 

In the Synodic (46) flatutes of Sodor in the Ifle of Man, A. D. 1239, where the 
natives were in origin and language Irifh, the Clergyman is directed to receive as a 
mortuary, the — Caputium, Pileus or Capella — of the deceafed. The firfl: was the 
hooded mantle, the fecond the bonnet, and the laft a (47) fkin or woollen mantle, 
magged* on both fides, barely covering the moulders. The firfl was a holy-day drefs, 
the laft a working garment. Here we perceive an innovation in the drefs, ufed in 
the age of Cambrenfis, the hood was feparated from the mantle. This diftin&ion 
is ftill more vifible in the next century, when the Irifh Chieftains did homage to 
Richard II, the (48) relator informs us, " they laid afide their Caps." This Author 
fays, it was in the reign of the elder James they exchanged the mantle for the long 
cloke, but it was earlier, as (49) Spenfer teftifies. 

There is a drawing in (50) Strutt, exhibiting Mac Murrogh the Irifh King and 
Lis two attendants, iffuing from a wood to meet Thomas Defpencer Earl of Glocef- 
ter, in 1399. The king is faid to have a light pink robe over his fhoulders : the 
figure next to him is in white, with a red Cap, and the third in red, with a white 
Cap. We fhould be extremely cautious in giving credit to ancient drawings and 
illuminations, when not fupported by other authority. The prefent inflance is a 

proof. 

(45) Doctor Brett in tlie Works of the learned, No. I. p. 6. Lond. 1721. Robertfon's Charle9 V. Note sS. 

(46) Wiikins, fub Ann. (47) Martin in Capella and Bigerra. Du Cange in voce. 
(48) Davis's Relations, p. %% — U7. (49) View, p. 36 — 37, 

(50) Regal and Ecd, Antiq. p. 17. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 267 



< < < < < < ■< < < < < < < < ■< < < •< < <•<■•« <-■<■<-<+>• ►■ >• >•>■>••>.>. >■ > >..».>..,..>..>..>.>. >.., >... ► >.>.»*♦■■►••>•■»■>■•»■>■>•• 



proof. The robe never was the national drefs of the Irifh, befuies FroiiTart, a co- 
temporary, tells us, " Ces (51) roys eftoyent bien paris d'affluber un mantel d' 
Irlande :° thefe kings thought themfelves well apparelled in an Irilh mantle, and 
IMac Murrogh is named as one of thefe kings. Perhaps the drawing was made after 
king Richard had ordered, as FroifTart informs us, linen breeches, and gowns of 
filk furred with (52) miniver and grey to be provided for them. But furely no one 
will call this the Irifh drefs, or produce it as fuch. 

Cambrenfis obferves the Capuchin or hooded mantle had various colours, and 
patches of cloth, for the moll part fewn together, that is, it was ftriped either in 
the loom or with the needle. This was the Gallic (53) Caracalla, a fhort garment 
compofed of cloth, cut out into parts, and then joined by a taylor. From the 
words of Cambrenfis, it is evident thefe Capuchins were not wove whole, but made 
up of different coloured cloth, a rude fort of foppery, which (54.) Strabo found 
among their ancestors, the Belgic Gauls, and Tacitus among the Germans. Lynch, 
not underflanding Cambrenfis, tell us, inftead of patches and fhreds, he ought to 
have faid the capuchin was (55) fringed. Cambrenfis put down what he beheld, 
but his critic had not knowledge enough of our Antiquities, to perceive that the 
mantle was always rugged within, and that thrums or fringe always appeared round 
its edge, and that thefe were very different from the {tripes of various coloured cloth, 
in which the ancient Irifh delighted. In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when ruffs 
were falhionable, the Irifh imitated them. Inftead of a (56) cape to their clokes, 
they had a vafl quantity of thrums or yarn fringe, fo that when the mantle was 
put up clofe to the nape of the neck, as they ufually wore them, the fringe hung 
down near a foot long. 

Having difmiffed Cambrenfis' capuchin, we come next to his Phalang, Falang or 
Fallin. It is plain from Cambrenfis, Brompton and Camden this was ($y) the 
jacket. Cluverius (58) calls it the doublet, or pourpoint, a habit covering the back, 
breaft and arms. Lynch, with his ufual ignorance, fays it was the outfide rug 
cloke : this it could not be, for Cambrenfis defcribes it as worn under the hooded 
mantle. The name came with the manufacture into this Ifle. Fallen is the Anglo- 

£axon 

(51) Tom. 4. p. aoj. (525 See thefe explained by Skinner. Etymol. in voc. 

(53) Ferrar. de veft. p. 6z. 

(54) E,-^>ir«; BsTraii Kai ■yju-.tnte.tTu;. Strab. 1. 4, Purpura? variant. Tacit. Germ. c. 17. 

(55) Supra, p. Iio. (56) Cox's Hi ft. of Ireland. Apparac. V. 1. 

(57) Glufi. *& Broiuptott. Skinner in Falang, (j8-) Sununi veftis erat Hibemorum lacna, fupra, p. rjo. 



268 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



> >■>.». >. 



g&x@n (59) Falding, and at firft was a fkin mantle like the Sagum, and after a coarfe 
woollen (60) mantle, and equivalent with the amphimallus and birrus. When the 
Irifh jacket got the name of Fallin. 

The Braccae, or trowfers were breeches and ftockings of one piece. Doctor Mac- 
pherfon fneeringly remarks, " that if we confult either Lexicographers, or the 
writers of notes critical and explanatory, we fhall find fome difficulty in fettling the 
precife meaning of the word Bracca : but every Highlander knows the Bracca was 
an upper garment of divers colours." This writer as well as every other Antiquary 
is much indebted to- thofe who take the trouble of writing notes, critical or explana- 
tory, and his own Dilfertations are fome proof. Had he confulted thofe literary 
drudges, he would not have fo egregioufly blundered in making the Highland breac- 
can, (the Roman (61) Lacerna) the fame as the ancient Bracca, and that merely 
from the fimilitude of names. The bracca was the favourite drefs of the (62) 

Northerns. 

Pellibus & futis arcent mala f rigor a hraccis. Ovid. 

With us it only covered the {6^) thighs and legs, as among the Belgic Gauls, and 
from the words of Cambrenfis, before given, we learn the Irifh went as (64; com- 
monly with only the mantle and trowfers, as with the jacket, the latter being proba- 
bly the full drefs. As the braccse or trowfers were fometimes coloured (plerunque 
fucatse) and fometimes not, it is infinitely more likely they were denominated, rather 
from their fhape or figure than from their colour, which was accidental. Hence 
the name feems to be derived from the Teutonic Broeck, which was Latinized 
Bracca, and alluded to the rupture or divifion of the body at the thighs, and fuch 
is the opinion of the {&$) bed critics. In an Icelandic (66) chronicle of the year 
1 129, the Irifh drefs is faid to confifl of a Skirta, a fhirt or veft, Broekur, the trowfe, 
Mottul, the mantle, and Hott Irfkan, an Irifh Cap ; the trowfers tied with thongs 
palling under the fole of the foot. If there could be any doubt of Cambrenfis' 

veracity 



(59) Skinner in voce, who derives it from Feald, plica, but it is rather from Felle, a fkin. 

(60) Tyrrwhit'* Glofs. to Chaucer. Voc. Falding. 

(61) Ferrar. fup. T. a. p. 8. For the Scotch drefs, fee Pinkcrton's Scotland. V. 2. p. 73. note. 

(62) Totum braccatum corpus. Mel. I. 2. c. I. Ita hodie Gothi & braccacum nomen pro femoralibus adhuc plain 
■renuinum & vcrnaculum illis eft. Boxhorn. hift, univ. 1. I. 

(63) Thefe bracca: were named u*a%tip,h;. See Strab. fupra. Pinkcrton's Scotland, V. I. p. 394. for the Gothic 
dr<fs. 

(64) Note fupra 39. Such the conjunction, «' Sen," implies. 

(65) Calaub. in Scut. c. 82. Salmas. in Tertull. de paHio. c. i. Braun. fup. p. 444. Sperling, fupra, 

(66) Johnftorii's Antici. Ccko-Scand. p. 248. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



269 



veracity, this account, much earlier than his, diflblves it, both perfectly agree in 
the ancient drefs of the Irifh. Though Skirta may mean a linen fhirt, yet it was 
(67) generally any clofe under garment, for linen among the northerns was worn 
only by perfons of (68) rank. In like manner, the Icelandic hott or hat was any 
covering for the head, nor is it poffible to determine its form without the aid of 
drawings. The braccas coining down to the ankles feem to require no latchets, the 
latter muft have been inconvenient in walking : I therefore think a fort of fandal is 
to be underftood. 

Mr. Whitaker imagines the Irifh (69) brog or brogue received its name from brae, 
party-coloured, being variegated like the reft of their drefs. No authority is pro- 
duced, fo that the conjecture refts on the refemblance between brae, brag and brog. 
If in remote ages the brogue was made of the (70) dried fkins of beafts, and even 
at prefent of half tanned leather, where mall we place or rind on it that variety of 
colours Mr. Whitaker fpeaks of? Such affertions gravely and peremptorily made 
are throwing antiquities again into the dark regions of fable. The old Anglo- 
Saxon expreffion " clouted fhoen," has been brought to countenance Mr. Whita- 
ker's explanation, whereas it fimply means " pieced, or as we fay, cobbled fhoes,'* 
not adorned with patches of various colours, which if ever fafhionable in England, 
were never in this ifle. And thus the addrefs of the tanner to the king in the bal- 
lad of Edward IV. is to be underftood, 

" If ever thou comeft to merry Tamworth, 

" Neate's leather fhall clout thy fhoen." 
That is, fhall repair thy fhoes, not variegate them with pieces of different colours,, 
of which fort of finery the tanner could be fuppofed to know very little. Some 
have believed they faw the origin of brogue in the Irifh brog, an habitation, as if 
a fhoe was the reiidence of the foot ; others in broc, a badger, of whofe fkins 
brogues were anciently made. Before I quit this fubject, it has occurred to me, 
that Cambrenfis's " braccae caligatse feu caligss braccatas " intimate fomething more 
than breeches and ftockings of one piece : for caligas in (71) ancient and modem 
writers include the wooden, leathern or fkin fole protecting the foot, as well as the 

3 z latchets 



(67) Skinner, in Shirt. Whitaker, fup. V. i. p. 2-30. (68) Pinkerton, fupra. 

(69) Hill, of Manchefter, V. :. p. 228. Brog, fays Hire, is from the Suio-Gothic Bro, Stratum aliquod. 

(70) Harris's VvVe, p. 17S. 

(71) Byn. de calc. vet. Nigron. de Calig. Lynch well obferve?, " Apud Hibernos, bracca indumentum eft continu- 
um non intercifum, foccos, tibialia & femoralia compiedms, quo uno du&u quis pedibus, furis & femoribus induat, 
Sup. p. 1 J2, 



iyo -OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



■■<-<■•<••< ■<-*< < ■<■•< ■< • 



■ >■■>-»■ »•■>■ >■ 



latchets that fecured it round the ankles or inftep : this interpretation perfectly re- 
conciles Cambrenfis with the Icelandic chronicle. If ever the Irifh adopted the 
luxury of long pointed fhoe-s, as (72) Lynch fays they did, it mud have been from 
the Englifh (73) crackowes, about the middle of the 14th century. Or whether 
the whole foot was covered as at prefent in early ages is not eafy to determine. An 
ancient Irifh brogue was found in a turf bog in Aghaboe, twelve feet under the 
furface, refembling the North American maugafan, all of one piece, fattened round 
the inftep by a running firing. Whether tanned or not could not be ascertained, 
the leather being coloured and hardened by the water of ferrugineous bog-ore which 
abounds there. 

While the Irifh preferved their native language and drefs there was no hope of 
civilizing them, or bringing them to an acquiefcence in Englifh dominion or Englifh 
laws. Aware of this, the Britifh princes endeavoured early to reduce, by very penal 
laws, the Irifh to a conformity with their other fubjefts, and for this purpofe were 
enacted the celebrated (74) ftatute of Kilkenny, A. D. 1395, the 25 Henry VI. 5 
Edward IV. and 28 Henry VIIL The laft informs us what was the drefs of the 
Irifh in 1539, and which the Hiberno-Englifh had adopted ; and hence we find in 
the aft a mixture of Anglo-Saxon and Irifh names for the different parts and materi- 
als of which it is compofed. 

It forbids any to be fhaven or fhorn above the ears, or to wear long locks called 
glibbs. At the arrival of the Englifh the Irifh wore long hair and beards, thefe the 
(75) Normans efteemed barbarous, as they " were (76) all gallant, with coats to the 
mid knee, head fhorn, beard fhaved, arms laden with bracelets, and face painted." 
Henry I. abolifhed long hair with locks and perukes. A very curious (yy) inedited 
ftatute of the 24 Edward I. A. D. 1 295, tells us that the Englifh having degenerated 
in the prefent times clad themfelves in garments like thofe of the Irifh, having 

their 

(72.) Calceis ante-riore -parte in tenuem conum protends, fup. p. 125. Alac Geoghagan's brogue is modern. Hift. d" 
Irlande. T. 1. p. 460. Spelman fays, Vidi juvenes Hibcrnicos quofdam ejui'modi calceis indutos, led cufpides mediocriter 
extendetibus. Glofs. Galloches. 

(73) Camden's Remains, p. 200. (74) Iceland's Hift. of Ireland, Vol. 1. p. 320. 

(75) Gens h.£cc barbara, quia non tantum barbaro veflium ritu, verum comis & barbis luxuriantibus justa modcrnas 
jiovitates incultiffima. Gir. Cambrens. p. 739, 

(76) Camden's Remains, p. 198 — 199 

(77) Anglici etiam quafi degeneres modernis temporibus, hibernicalibus fe induunt vcflimentis, & habentes capita femi- 
rafa, capillos a retro capitis nutrkunt & alligant, & illos Culan vocant, Hibernicis tarn habitu quam facie conformantes. 
Concordatum eft, quod omnes Anglici in hac terra, faltem in capitc quod plus -viiiii fe prsefentat, mores & tonfuram 
geran 1 ; Amglicoruui, nee amplius prafumant avcrtere comas in Colanum. Harris's M.SS. apud Dublin Society. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. . $?i 

~4 < < < < < < < < <■<-<■■<•< < < < < < <<<<<< < < < < <<■<-<<■<< ■< ■< < <•£»•►• >•>>•>>> > > >■>>>>>>> >■>■>■> > V > > > > > > V > > * v ■ ► v > > . 

their heads half fhaven, their hair behind they let grow, tie up and call it Culan, 
being thus in drefs and appearance perfectly Irifh. It is therefore agreed, that no 
Englifhman, at lead fo far as regards the head, fhall any longer prefume to throw- 
back, his hair into the coolen, but obferve the cuflom and tonfure of the Englifh. 
Mr. Harris's note on this act or ordinance of flate is, that what is here called Culan, 
was afterwards called Glibb. Thefe Cooleens as they are commonly pronounced, 
are (78) derived from Culam or Culan to pufh or thrufl back, and are well explained 
by a parfage in (79J Hector Boethius, where the Scottifh Cooleen is a twilled lock 
of hair, the Glibb running from the front to the back of the head, the reft fhaven. 
This refembled in fome fort the creft of an helmet, and had no inelegant appearance. 
Spencer remarks how convenient this glibb was for a thief; by cutting it off he 
became unknown, as well as by bringing it over his face. 

The act alfo prohibits letting hair grow on the upper lip, which is called a Crom- 
meal. I am unable to analyze this word. A law of the 25th Henry VI. enacts, 
" that no maner man, that will be taken for an Englifhman, fhall have no beard 
above his mouth, that is to fay, that he have no haires on his upper lippe, fo that 
the faid be once at leaft fhaven every fortnight, or of equal growth with the neathcr 
lippe." See likewife the 5th Edward IV. In the reign of Edward the Confeffor, 
the hair of the upper lip was never fhaven unlefs by (80) priefts. The Normans on 
the contrary, according to this author, let their hair grow and fhaved their faces. 
Cambrenfis, as an old Briton, did not relifh this novelty. Csefar and Diodorus Si- 
culus fay, the Gauls, Germans and Britons wore muftaches, fo did the Anglo- 
Saxons and Irifh, until, in the capricioufnefs of fafhion, the Normans their mafters 
forbad it. However laws operated no reformation in this ifle, the Irifh had beards 
to a late period. At a contefted election for Fermanagh, A. D. 1613, Bryan Mac 
Mahon had his beard (81) pulled, but Captain Gower affirmed he only fhook it. 

The ftatute of Henry VIII. goes on to forbid any fhirt, fmock, kerchor, bendel, 
neckerchor, mocket or linen cap to be dyed with faffron, or to have in a fhirt or 
fmock above feven ftandard yards of cloth. This act gave rife to various ridiculous 
nctions : the Irifh it was faid, ufed this as it (82) ftrengthened the body and limbs. 

This 

(78) O'Brien in voce. 

(79) Nudis feniper capitibus idque tonfis. relicla mode, in fronte tortula capillorum ae cirro quodam, nifi zgritudo 
obftarit, Scoti incedebant. Pag. II. '1 he German Cirrus was proverbial. Tertull. de vel. virg. 

(80) Crines tonfi, barbis in fuperiori labio riunqum rafis, eiceptis folis Prefbyteris. Rous, p. 106. 
(2i) DiCder. Cur. Hib. p. 3.^. (82) Threlield's Synopfi6, roc. Crocus Sativus. 



272 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

..«..<..<..<..<.< .<..<..<.<..<.< .<..«..<..<..<..<..<..< .«..«..,..,..«..« .«..«..«..< .<..<..< .<..<..<■<••<■.<•<+>. >.>.>>. >..>. >. >. >. >..>. >..>>. >..>. ,..>..>..>..>. >. >. >..>..>..>. >..>. > >..>. >..>..»..>..>. >,.>.. 

This was on the fuppofition that faffron was the tindluring fubftance, which from 
its fcarcity and dearnefs it was not : there were abundance of other vegetables known 
(83) that gave a fine yellow colour. A Portuguefe (84) phyfician afferted that faf- 
fron was feletted as a vermifuge, and that the Irifh as well as the Icelanders, wear- 
ing their fliirts fix months without changing them, ufed it as fuch. The faculty, 
whofe decifions are always accepted as oracular, gave an extenfive circulation to 
this idle tale, which was eagerly caught up by Moryfon (85) and others ; whereas 
had thefe learned writers confulted Vopifcus, they would have feen the caufe of 
this predilection in favour of yellow, from the fondnefs of the Belgic Gauls for it. 
The Emperor Tetricus is rtprefented as dreffed after the manner of thefe people : 
he has his (86) mantle of imperial purple, his tunic or veil yellow, and he wore the 
trowfe. 

Bendel in the ftatute is the Anglo-Saxon or Teutonic Bendelen, from bende a 
fwathe or bandage, and expreffed very well the Irifh word, Bannlamh, fimilar to 
it in fenfe and found, and fignifying a narrow cloth of a cubit or eighteen inches 
in breadth, though little at prefent is fo wide. This -is vulgarly called handle or 
bendel linen. Two bandies and an half, or fix yards and three quarters in length 
of this narrow linen make now a fhirt for a common labourer. The ad allows 
feven yards, which is equal to about three yards and an half of yard-wide linen, 
which is the allowance for the finefl fhirt. (87) 

The Irifh, fays Moryfon writing in 1588, had in their fnirts twenty or thirty ells, 
folded in wrinkles and coloured with faffron. Campion makes the quantity thirty 
yards. We are not certain whether the firft means Englifh or Flemifh ells, there 
being between them a difference of eighteen inches in each ell. If we take the 
thirty yards of the laft, there were in an Irifh fhirt or fmock, fix bandies or fifteen 
yards of yard-wide linen. No one has attempted to explain how fo much linen 

could 

(83) Sambucinis baccis ad lanas flavas inficiendas. Ramis, cortice k. Mils populi arboris eontufis, indufia ilia crocea 
efficiunt. Eleau's Atlas T. 6. p. 47. Other vegetables are enumerated by Rutty, Nat. Hid. of Dublin, V. 1. 

(84) Porro apnd Hiberniam & Iflandium fcimus nos homines femiferos fubunculis croco infoftis veftiri, ut pediculos 
fugent, quas per fex nienfes &. amplius geftare folent. Amat. Lus. cur. morb. cent. 7. p. 3x1, This was written in 1554. 
See Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 1063, 1064. 

(85) Moryfon's Travels, p. 180. Spenfer, p. 43. Lauremberg, apud Thrtlkeld fup. 

(86) Chlamyde coccina, tunica galbana, braccis Gallis. Vopifc. in Aurel. & Salinas, in loco, p. 372. Martin's Weftern 
Iflands for the Leni Croich. p. 206. 

(87) In 154^) ic vvas proclaimed, that noblemen fhould have but twenty cubits or bandies of linen in their fliirts; 
horfemen 18; footmen 6; garfons 12; and clowns ten : and that none of their fhirts Ihould be dyed with faffron., on 
pain of twenty (hillings. Cox, 1. p. 272. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. zfy 



« < < ■< < •< < « 



■ ♦ *■►•>•*•>.■>■■>.> 



could conveniently be difpofed of. Cotemporary writers fupply fome hints. Cam- 
den (88) defcribing the appearance made by Shane O'Neil at the Court of Eliza- 
beth, A. D. 1562, attended by his Galloglaffes, fays, " the latter bore battle-axes, 
their heads were bare with locks curled and hanging down, their fhirts ftained with 
fatlron or human urine, and the fleeves of them large, their vefts rather fhort and 
their cloaks fhagged." There are fome wretched tranflations of this excellent author, 
noticed by (89J Nicholfon, which convey not only an imperfect idea of the original 
but fometimes entirely mifreprefent it. Such is that of this paflage which tells us 
of " yellow furplices, fhort coats, and thrum jackets," not a word of which is in 
Camden. Spenfer is more explicit, the men, fays he, wear fhirts exceedingly 
large, ftained with faffron, the fleeves wide and hanging to their knees. He 
fpeaks elfe where of their thick-folded linen fhirts, their long-fleeved fmocks, and 
their half fleeved coats. This ftatute of Henry VIII. mentions the mantle and the 
cote and hood, and Baron Finglas, about the fame time, calls it the Irifh over-flip 
cote and hood. From hence it is evident that the ancient Fallin, which at firfl: had 
no fleeves, now was half-fleeved and had an hood attached to it, and over all was 
thrown a long rugged lacerna or cloke, which is ftill in the adl called a mantle 
though it had changed its length. A vefl fcarcely reaching the elbows was well 
calculated to difplay the barbarous finery of monftrous fleeves, which Spenfer affures 
us hung down to the knees. Though the neck was bare, great folds of this yellow 
linen adorned the bread and belly. Spenfer mentions ftrait and fhort truiTes plaited 
thick in the fkirts above the breeches. Thefe I apprehend (for no notice has been 
taken of them) were great folds of linen furrounding the wailt, and ferving inftead 
of a vefl:, of which he gives no account. 

According to Spenfer, the women wrapped great wreaths of linen round their 
heads, and brought their hair over them, which, as he remarks, was rather unfightly. 
Moryfon refembles this head-drefs to a Turkifh turban, but that the latter is round 
at top, whereas the former is flat and broader in the fides. This is nearly the fame 
as the (90) Oflan preaffagh, or the great plaited flocking of enormous length worn 
about the head by the women of Breadalbane. Lynch declares it was a genuine (91) 

4 a German 

(88) Cum fecurigero Galloglaflbrum fatellitio, capitibus nudis, crifpatis cincinnis dependentibus, catiifils flavls croco vcl 
humana urina infe&is, manicis largioribus, tuniculis brevioribus & lacernia villofis. Hift. Lliz. p. 09. 

(89) Englifh Hift. Library, p. 87. 

(90) Pennant's Tour in Scotland. And Lynch : Qiiid memorem vulgaria ilia e lino pepla, quorum pluribus fpiris 
mulieres capita obvolvebant, aut ricas aliquarum etiam fceminarum operimenti. Sup. p. Iiz. 

(91) Germano Gcrmanaram mulieram more. Sup. p. 125. And Spenfer, fupri. 



a 7 4 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

German cuttom. The fame was the adorning their necks with chains and carknets, 
and their arms with bracelets. 

The fuppreffion of monafteries, and the reformation of religion in the reigns of 
Henry VIII. and Elizabeth had more powerful operation in reclaiming the Irifh from 
barbarifm and evil morals than the fevered laws. The fettlement of Englifli colonifls 
in different parts of the kingdom, their domeftic and perfonal neatnefs ; their adtive 
induftry, fupplying them with all the conveniencies and comforts of life, their rati- 
onal religion, looking for happinefs from their own exertions, inftead of blindly 
repofing on the merits of imaginary Saints, all confpired to awaken in the minds 
of the natives, a lively fenfe of their own wretchednefs, groaning beneath the op- 
preflion of temporal and fpiritual tyranny, from which however they were not com- 
pletely emancipated, but by the abolition of the Brehon law in the Sixth year of 
the elder James. Submitting to the laws of England, and appealing to their deci- 
fions at Affizes and Seffions, their intercourfe with the Englilh in thofe great affem- 
blies became frequent and neceflary ; their fondnefs for their ancient cultoms and 
drefs diminiihed, and the better fort laid afide their trowfers, their fallins and glibbs. 
Sir John Davis adds, that now they changed their mantles for clokes, but from 
Spenfer's account of the mantle, which from covering the whole body muft have 
been a cloke, this change began many years before the reign of James. After this 
fafhions multiplied prodigioufly, fcarcely a fhip or paflenger that arrived here from 
(92) Chefter but introduced a new one. Retentive of their old habits, the common 
country people (till preferved the mantle, but Hurd being deputy-governor of Gal- 
way under Colonel Peter Stubber, iffued an order to prohibit the wearing of it, 
which he enforced, (as was ufual with all Cromwell's officers,) with fuch feverity, 
that it came to be every where laid afide. Lynch, who was probably in Galway at 
this time, gives a very (93) laughable account of the appearance of the people there, 
who, having nothing but the mantle to cover their upper parts, ran half naked 
about the town, mrouded in table cloths, pieces, of tapeltry, and rags of all colours 
and forms, fo that they looked as if they had juft efcaped from Bedlam. 

The Plate, which is curious, refers to the following tranfaftion recorded in the 
Pacata Hibernica. On the 10th of April 1600, Sir George Carew, Lord Prefident 
of Munfter, and the Earl of Thomond accompanied the Earl of Ormond to a 

parley 

(92) Vix enim vedor uj1j» Ceftria Dublinium tranfmiu, <jul non fit its fatuu3, ut novum indumenti morem viiis ac 
faminis geftanJum rcferat. Cambrcns. Evcrs. p. 17. 
(Oj) Cambrcns. Evcrs. fup ra. 



OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 275 

..* < <-< <-« .< .< .« .< < .< < .« .« < < « < .< ...<..«..< < .< < .< <<<•<■■< .«<»•«■•< <+> >• >>•>>>■ >.>.>>.>..>>. >..>>. >>>>>>>>>>>> > > >. > > .>. >■>>>>. >.. 

parley with Owny Mac Rory O'More, the chieftain of Leix. They met at a place 
fomewhere near Caftlecomer, on the borders of Ormond's and O'More's countries. 
The former was advifed to bring his troop of two hundred horfe and one hundred 
cf the Prefident's as a guard, and to prevent a furprize. This was rejected as un- 
necefiary, for Ormond, who had frequently reduced the O'Mores to obedience, and 
obliged them to fue for peace, imagined his prefence was fufficient to intimidate 
him from any treacherous defign, and therefore he proceeded to the conference with 
only feventeen armed horfemen, with about as many more of lawyers, merchants 
and others upon hacknies, with only their fwords, whofe curiofity led them from. 
Kilkenny, the place of meeting being but eight miles from that city. 

The fpot where both parties aflfembled, was an heath ground, of no great extent, 
furrounded by a low (hrubby boggy wood. O'More was attended by a troop of 
choice pikemen, and behind him the wood clofed to a narrow pafs ; beyond which 
he had five hundred men, the bed appointed and furnifhed for war of any in the 
kingdom. Thefe were concealed from view. The Earl of Ormond difcourfed with 
O'More for more than an hour, and after defired to fee James Archer a Jefuit, who 
had been an aftive inflrument in fomenting rebellion, and in bringing afterwards 
the Spaniards to this Ifle, on whofe defeat he fled to Spain. 

While Ormond was upbraiding Archer, for his conduct, O'More's men were 
forming an ambufcade, creeping into the wood, and concealing themfelves and arms: 
others were carelefly mixing, and talking with Ormond's party, and increafing in 
numbers formed a croud about them. The Earl of Thomond on looking round 
was alarmed, and requefled O'More to order his men to retire. The Prefident 
on turning his horfe about, was inftantly feized by O'More, but extricated by Lord 
Thomond who rid on the rebel. Melaghlin O'More laid hold on Ormond, who 
having a weak horfe, was unable to difengage himfelf, which the Prefident and 
Thomond did by the ftrength and goodnefs of theirs: the latter was wounded in 
the back by a pike, and the Irifh threw their fkeins and pikes in fhowers at the 
Englifh party, all of whom mud have been made prifoners as well as Ormond, had: 
O'More communicated his defigns to his forces ; but he was afraid to intruft more 
than four Bonaughts and two Leinfter men left it mould be difcovered to Ormond, 
who had much intereft and many fpies. Ormond continued a prifoner with O'More, 
until the 1 2th of June following, when he was liberated on delivering hoftages for ■ 
the payment of £3000. On the 17th of the enfuing Auguft 0'Mor& himfelf was 
flain in a fkirmifh in Leix, with the Lord Deputy Mountjoy. 

There 



276 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 

There are two drawings of the taking of the Earl of Ormond, which belong to 
two diflinc! points of time. That in the Pacata Hibernia refers to the moment of 
meeting, when both parties were ranged oppofite to each other and the parley begin- 
ning. The Iketch in Trinity College Dublin, here engraved, mows the taking of 
the Earl after the conference : both fully confirm what has been here advanced on 
Irifh drefs in the preceding pages. 

The Irifh appear with the conical cap, the remains of their caputium or capuchin. 
That on O'More is blue. He has on the fallin and trowfe, which are yellow, the 
ancient and favourite national colour : his cloke is fhort and rugged about his neck, 
the colour red. Archer, who flands near him, as an ecclefiaflic has a broad-brim- 
med hat, and long black cloke, his trowfe is pink, and what is very remarkable 
his fallin is yellow. This prefervation of the coflume in the fketch inclines me to 
think it was made by a perfon who was on the fpot, perhaps by Sir George Carew 
himfelf, afterwards Earl of Totnefs, an accomplifhed nobleman. The Irifh, fays 
Moryfon, delighted in fimple light colours, as red and yellow. 




on 






276 OF THE ANCIENT IRISH DRESS. 



.<..<..<..<..<..<..»..<..< .< .<..<..<..< .<..<..<..<..<..<..<..< .< .<..<..<..< .<..< ■<■{.>..>. »..>. >.>..>.>..>..>.,...>..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >. >. >..>. >.+..>..>. >..>.>.> >..> >• > >. 



There are two drawings of the taking of the Earl of Ormond, which belong to 
two diftinel: points of time. That in the Pacata Hibernia refers to the moment of 
meeting, when both parties were ranged oppofite to each other and the parley begin- 
ning. The fketch in Trinity College Dublin, here engraved, mows the taking of 
the Earl after the conference : both fully confirm what has been here advanced on 
Irifh drefs in the preceding pages. 

The Irifh appear with the conical cap, the remains of their caputium or capuchin. 
That on O'More is blue. He has on the fallin and trowfe, which are yellow, the 
ancient and favourite national colour : his cloke is fhort and rugged about his neck, 
the colour red. Archer, who (lands near him, as an ecclefiaftic has a broad-brim- 
med hat, and long black cloke, his trowfe is pink, and what is very remarkable 
his fallin is yellow. This prefervation of the coftume in the fketch inclines me to 
think it was made by a perfon who was on the fpot, perhaps by Sir George Carew 
himfelf, afterwards Earl of Totnefs, an accomplifhed nobleman. The Irifh, fays 
Moryfon, delighted in fimple light colours, as red and yellow. 




OJJ 




•/b, firt-tHtf of the I \m,uf B> ~4/>n/ 10&00- 






( 277 ) 



/•^./ , ^..''^.■' , ^../^,,'^.. ,, ^.A,.•'^.. ,, ^,/^..•'^,/^,.•'^,/'^ < /'^./•^,/^.A,.''^,/^/ ,, ^.A,/^A/'^,.•'v , ^ 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



ONE of the ftrongeft. proofs that can be alleged of the uncivilized (late of the 
Irifli to a la'e period, is our little knowledge of their military affairs. Ante- 
cedent to thefe collections, a connected account of this branch of our antiquities 
would fcarcely fill two pages. The novelty of the fubjecT, it is therefore hoped, will 
excufe the multiplicity of citations, which feem indifpenfably neceffary to give au- 
thenticity to the detail. 

TheCeltes, the primaeval inhabitants of the Ifle, were a timid and unwarlike race. 
Few in number and difperfed, they wandered over the country without infringing the 
bounds, or exciting the jealoufy of neighbours. As they increafed, contentions 
arofe, a£ts of violence fucceeded, places of refuge were fought for, and offenfive 
weapons and defenfive armour became interesting objects. 

In treating of Irifli coins it has been (hewn, that there are not any original 
Celtic names for metals ; consequently the Celtic weapons and fortreffes were fimilar 
to thofe of every rude people : any improvement in either is clearly derived from 
the Belgic and Northern colonics. 

The Irifli, fays (i) Giraldus Cambrenfis, in 1185, have no caflles, their woods 
ferve them for camps, and their marines for ditches. Lhuyd, in his Synonymes 
for caftellurn, gives us Tonnach, Babhun, Daingean, all denoting earth-defences, 
furmounted. with (takes. It was Turgelius, according to Cambrenfis, and his Oilmen 
who formed that infinite (2) number of earthen forts, and caflles made of lime and 
ftone, fimilar to thofe exifling in their (3) native country. By caflles, Cambrenfis 
means the Keep, the Citadel or highefl part of thefe lofty forts. So that, according 

4 b to 

(1) Hibernicus enim populus cafcelh non curanr. Sylvis namque pro caflris, paludibus «titur pro fofiatis. Page 748. 
lie hai a carious chapter - QjrJiter.Hibernica gens fit expugnanda, — p. 809, confirming what is here advanced. For 
the Wcifh cafiles of. the fame period, fee page 809. 

(z) TJnde St foffata infinita, aka nimis rotunda q loque ac pleraque triplicia. Gir. Cambrens. p. 748. 

(,;) Rudera talium calleiiorum a Scandinaviis extructa, quam plurima, turn, in Scotia turn in Hibernia extant. John- 
ilo;ie ad Lodbrokar quida, p. 51. 



278- ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



■ >•>■ >•>■>•>.■>•>>.>. >>..>>>.>. >..>..>.>. >•>.>■>■>•>. >-> >■•>■>•■>•»•>■ >>•>■ > •.< 



to this author, the Irifh had no fortrefles, but fheltered themfelves in woods and 
bogs. Perched aloft on' thefe eminences* thefe Firbolgian forts refembled the ayries 
of ravenous birds, and were properly termed (4) " nids de tyrannie ;" and in Cam- 
brenfis we find Turgefius recommending to the King of Meath, who afked him how 
he cpuld rid his kingdom of thefe peftilent birds, the Oilmen, (5) deftroy their 
nefts every where, anfwered the D&nifh prince. 

In relating thefe things no one will be fo weak and prejudiced as to affirm, that 
Cambrenfis had any defign or motive to fwerve from truth ; he fairly reprefents 
what he faw, nor was fie inattentive to tradition, or the literary documents of the 
natives, for he frequently refers to both. Walfh (6) complains, " that being en- 
franchifed from the tyranny of Turgefius, we refigned ourfelves to eafe and unmaf- 
culine lazinefs ; negledled navigation and fleets, which alone could fecure us from 
frcfh attacks ; and were fo far blinded as to flight all the Danifh fortifications, making » 
none in their (lead, not even in the fea-ports." I cannot think therefore (7) with Mr. 
Harris, who inconfiderately argues for the Celtic original of thefe forts from their 
Irifh appellation of Rath, which though it figuratively imports a fortrefs, primarily 
fignified fecurity. It is probable Rath is a Teutonic word, for we find in (8) Ger- 
many, Junker-raht, Immer-raht, Raht-Vorwald, and applied to artificial mounts 
and places of defence as in Ireland. " Rath," fays (9) Hanmer, " whereof there 
are many in Ireland made by the Danes, if Bede had not faid it was a Saxon word. 
I would have faid it had been Britifh." Tradition gives them to the Northerns, 
and calls them (10) Danes' Raths. Ware rightly believes them to be the fame as 
the Brigantian catties mentioned by Juvenal : 

Dime Maurorum attegias, cq/iella Brigantium. 

Thefe raths, always on high ground, are of different (11) dimenfions; fome not 
meafuring more than ten or fifteen yards in diameter ; others contain eighteen or 
twenty Englifh acres. They were always proportioned (12) to the property and 
power of the Toparch. Round thefe the clan refided, and within thefe they retreated 
from danger. Many of them are artificial, with fubterraneous chambers and fally- 

ports. 

(4) Hearne's Antiq. difcourfes, p. lor. 

(5) NiJoseorum unique deflruendos, de eaftellis Norwu^erifiurn hoc interpretantcs. Gir. Camb. p. 749. 

(6) Profpea, p 51. (7) Ware's Antiq. p. 137- 

(8) Ran, mon. vet. Germ. p. 118. (9) Chronicle, p. ft. 

(10) Wariuidifq. p 123. (1 1) I'M. Collrity Down, p. 414. 

(12) Pctty's pol. anatomy, p. ioj. 



«qff 





y,l//„/y />, /,-/„ £,„».. i.y/ /j,,y, . 4/w '.y, ./■/<;, '. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



279 



<<-<•« «-< < < < < 



•■<>+>••>•■>•■>■ >•>•■>•■>•>•>■ >. >. >. >. >>>>.>..>..>. >.. 



>■»•>••>■>■>>• 



ports. Spenfer informs (13) us " it was a great ufe among the Irifh to make aflem- 
blies upon a rath or hill, there to parley about matters and wrongs between town- 
fliip and townfhip." From this circumftance of its being a place of judicature, as 
well as the refidence of the chieftain, it obtained another name, that of (14) Lios, 
or the Court. Hence Lis and Leafa, the names of many places, as Lifmore, Lif- 
towcl, Lifbigny, Lifanure, and Leas or Leix, a diflritt in the Queen's County. 
Thefe rarhs or hills were, according to the dialed of the foreign tribe that poffefTed 
them, named Motes. Mota, in the (15) Icelandic, is a place of meeting. The 
Mote of Monacoghlan, in the parifh of Aghaboe, is an high artificial hill, furrounded 
by entrenchments, and defended by outworks, the refidence of a toparch fubordi- 
nate to Mac guil Phadruig, or Fitz Patrick, Prince of Oflbry. Thefe raths and. 
motes were likewife named Talk-motes, Mute-hills, and Laws. The Mote of Mo- 
nacoghlan is alfo by the common people called Larah, a word which does not appear 
in Lhuyd's or O'Brien's Dictionaries, but is feen in the Perth Agricultural Survey, 
page 528, where Larach ty an ri t is — the ruins of the King's houfe. Here, as in 
numberlefs other inflances, we perceive the imperfection of the Irifh language. 

The (16) Dun or Din was another fort of fort, and the fame as the Welfh Dinas. 
This originally was an infulated rock, as is proved by the application of it to Dun- 
amafe, (17) Dundunolf, and others. (18) Smith and (19) O'Conor confound the 
Dun with the next kind of Irifh fortrefs called (20) Daingean, expreffing a clofe, 
fecure place. This the Englifh flyled a Bawn, from the Teutonic Bawen, to con- 
ftrucl: and fecure with branches of trees : a defence prattifed in the (21) Homeric 
as well as in every other age, and by every people. In this way the firfr. Englifh 
adventurers fecured their polls at (22) Ferns and Idrone. When King Dermod 
entered OfTory, he found that its prince, Donald, had (23) plafhed a pace. Plafhing, 
from the Franco-Gallic plefier, is to intwine, and equivalent to the Teutonic bawen ; 

fo 



(13) View, p. 54—55" 

{14) O'Brien in Lios. Baxter in Duroremum. Hanmer, p. II. Rowland's Mona Antiqu. p. u6. Leg, Wall, 

• 577- 

(15) Lodbrokar quida, p. 6z — 63. (16) O'Brien in voce. 

(17) Subrupe quadam marina qua; Dundunolf dicitur. Gir. Cambrens. p. 767. 

(18) Hift. Watertord, p. 353. (19) Diff. p. 81. (10) O'Brien in voce. 
(ll) * _^__^__ Tirifdit Ji tKoXnitistt* 

0\isn nptipu. Horn. 11. Ii. 

Non te fofla patens, nee hifpidarum 
Objedlu fudium coronat agger. Sid. Apol. ad Narb. 

(U) Gir. Cambrens. p. 764 — 774. (23) Regan, apud Harris's Hibernka. 



23o ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 

.., ..« <«.<..< < < .< < < < < < < .< < <..<<<..< .<.<<..<< .<..<.<..<.<.<.<..<.<..<.<•<+>..>..>..>. >..>.>..>. >..>..>. >..>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >. >..>. >. >..>. >..>. >.>..>>>..>„>.■ 
&> that plafliing a pace was to ftrengthen the top of the vallum with (lakes, inter- 
lacing them with branches. Four hundred years after the Irifh had the fame practice. 
" Within (24) half a mile of the entrance of the Moiry, the Englifh found that 
pace by which they were to pafs, being naturally one of the mofl difficult paflages 
in Ireland, fortified with good art and admirable induftry ; the enemy having raifed 
from mountain to mountain, and from wood to wood, and bog to bog, long tra- 
verfes, with huge and high flankers of great Hones, mingled with turf, and flaked 
down on both fides with palifades wattled." Such feems to be the principal warlike 
confirmations and defences of the Irifh previous to the arrival of the Englifh in 1 169, 
when large and flrong caflles of lime and flone were erected. Let us next confider 
the military weapons of this period. 

Keating (25) amufes us with the bardic tale of the Fine Eirion, or national mili- 
tia ; which in time of peace amounted to 9000 men, but was increafed in time of 
war. It is not the leafl furprizing part of this fabulous narration that they had 
colonels, captains, lieutenants, and ferjeants : that no foldier was to be received 
who had not a poetical genius, and was well acquainted with the twelve books of 
poetry : that he was to be fo fwift and light of foot, as not to break a rotten Hick 
by treading on it ; that he was to leap over a tree as high as his forehead, and to 
floop under one as low as his knees, and that he was to take an oath of fidelity and 
allegiance. " Thefe (to ufe Shakefpeare's phrafe,) were like Pharoah's foldiers in 
the reechy painting." Thefe wild and ridiculous tales ferved to amufe an ignorant, 
credulous, and barbarous age, and to the difgrace of common fenfe, find admirers 
and advocates in modern times. Where were the Fine Eirion, fo famous ender the 
Irifh monarch Seadhna, feven centuries before our sera,, to prevent the delblation 
of the ifland by perpetual internal commotions ? Were there no remains of them 
in the 7th and 8th centuries, when the Oflmen over-ran the country, or in the 
1 2th, when fixteen hundred Welfhmen marched 'riumphant through every part, 
and laid the foundation of the Britifh domination ? 

Antecedent to the coming of the Bei^ic cionies, and probably during fome fub- 
fequent ages, flone hatchets and fpears and arrows headed with flints or flones were 
only in ufe. In the age of Tacitus, the Fenns or Finns armed their (26) arrows 
with bones. It can never be conceived, how barbarous and ignorant foever the 

Celtes 

(14) Moryfon's Mft. (25) Hift. p: 133. 

(z6) Fennorum, fola in fagittis fpes, quas inopia fcrri efiibus afperant. T*c. Germ. c. 46. 







- yr<?. 5 



mm 

n 



MHL 




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*'IG. J 



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jfjfi 1 




FIG. 8 









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s/j/^/yfrA,/,*,. \.rjr. //>;,/.. /? C s,M',<. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



281 



.< < < < < < ■< < < < < < .«.. 



•<-< •< ■<•■<•<■< .<■<•< .<•<•<■<-.< • 



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Celtes were, that they would have made their battle-axes and fpear heads of (tone, 
and this with great difficulty and labour in the execution, if they were acquainted 
with metals. The Britons had fcythed chariots when Csefar writ, fo that the fabri- 
cation and ufe of thefe (lone weapons mud have been much earlier. It is (27) a 
groundlefs fuggeftion, that thefe ftone implements might have ferved domeftic rather 
than warlike purpofes. We know that the North American tomihawk is frequently 
applied to cutting branches of trees to form wigwams, and is alfo ufed as a pipe for 
fmoking, and yet it is a dangerous and principal military inftrument of favages. 
In Normandy, ftone hatchets were found placed under the fkulls of ikeletons, and 
near lay fpears and lances made of bone, and arrow-heads of bone and ftone. Surely 
thefe were military (28) weapons, and as fuch interred with this warrior. 

The Celtes, from practice, having acquired a dexterity in ufing the ftone hatchet, 
the Firbolgs made brafs ones of the fame fhape. Doctor Lort (29) was ftruck with 
the exact fimilarity of both, and declares that the ftone furnifhed the idea of the 
metal one. Many of thefe brazen Celts, as they are called, have a loop or ear on 
their fides, and annular mouldings, which ftrengthened the inftrument, of thefe 
ftone ones were not fufceptible. Thefe ears have puzzled antiquaries, who imagined 
they were for a thong, which facilitated the ufe of the weapon : but examining 
the fockets, which all thefe celts have, it is incredible to fuppofe thefe ears could be 
for any other purpofe but that of a more eafy carriage, when a number could be tied 
together without handles : the latter eafily procured in a country almoft a foreft : 
or they might have been flung acrofs their fhoulder with their handles, or fufpended 
at their fides as has (30) been conjectured. Moft of thefe celts are from eight to 
twelve inches long, and of various thicknefles : fome refemble ftone-hammers, others 
have obtufe points like a pick-axe, and many are fhaped like a fmall hatchet, fome 
have perforations for an helve, and others are fmoothed, to be held in the hand : 
they are generally of clofe grit or granite. 

When fuch inftruments as brazen celts were fabricated, it was not difficult to 
make brazen fwords, and they have been difcovered, at different times, in great 
numbers in this ifle. Solinus, in the third century, fays the Irifh polifhed the teeth 
of fea animals to adorn the hilts of their fwords, and that their greateft glory was 

4 c in 



(27) Archaeologia, V. a. p. i2i. 

(28) Archaeolog. V. a. Plott's Stafford, p. 396. Lewis's ifle of Thanet, p. 19. A curious celt, pale green and 
well polifhed was found in a grave in Holflcin. Nov. lit. maris Bait. Nov. 1700, p. 342. 

• (29) Archaeologia, V. 5. p. ri8. (30) WhiUker's Manchefler, V. 1. p. 15. 



282 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 

-«..«-«•.« «•.«■•< «•<•<«•«-< .».<••<•■<..<-<■■<•<■■<■•<■<.•<■•< <-<..<•<-<.•<-< ■<.<-< .<..«.^+>..>..>. >..>■>.•>.>.>..>..>..>..>..>.>..>..>„,. >..,. >.>..». ►->.>..>.>.>..>>.>■ >• ».•>•>•»■ »« 

in the (31) brightnefs of their arms. He does not mention of what metal they were 
compofed, it is probable it was of mixt brafs, which did not eafily rufl, and was 
very refplendent. To believe the (32) brafs fwords found in the bog of Cullen in 
the county of Tipperary were of the fame manufacture as the Carthaginian ones 
met with at Cannae in Italy, is an antiquarian reverie, branching from the ridiculous 
Phoenician fyflem of fome authors. The compofition of the metal may be the fame, 
but the fhape demonflrates them to belong to a very different people. It would be 
no eafy matter to prove that the Cannae fwords were real Carthaginian ones, dropt 
there 2000 years ago ; for hiflorians fay, but 1500 Africans and Spaniards fell, and 
more than 45,000 Romans. Is it not therefore a fhameful perverfion of common 
fenfe to fay, that the Cannae fwords are more likely to be African than Roman : 
befides Cannae was noted for being the theatre of other great battles in after ages, 
as well as for that between Hannibal and the Romans. Now it is well known (33) 
from ancient writers that it mufl be the celebrated Spaniih fwords with which Han- 
nibal's army was furnifhed, and as well known that they were fhort. 
Cantaber exiguis & longis Teutonus armis. 

Whereas the Roman were, like thofe found in Ireland, long and (34) heavy, by 
which they penetrated the armour to the very body. The Carthaginians never vifit- 
ed the frozen regions of the North, and yet brazen fwords, arrow-heads, fpurs, 
copper daggers, golden fepulchral urns, a mund harp of gilt copper, and other 
metallic implements have been (35) difcovered there. 

Giraldus Cambrenfis, who with his countrymen bore a part in the Irifh wars 
towards the end of the twelfth century, is our bell authority for the military weapons 
of the ancient Irifh. He ($6) tells us, they had long lances, two darts, broad axes, 
and threw ftones with great quicknefs, force, and effect. Diodorus Siculus fays, 
the (37) Gauls throw fpears, which they call lances. The (38J Suevi ufed them. 
The lance was of various lengths, for throwing, or clofe engagement ; but as the 
Irifh were furnifhed with darts for throwing, their lances mufl have been long. 

The 

(31) Praecipua viris gloria eft in armorum nittela. Solin. Edit. Salmas. p. 42. 

(32) Archaeologia, V. 3. p. 358. (33) Lipf. de milit. Roman. 1, 3. 

(34) M«r«i/>«i ikuiuv u.<rti €apv; xai xxraipopas ha -ravros cir\v %vj>xsiot wJ ra iuy.ur». Plutarch in /Emil. 

(35) Cypraiar.n. ecc. 1, 1. Worm. Mon. Dan. p. 47. Phil. Tranf. for 1703, &c. 

(36) Lanceis longis & jaculis binis, fccuribus quoquc amplis. Lapides ouocjue pugillares promptiua & expcditius ad 
»ianum habent. Gir. Camb. p. 738. 

(37) TlfoSaXKovrai koy%xs, <*S IKHHll Xuyxut.; xccX«;t. Lib. 6. 

(j8) Sucvii lanceis configunt. Non. Mar. p. 799. Ed; Gothofrcdi, 






ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



283 



■■< ■<<■<•< ■<■<■■<•<■«■ 



•■>■>•>■>■ >••>-• 



.->..>.>.->..>..>..>..>.->•>.>.->..>..>.. 



The jaculum or dart is tranflated javelin, and is defcribed to be an half pike, five 
feet and an half long ; the lance was fixteen or more. In tne (39) Speculum Regale, 
an Icelandic tract written about the middle of the twelfth century, the young foldier 
is defired to prepare a ftaff, and to fet up a mark againfl the butts, by which he 
may know how far, and with what degree of exactnefs he conveniently could throw 
his fpear. Nor is it lefs pleafant, adds the author, than ufeful in an army, to throw 
ftones with piecifion to a great diftance from a fling, whether held in the hand or 
fixt to a ftaff; alfo to throw the war-ftone with exa&nefs. If fuch was the difcipline 
of the Northerns with whom we had the ciofefl intimacy, we may eafily account 
for our adroitnefs at miffile weapons. 

The battle-axe was a weapon which, Cambrenfis explicitly declares, we adopted 
from the Oflmen and Norwagians. The Irifh and Britons, who fought with darts 
and lances, were (40) unable to refill the long fwords and axes of the Anglo-Saxons. 
Richerius (41) the monk affures us, that neither the fhield, the helmet, the coat 
of mail, nor any other armour could refift the Haches Danoifes, the Danifh hatchets; 
and Cambrenfis informs us, an Irifh foldier lopped off with the fingle blow of an 
axe the thigh of a man, though cafed in well-tempered armour. It was one of the 
weapons with which the heroes in Valhalla were delighted. Thefe axes in Gothic 
are called bards, and from the ufe of long ones, the Longobards derived their (42^ 
name. An old writer, cited by Du Cange, informs us they threw thefe axes at the 
enemy. 

Haches Danoifes, pour lander & ferir. 

The (43) Irifh did the fame, for Meyler, one of the Welfh adventurers, had three 
axes fluck in his horfe, and two in his fhield. This practice is of Scythic origin : 

Excuflife (44) citas vajlum per inane bipennes. 
This axe or hatchet they carry conftantly about with them, fays (45) Cambrenfis, 
and ufe it as a walking ftaff, and he intimates that they ufed it treacherouffy. Bows, 
arrows, and fwords were of later introduction. They did great execution with 
ftones, to prevent which the Englifh placed archers in the ranks with the heavy- 
armed. 



(39) Antiq. repertory, V. 3. p. 63. 

(40) Securibus & gladiis horribiluer corpora Britonum findebant. Langhorn. Chron. p. 7. . 

(41) Apud Eartholui. p. 583. (41) Loccen. fup. p. 136. (43) (j - ^amb. p. 785. 

(44) Sidon. Apoll. ad Majorian. and alfo ep. 20. 1. 4, where he mentions, lanceis uncatis, fecuriuus que miffilibus, 

(45) De aiiliqua imo iniqua confuetadine, feniper inmanu quafi pro baculo fecurim bajulant. — Nunquam a fecuribus £>. 
ttlla fecuriias. Gir. Cambrcnt. p. 7^5 — 810. Livy, 1, 31, for the German Gauls. Tacit. Germ. 



284 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



.<•.< .<•■<■•«•■<-<•■< .<•<••<■<■■< <••<•< •< ■< •<•<•< < < <••<■< •<<■•< <<•<■<■•< < ■<+ >. >..>. 



>•>■>>.>.>•■ 



armed infantry. In the age of Cambrenfis the Irifh had (46) bridles, but no flirrups, 
boots, nor fpurs : even in 1584, when Stanihurft writ, they were (47) without fpurs; 
as was (48) Mac Murrogh in 1399. 

The Irifh cavalry were flyled Hobillers r this name points out its northern origin. 
Hobiller is from the (49) Belgic Hobbelen, to fkip or dance, and hence our fmall 
light horfes were called Hobbies, and our cavalry Hobillers. From hobben the Irifh 
made (50) obann and hobann. Spelman informs us, that Hobillers made part of 
the Irifh army to the reign of Henry VIII. They were attended by horfe-boys named 

(51) Daltins, who were the fofler children of the clan, and the fame as the French 

(52) Garciones, and the Englifh Goujits. A practice taken from the Romans, 
whofe (53) Calones attended the foldicx/, were divided into corps, had flandards 
and arms, and were frequently extremely ufeful. Spenfer thus fpeaks of our Daltins, 
" the reafon why fuch are permitted is the want of convenient inns for lodging of 
travellers on horfe-back, and of hofllers to attend their horfes by the way. But 
when things fhall be reduced to a better pafs, this needeth to be fpecially reformed ; 
for out of the fry of thefe rake hell horfe-boys, growing up in knavery and villany, 
are their Kern continually fupplied and maintained." 

This reafon is not more applicable to Ireland than any other part of Europe in 
thofe uncivilized ages, for inns were not then common in any country. The Nor- 
mans feem to have taken the idea from the Romans, who found them ufeful, as 
the Irifh did from the Englifh. In England one page, as he was called, was allowed 
to (54) two foldiers. By (55) conflitutions proclaimed in Ireland, A.D. 1542, it was 
ordained " that no horfeman (hall keep more garfons or boys than horfes, on pain 
of twenty fhillings." And in 1596, the Lord Deputy and council direct but one 
boy to two foldiers, and that they be no charge on the country. 

The Kerns or infantry do not feem to have received this appellation till fome time 
after the arrival of the Englifh. It is prcbably derived from Cearn or Kern, victo- 
rious, or the conquering band. Vaunting titles were common among the military 
corps of every nation. Spenfer (56) draws a very difagreeable picture of thofe 

Kerns, 

(46) Sellis cquitando non utuntur, non ocreis, non calcaribus, &c. fupra. 

(47) Ferreis fcalis in cquos minime afcendunt. Stanihurft, p. 4!. (48) Warxi difq. p. 63. 
(49) Skinner, In voce. (50) O'Brien, in Obann. (51) O'Brien, in Daltin. 

(52) Grofe's Engliih Army, p. 261. 

(53) Ex ipfis calonibus, quos galearios vocant, idoneos ac fperitos ufu legebant. His vexilla dabunt. Vegct. I, 2. «. %. 

(54) Grofe, fupra. (s5) Cox, V. 1. p. 271 — 409. Macpherfoii's Crit, Diff. p. 131. 
(56) View, p. 50. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



285 



-< •<<■<■<■< < •< <••<•■ 



•<-.<•■<•<•<■•<• 



■■>••>•->•>■>->■■>•> >•• 



Kerns, that " they be in the mod barbarous and loathly condition of any people 
under heaven ; they opprefs all men ; they fpoil as well the fubjecT. as the enemy ; 
they ileal ; are cruel and bloody fwearers, ravifhers and murderers of children : 
and yet they are valiant and hardy; great endurers of cold, labour, and hunger ; 
active, fwift, vigilant, very prefent in perils, and great fcorners of death." 

It was cuflomary for the great Irifh Lords to have large bodies of Kerns with 
whom they plundered their neighbours and ravaged the country. This was a fevere 
grievance, and was prohibited by an ($y) ordonnance, A. D. 1331. In 1542 they 
roamed about committing every kind of excefs. The government ordered, that 
every kern who had not a mailer to anfwer for him fhould be apprehended as a va- 
gabond. At length they fo far degenerated, through the turbulence and licentioufnefs 
of the times, from the military character, that a kern is defined by Skinner in 1671, 
prcedo Hibernicus, an Irifh robber. As the hobillers had their Daltins fo the kerns 
had their Stocach or boys. 

The other foot foldiers of the Irifh were Galloglafies. Thefe feem to have taken 
their name from two Irifh words, gal — glac, the courageous band. Spenfer thinks 
it comes from gal — ogla, the Englifh fervitor ; but he did not confider, that the 
Irifh never would have given themfelves, nor would their countrymen permit them 
to adopt a hated and degrading appellation. It was the opinion of my late learned 
friend Abraham Lionel Jenkins, M. D. who aflifled Mr. Harris in his hiftory of the 
County of Down, that the Galloglafies were originally Scots, hired by the Irifh 
chiefs in their domeftic wars ; to whom they afligned portions of land : that they 
were (58) felected for their fize, flrength, and courage, and had always a larger 
portion of victuals than others : that Martin, in his account of the Weftern Iflands, 
informs us every chief had an armour bearer, bold and watchful, who attended him 
night and day and was called Gallo-glach ; that all the Mac Donnells are the descen- 
dants of thefe Galloglaffes, and finally that Moryfon always diftinguifhes them from, 
their countrymen who invaded and conquered the Route and Glins in Ulfler ; the 
latter he calls Scots, the former Gallo-glaffes. Thus far Dr. Jenkins. Shakeipeare 
in Macbeth brings our foldiers from the Hebrides : 

" The mercilefs Macdonel from the weftern ifles, 
" Of kerns and gallo-glaffes is fupplied." 



4 D 



Mr. Pennant 



(57) Quo nullus raanuteneat nee ducat Kernes, Cox. p, 114. 



{58) Stanihurft, p. 41. 



2$6 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



(. < .<-.<..<..< < .<<■.<« < <■»>. >■ >. > V >. >• >•■»•■>■ >■ >■•>■•>■ >■ >•■>■»■•>• > >■ > > >• > >■ >■ >• > >• >■ >■ >• V > » > >■ »>■ 



.Mr. Pennant (59) mentions the Scotch Karnaugh and Gilli-glafTes, and Hamilton's 
letters (60) concerning the coafl of Autruut throw fome light on this fubject. 

Stanihurft's (61) account of the morals and conduct of the Gallo-glafles is firpflaV 
to that of Spenfer's of the Kerns. The Bonoughts were foldiers hired by one 
'chief from another to increafe his force, and they were fupported by a cefs called 
after their name. 

To meet the Englifh with any degree of equality in the field the Irifh were 
obliged to make alterations in their ancient arms, and they foon became almoft the 
fame. The Hobillers had lances, bows, arrows, and fwords. Few at firit wore 
mail, but in Spenfer's age the Irifh horfeman had his long hofe, his riding fhoes of 
coflly cordovan, his hacqueton or doublet fluffed with wool or cotton, and his hau- 
bergeon or fhort coat of mail. Spenfer remarks the ridiculous military foppery of 
the Irifh, who wore the hacqueton under a fhirt of mail ; it was framed, fays he, 
to be worn in war only, but to ufe it daily at home in towns and civil places is a 
rude habit and mofl uncomely, feeming like a player's (62) painted coat. 

Imitating the cuflom of the Englifh, our Hobillers feldom (63) rid on geldings ; 
to be feen on a mare was highly difgraceful. In 1596 the Irifh were accoutred exactly 
like the (64) Englifh cavalry : the ftrong brafs bit, the Aiding reins, the thank pillion, 
the manner of mounting, the fafhion of riding, the charging of the fpear over the 
head, the form of the fpear, and the whole horfe-fumiture were common among 
the Irifh and introduced by the Britifh colonifls. 

Spenfer defcribes the Galloglafs as dreffed in a long fhirt of mail down to the calf 
of his leg, with a broad axe in his hand : Stanihurit adds, that the axe was double 
edged and as fharp as a razor, and Ware informs us, he had a bacinet or iron 
helmet and a long fword. I do not recollect to have ken any military weapon 
which exactly anfwers the defcription of thefe Irifh axes, and yet they were the ufual 
arms of the (65) Oflmen. Camden {66) fays, O'Neil's Galloglafles, in 1562, bore 
battle-axes, their heads were bare, with locks curled and hanging down, their fhirts 

flained 

(so) Tour in Scotland, V. 2. p. t%y. Ed. Dublin. Thefe were our Kerns and Galloglafles. 

(60) l'age 1 20. (61) Supra, p. 41 — 42. 

(62) He forgot that it was a continuation of the Irifh cuftom of conflantly going armed, liefore noticed. 

(6 _,) Canteriis raro advthuntur. Nil turpius cjnam in equa fedcre. Stanihurft, p. 41. Grofe, flip. V. 1. p. iot. 

(64) Syenler, p. 49. 

(65) Bipennibus fecuribufquc frequenter armati erant majores noftri, qua: Dam's familiaria erant arma. Barthol.p. 582. 

(66) I'M. Eliz. p. 69. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



287 



< < < < < * < 



< < ■< < < < ■< 



• >■ >•>>>■ >■ >••>■>• > > ■■>• > > >• >■ > > >■ > > > > >■ >• > 



ftained with faffron or human urine, the fleeves of thetn large, their vefts rather 
fliort, and their clokes fhagged. 

The Kerns were the light armed infantry and had (words and javelins to which 
a (67) thong was faitened ; the latter they (68) twirled violently and fent with 
amazing force and execution ; in the Roman times they exceeded the diftance cf 
an arrow by a fourth. 

Quale quater jacv.lo fpatium, ter arundine vine as. Statius. 

The late ingenious Mr. Grofe, I think, does not mention this practice in his 
curious work on ancient armour and weapons. It was (69) faid to be invented by 
the JEtolians and adopted by the Romans. The thong or cord was tied round the: 
dart, and that fattened to the fore fingers. 

Amentum digitls tende prior/bus, 

Et toils jaculum dirige vlrlbus. Seneca Hypoi,. 

When the air was (70) moiit, or they received wet, the cords loft their elaflicity.. 
I mould imagine this weapon was derived to us through the medium of our Firbol- 
gian ancestors from the Romans, the former having probably felt its force and. 
effect. 

Our Skene is evidently (71) a contraction of the Anglo-Saxon Segene, a fhort 
fword. The fkene was fometimes a foot and a half long, fometimes fhorter, and was 
a Firbolgian inflrument. When the Irifh did homage to Richard II. they laid 
afide, as Davis tells us, their caps, fkenes, and girdles. This alfo was (72) a 
German practice when a vaflal approached his lord. In the poem of Robin Hood,, 
in the ingenious Bifhop of Dromore's Reliques, the Irifh fkene and Irifh decapita- 
tion are mentioned. 

Robin pull'd forth an Irifh knife 

And nick'd Sir Guy in the face, 
That he was ne'er on woman born 

Could know whofe head it was :. 

He 



(67) Stanihurfl, p. 45. The Duhins ufed the fame. Warasi" difq.. p. 6j. 

(68) I ft i Kami haftas amentatas toris viribufque adeo viriliter torquent, , ut eas, inftar circuli, inorbkulatum gyrum 
compelli exiftimares. Stanihurfl, p. 42. 

(69) Plin. 1. 7. c. 56. Heyfch. in MisayxuXov. Xenophon. Anab. 1. J. 

(70) Qijod humor amenta jaculorum moliverat. Liv. 1. 37. (71) Skinner, in Skene. 

(72) Antequam vafallus accedat ad Dominum-, giadium, eultellum & calcularia deponat. qnia fi in his fe negkzeritj 
reus eft pctna. Jus feud. Sax. c. 3*. f. j. 



288 ON THE MILITARY ANTiqUITIES OF IRELAND. 

••«<•<< ■< <■•< ■<<•<< «;■<••<■•<••< .<.<<■.<.<■<■<.« .<..<..< .<..<..< .«..<..< .< •<<<<<<+>> ►■•>>>■>->> >. >■ ►■ > v. >■>•■>. >. >■+.>•>• >■>•+•■>• ► ••>• >■•►■ >• >•■>••>■ >• >■•>•>•>• 

He took Sir Guy's head by the hair, 

And Muck it upon his bow's end, 
" Thou haft been a traitor all thy life 
" Which things mufl have an end." 
Whether Robin Hood came to Ireland and became fo expert at beheading and the 
ufe of the ikene is doubtful, but it is certain, the Irifli were as remarkable as their 
Firbolgian anceftors for (73) decapitation. When our (74) Hobillers rid over and 
proftrated the enemy our Kerns immediately deprived them of their heads. 

The Irifh had (75) iron gauntlets, which were fubftitutes for the fhield. Of their 
bows and arrows, Spenfer fays, " the Irifh fhort bows and little quivers with fhort 
bearded arrows are very Scythian, as you may read in Olaus Magnus. Thefe bows 
are not above three quarters of a yard long, with a firing of wreathed hemp, flackly 
bent, and their arrows not above half an ell long, tipped with fteel heads made like 
common broad arrow heads, but much more fharp and (lender, that they enter into 
a man or horfe moft cruelly, notwithstanding that they are fhot forth weakly. 
Their going to battle without armour on their bodies or heads, but trufting to the 
thicknefs of their glibbs, the which they fay will fometimes bear off a good ftroke, 
is mere Scythian, as you may fee in the images of the old Scythes and Scots, as 
fet forth by Herodian and others. Befides their confufed kind of march in heaps, 
without any order or array, their clafhing of fvvords together, their fierce running 
upon their enemies, and manner of flight refembleth altogether that which is read 
in hiftories to have been ufed by the Scythians ; by which it might almofl infallibly 
be gathered, that the Irifh are very Scots or Scythians originally, though fince inter- 
mingled with many other nations repairing and joining unto them." 

William the Conqueror firft encouraged archery, it foon became the ftrength of 
the Britifh army. The ancient bow was fix feet long, and the arrow two feet three 
inches, fo that the fmall Irifh bow and arrows which feem to me lately introduced 
by the Scots, were very inferior to the others. Spenfer likewife acquaints us with 
the wretched flate of the native, as well as of the degenerate Englifh foldiery ; and 
of their manner of training them to arms. " The Bards," fays he, " eafily trace 
an Irifhman from the head of fome great fept, he is then a gentleman and fcorns to 
work, thinking that only fit for a peafant or churl. He then becomes either a horfe- 

boy 

(73) Ta « xtipakas ttipaifuvris. Diod. Sic. p. 306. The northern people continued the practice long. Barthol. 1. I. c. 5. 
(.74) Ql 1S equeftris turma in terram dejiciunt, capitibus ftatim fecuriblis deflit'iunt. Glr. Cambrens. p. 763, 
(75k) Stamhurft, fupra. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 289, 

boy or ftocach, inuring himfelf to his weapon and the gentlemanly trade of ftealing. 
He then joins himfelf to three or four (hagglers or kern like himfelf, when he 
commits fotne outrageous act he is then looked on as a man of courage, and foon 
after runs into open rebellion, and this is the courfe not only of Gentlemen's but 
Noblemen's Ions." To thefe practices the ftatute of the year 133 1 refers, when it 
prohibits the maintaining kerns or idlemen unlefs in the marches. Idlemen here 
are the Teutonic Edelmen or noblemen. Thefe gentlemen plunderers for the moffc 
part took refuge from public juftice in bogs as their befl fecurity ; and hence they 
are ft vied by Henry of Marleborough about 1420, Turbiculi, by (j&) others Tur- 
barii, and by the Englifh Bogtrotters. 

In obedience to Henry's commands, his great feudatories erected caftles in their 
refpective poffeiTions. About 11 So, Lacy cancellated (77) Leinfter and Meath. 
Giraldus Cambrenfis and (78) Hanmer give the following lift of caftles constructed 
about this time. 

Leighlin, Kilkea, 

Leix, Tullow, 

Clonard, Carlow, 

Killeen, Athboy, 

Sureport, Norragh ? 

Delvin, Derwath, 

Fethard, and 

Caftledermot, Trim. 

Cox (79) is more copious ; he fays, Ardfinnan, Nenagh, Lifmore, Tyrbrack. 
within two miles of Carrick, and Limerick were built by King John. Caftleder- 
mot, Caftlederwagh, Kilkea, and Leighlin by the Lacies. Ferns (8 o), Sligo (81), 
Tralee (82), Geafhill (St,), Adare, and Afkeaton by the Fitzgeralds. The Grey 
Friars at Leighlin, Ballymarter, Ardtully, Lixnaw, and Macrome by the Carews. 
Philipftown and Maryborough by Bellingham. Ath'enry by Bermingham. Green 

4 e Caftle, 

(76) Du Cange, in Turba. 

(77) Tain Lageniam quam Mediam caftellis egregie communivit. Gir. Camb. p. 797. Cox, p. 37, 

(78) Chronicle, p. 160 — 161. (79) Apparatus to his Hiftory of Ireland. 

(80) And Wicklow, about 1176. Arcbdall's Peerage, V. I. p. 58. 

(81) About 1148. Archdall, fup. p. 60. At this time he had the caftles of Aldleek, Rofcoiumoaj and RandoE. 
Ibid. Rofcommon was built by Ufford, Lord Juftice, A. D. ia6S. Hanmer. 

(82) About 1260. Archdall, fup. p. 61. He had Dungarvan cafile at this time. Ibid. 

(83) About 1307, the caftle was razed. Archdall, fupra. 



vgo 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



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•>■>■+■>■► ►>■• 



Caflle, Caflle Carbery, Athaffel, Carlingford, Caflle Connel, Loughrea, and Por- 
tumny by the De Burgos. Kilkenny by Ranulph Earl of Chefter. Caflle of Kil- 
kenny by the Earl of Ormond. Thomaftown by Thomas Fitz Anthony. Rofs and 
Carlow by Ifabel, daughter of Strongbow. Carrickfergus by Sir Henry Sydney. 
Caflle Ifland in Kerry by Geoffry de Marifco. Timoleague by Barret. Trim by 
William Peppard. 

Sir John Davis (84) thinks it was very ill judged of the Englifh to erect their 
caflles in the plains, by which the Irifh were driven to mountains and forefts, 
where themfelves and cattle were not affailable. This is a political reverie of our 
Knight ; for had the Englifh retired to mountains and woods, they mufl have left 
the plains to the Irifh, being not numerous enough to expel the latter and at the fame 
time defend their caflles. Whereas by eflablifhing a chain of garrifons round the 
Pale, and fecuring paffes by flight forts, they enjoyed the richefl lands in the king- 
dom, and received an advantage and profit to be procured in no other way. A 
record (85) of the 1 Edw. I. A.D. 1272, informs us, that 'thefe caflles being at firft 
built for the common fafety againft enemies and rebels, and whereof the king had 
the fupreme cuftody, difpofal, and command in time of war, a female, being inca- 
pable of feudal tenure, could not be entrufted with them. A petition of the Lords 
and Commons in the laft cited author, dated the 16 Edw. III. A. D. 1342, ftates 
the decay of Ireland to proceed from the neglect and lofs of its caflles and forts : 
fo that in every age they were confidered as of the laft importance to the Englifh 
interefl. 

A licence from the crown was always a ftep previous to their erection : their 
number in Stephen's reign had, in England, created infinite trouble, nor was it 
ever forgotten. The fame political jealoufy was neceffary here ; our great Barons 
frequently refilled government, nor was it eafy to fubdue their great caflles and. 
large garrifons. However we cannot but fmile at peaceful ecclehaftics fuing for a 
licence (86) to crenellate and battlement their belfry : a fpecimen of clerical foppery, 
expreffive of the fentiments of the age, but inconfiflent with the rofary and ton- 
fure. The wild and rude manner of life of the Irifh made them look on caflles 

and 



(84) Hiftorical Relations, p. 71. (85) Prynne on the 4th Tnflitute, p. 256. 

(86) The Convent and Prior of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, apply to Edward III. through the Ear] of Ulfler, for this 
licence : Records of Chrill Church, Dublin. The late Doctor Lyon, who tranfcribcd thefe, has committed a flight 
error, probably from the original being nearly obliterated. It concludes, " tefte I, Darcy, le-Ofyn, juftic. noftro.'' Le- 
Ofyn ftiould be Roger Outlaw, for he was Judiciary at that time. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 291 

and the confinement within them with abhorrence. Sir John de Courcy (87) con- 
ftructed two in Mac Mahon's country : thefe awed the latter, he became complaifant, 
fwore fidelity, and made Courcy his goffip. Courcy at length bellowed on him the 
caflles and their appendent lands. Within a rr.onth Mac Mahon demolifhed both. 
Being afked the reafon for doing fo, he anfwered, that he did not promife to hold 
ftones but land ; that it was contrary to his nature to live within cold walls whillt 
the woods were fo nigh. It was late before the lrifh, in imitation of the Englifh, 
raifed a few (88) Piles for the Captains of the country : " I dare boldly fay," adds 
Davis, " that never any particular perfon from the conqueft to the reign of James I. 
did build any (tone or brick houfe for his private habitation, but fuch as have lately 
obtained eftates according to the courfe of the law of England." The reafon of 
this he explains in his report of Taniftry. Baron Finglas in 1534 affirmed it to be 
eafy to fecure Ireland from the number of forts and caflles in it ; but Fynes Mory- 
fon and Spenfer thought more were neceffary, as the lrifh had pofreffed themfelves 
of many, and according to Stanihurft, even built fome. The latter (89) tells us 
O'Neal, O'Carrol, and the other great lriih Princes had large ftrong caflles, and 
well furnifhed with military ftores, and (90) watchmen on their tops conftantly cal- 
ling out to alarm robbers. 

The colonization of this ifle by Englifh fettlers was a fcheme fleadily purfued 
for many centuries, and particularly by the (91) minifters of Queen Elizabeth, who 
obliged every grantee to conftruct. a caflle, fort, or bawn, for the prpteclion of his 
family and tenants. On the efcheating of Ulfter by the flight of Tyrone and Tyr- 
connel in 1606, King James, treading in the fteps of his predeceffors, bound each 
undertaker to the performance of thefe (92) conditions. If he had 2000 acres he 
was, within two years, to build a ftrong caftle with a court or bawn about it : if 
1500 acres, he was to erect a ftone or brick houfe, with a court or bawn ; if lefs, 
a bawn. Thus Lord Aubigny had 3000 acres, on thefe he made a ftrong caftle of 
lime and ftone five ftories high, with four round towers for flankers : the body of 
the caftle was fifty feet long, twenty-eight broad, and the roof flated. Adjoining 
it was a bawn of lime and ftone, eighty feet f'quare, with two flankers fifteen feet 
high. The caftle ftood on the meeting of five public highways, and kept the neigh- 

bouring 

(87) Cox, p. 33. (88) Davis, p. 7? . 

( s 9) Hi igitur principes caftella poflidem, munitione ac mole lapidum fortiter extru<3a. 

(90) This was the Scandinavian Gockman. Martin's Weftern Ifland?, p. 103. Macpherfon's Crit. Difl". p, 279. 

(91) See Defiderat. Curios. Hib. Vol 1. paffim. Cox, V. 1. p. 391. 

(92) Harris's Hibernica, p. 125— 140, Pynnar's Survey 



292 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



■•< ■<•■< •<■■<•.< + >>. 



■ >• >•■>■ >• >•■>■ >• >• > >■•>■ >■ > v > > >■ > >■ >. >. >.. 



bouriag country in fubje£tion. William Hamilton had iooo acres, on thefe was a 
bawn of lime and ftone eighty feet fquare, with two round towers for flankers, and 
two {lories high vaulted, the wall itfelf being thirteen feet high. Within the bawn 
was an houfe of lime and ftone thirty-fix feet long and twenty feet broad. Many 
other curious particulars may be found in the author laft quoted. In confequence 
of thefe refolutions of Government, there were conflrucled in the fix efcheated 
Northern counties in the fpace of a few years, one hundred and feven caftles with 
bawns, nineteen caftles without bawns, and forty-two bawns without caftles or houf- 
es. The grantees of efcheated land in every other part of the kingdom were bound 
to build in like manner. Borlafe (93) fpeaking of Lord Strafford's adminiftration 
obferves that " multitudes of Britifh were brought in and planted even in the moft 
barbarous places : many corporate towns were ere&ed and fome walled towns built, 
and caftles, ftone houfes, and villages daily made in every part in great abundance." 
By thefe means caftles multiplied prodigioufly, there were more in this ifland than 
perhaps on an equal furface in any other part of the world. I can reckon the re- 
mains of eighty in the Queen's County, and am fure there were more ; fo that there 
were probably not lefs than three or four thoufand in the kingdom. By a minute 
furvey of the half barony of Rathdown, in the County of Dublin, A. D. 1655, it 
appears there were in it twenty three caftles in good prefervation, befides the remains 
of others, and fortified houfes. The mod decifive evidence of the rude manners 
and bad policy of the times. 

The reader has already anticipated me in remarking, that all our caftles till the 
time of James I. were built by Englifh mafons and on Englifh plans : to defcribe 
therefore their various parts after the curious and very circumftantial account already 
given by Mr. King of the Englifh ones in the Archaeologia, would be but to tran- 
fcribe what he has written. Many of our Anglo-Hibernian caftles, as they were 
in 1599, may be feen in the Pacata Hibernia ; a work, when to be had complete, 
extremely valuable for its curious maps and engravings. Thefe caftles appear to have 
been large and well fortified, fo as to bear a long fiege and the affault of artillery, 
and mcft of thefe remain though in ruins. As for the battlemented houfes and 
bawns, increafing civility has levelled moft of them. The common fmall fquare 
caftles, by far the moft numerous, were the refidence of Englifh undertakers. All 
thefe are exifting monuments of the infelicity of former ages, when cruel and do- 

meftic 

(93) Hiftory of the Iri(h Rebellion. 



ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 293 

medic wars convulfed and defolated the ifland, leaving little (94) more than one 
million of wretched miferable beings to occupy this beautiful and fertile country. 
The final fettlement of the kingdom at the Revolution, and the cherifhing care of 
the illuftrious Houfe of Brunfwic, gave us a regular government and juft and equal 
laws ; emancipated us from commercial reflraints, and promoted a fpirit of indus- 
try. Four millions of fouls now gratefully acknowledge fuch fignal bleflings, and 
devoutly pray for a continuance of them. I (hall defcribe two of our old caftles, 
Dunamafe and Ley. 

Before I proceed to the account of Dunamafe, it may not be improper to notice 
an opinion of an (95) ingenious writer, who thinks the Anglo-Saxon, Danifh, and 
Norman forts and keeps had a fort of Celtic original, and that the firft idea of 
them was brought from Media and the Eaft. The error of confounding the Celtes 
with fubfequent colonies, and thereby the antiquities of every European nation, has 
been largely infilled on in the courfe of this work ; on the prefent occafion it is 
very apparent. The heppahs or forts of the (96) new difcovered iflanders are thus 
defcribed : a fmall rock detached from the main, and fixty feet above the fea, is 
fenced round, the area at top will contain but five or fix houfes, and could be 
approached but by one narrow fteep path. Another heppah is fituated on a rocky 
promontory, two of its fides are warned by the fea, and are altogether inacceffible, 
the other fides are defended by flrong palifades about ten feet high, tied together 1 
with withes, thefe were protected by ditches, twenty-four feet deep, the vallum is 
palifaded. The firfi: is exactly the fame as our Dun Dunolf, Dun Aengus, and 
others, and the latter is a compound of our Dun and Daingean. What was the 
medium of conveyance of thefe ideas from the old to the new world ? In literary 
records or tradition it cannot be found, it mull therefore exilt folely in the warm 
imagination of writers. Such hypothefes deferve not the fmalleft attention, how 
refpe&able or celebrated foever the authors of them may be. The energies of the 
human mind called forth into action by particular circumftances will, in every part 
of the world, produce fimilar effects. Imitation may very well be allowed where 
the colonization of one country by another can with certainty be traced. .Thus I 
have endeavoured to (hew from the mode of life among the Celtes, that they pro- 
bably adopted from their Firbolgian invaders, a warlike race, the ufe of infulated 

4 f rocks 

(94) Petty's Political Anatomy. (95) Mr. King. Archeaologia, V, 6. p. J94— 373, 

£&6) Hawkefworth's Voyages, V. 3. p, 164. Edit. Dublin. 






294 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 

rocks as places of fafety : but I am not fo wedded to this or any other notion, as 
not inflantly to relinquifh it on better evidence and information. 

Dunamafe is fituated in the Queen's County, about four miles eaft from Marybo- 
rough. In records in Bermingham tower, it is written Dunemaike ; by Sir John 
Davis, Duamafe ; by Ware, Dunemaufe; by Baron Finglas, Dunnemaufe. Its 
name, which imports — the fort of the plain — evinces it to have been confidered 
and ufed as a place of flrength in the earlieft ages : the plain is what is called the 
Great Heath, nearly furrounding it. Ware (97) following Ptolemy, makes the 
Dunum of the latter Dunamafe, but Camden more truly Downpatric : Ptolemy's 
information was but imperfect, as to the interior of our ifland, but tolerably correct 
as to what refpedls the fea-coaft. This rock is an eliptical conoid, and inacceffible 
on all fides, except to the Eaft, which in its improved ftate was defended by the 
Barbican. On each fide of the Barbican were ditches, and where they could not 
be continued for the rock, walls began ; to the S. and S. E. were two towers, the 
latter protecting the Barbican. From the Barbican you advance to the gate of the 
lower ballium ; it is feven feet wide, and the walls fix thick, it had a parapet, cre- 
nelles, and embrafures. The lower ballium is three hundred and twelve feet from 
North to South, and one hundred and fixty from Eaft to Weft. You then arrive 
at the gate of the upper ballium, which is placed in a tower, and from this begin 
the walls which divided the upper and lower ballium. The former is a plain of 
one hundred and eleven feet from Eaft to Weft, and two hundred and two feet 
from North to South where broadeft. On the higheft part was the keep, and the 
apartments for the officers : there was a fally-port and a prifon. 

Dermod, King of Leinfter, marrying his daughter Eva to Strongbow, Earl of 
Pembroke, made him his univerfal heir, whereby he poflefled the province of Lein- 
fter, of which he was (98) after enfeoffed by Henry II. To his followers he afligned 
large portions, and particularly to Walter de Ridelford, that (99) part held by the 
Irifh Chief, O'Morethie. This O'Morethie is alfo called O'Mordha, O'Morgha, 
O'Morchoe, O'Mordris, and laftly O'More, as may be feen in Camden's Annals 
and other writers. His property extended from Abbyleix, where it joined the 
MacGuil Phadruigs, or Fitzpatricks, to Dunamafe, and from that to (100) Mullagh- 
maft, and took in part of the barony of Slieumargah : his caftle and refidence 
were at Leix or Leas, called Abbeyleix, from a Ciftertian abbey founded there 

A.D. 

(i)j) Difqui.% p. jr. (98) Davis, p. 85—96. (99) Regan, p. 41. 

(103) Walfli, p. 113. 



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ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 295 



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A. D. 1183, by one of the (1) O'More's. Here alfo Hugh Lacy conftru&ed (2) a 
caftle to curb this powerful fept in 1 1 74. The Earl of Pembroke dying in 11 76, 
an only daughter, Ifabel, who efpoufed William Marfhal, Earl of Pembroke, 
by whom me had five fons who fucceeded to his great eftates in Leinfter. Upon 
the death of the hit. in 1245, his pofTeffions gavelled among his filters. She who 
married, fays Finglas, William de Bruce, Lord of Brecknock, had the manor of 
Dunamafe in Leix, with other lands in the county of Kildare. Dunamafe was now 
erected into a lordlhip, barony, or manor, by Bruce. This was to be his refidencej 
here he held a domeftic or court-baron, and to it the (3) tenants reforted for fuit 
and fervice. Accordingly Sir John Davis tells us, Dunamafe was the principal 
houfe of Lord Mortimer in Leix. A caitle was conftrucfed on the rock, and a 
military tenantry formed round it, ready (4) to appear in arms for the defence of 
the realm, or the fervice of their Lord. Thus the caftles of Dyfart, Pallis, Shean, 
Coolbanagher, Moret, Ballymanus, Kilmarter, Ballyknockin, and others, were 
held as of the caftle of Dunamafe. The fame (5) tenure was univerfal in France. 
In 1264, Maurice Fitzgerald took Richard de Rupella the Lord Juftice, Theobald 
le Butler, and John de Cogan prifoners, and committed them to the prifons in Leix 
and Donemus or Dunamafe. (6) 

A wide wafte, the conftant concomitant of baronial grandeur, lay about the 
caitle, this is now called the Great Heath, and was common to the tenantry : the 
caftle was crowded with armed men, the terror of the neighbourhood and the bul- 
wark of the pale. Such was the ftate of Dunamafe, when it was made a manor 
by Lord Brecknock, and fo it remained for fome years. While the Britifh fettlers 
preferved their original manners, the ficklenefs of the lrifh, and their pronenefs to 
rebellion were effectually reftrained ; but when the pride of power without any of 

the 

(1) Archdall'* Mon. Hib. p. 586. 

(2) Gir.il. Cam! ;rens. fupra. Hanmer, p. 161. Giraldus Cambrcnfisenrly recommended a chain of caftles and forts, 
and his advice was followed. Satius enim eft, & longe fatius paulatim primo locis idoneis caftra conferere, & quafi peden- 
tim in eorundem conftruiftionem procedere, quam intervallis diftantia magnis varus paffim locis multa conflruere ; nee 
invicem fibi vel cohxrenti vel neceffitatis articulis opitulantia. Expugnat. c. 36. 

(3) Poterit etiam effe per fe manerium capitale, & plures villas 4k plures hamletas quafi fub uno capite aut dominio. 
Bracton's Definition of a manor. Lib. 4. Baronio de Caftro nomen haber. Lindenbrog, Cod. LL, Antiq. p. 1363. 

(4) Debent univerli libcri homines fecundum fuum focdum & fecundum tenementa fua arma habere, & ilia femper 
prompta confervare, ad tuitiontm regni & fervicia dominorum fuorum. Lambarde, 135 

(_5) Et cum cunclis villis & fortiis quas erant fub ejufdem caftri dominio, in quibis crant viginti fortia. Catell. Hift. 
Franc. Tom. 5. 

(6] Hanmer, p. 101 — 202. 



fe 9 6 ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 

virtue that acquired it was only found among them ; when corruptions had degrad- 
ed the national character, they then were looked on with contempt by thofe who 
formerly dreaded them, and inftead of mailers became fuitors for protection. 
" Taking advantage, (fays Davis,) of thofe weak times, the Irifh ufurped thofe 
feignories that were in poffefiion of the Englifh, fetting up a perpetual claim to thofe 
great lordfhips, they were employed by the Englifh noblemen for protection, but 
feized them as their inheritance when opportunity offered. Thus about the end of 
Edward II. 's reign, Lyfagh O'More, the ancient proprietary of Leix, being intrud- 
ed by Lord Mortimer, who had married Lord Brecknock's only daughter, with the 
care and protection of his eftates, affumed the name of O'More, took eight caftles 
in one evening, deflroyed Dunamafe, and recovered the whole country. " De fervo 
dominus, de fubjecto princeps," faith Friar Clynn in his Annals. 

In a (7) patent roll of the 17th of Edward II. we find O'More fummoned as a 
powerful Irifh chief to oppofe Bruce and his Scots : here we fee he held his land 
by feudal tenure, but he performed the conditions no longer than he was coerced 
by fuperior power. For in 1346, throwing off all fubjection, Lord Walter Berming- 
ham and the Earl of Kildare collected their forces, deflroyed his country with fire 
and fword, and obliged him to acknowledge at Athy, that he held his manor (8) 
of Belief, and his other lands in Leix, of Roger Mortimer, as of his manor of 
Donmafke (Dunamafe). For two centuries very little is recorded of Dunamafe, 
the Englifh during this interval frequently lofing this old fortrefs, and as often re- 
covering it from the O'Mores. In the beginning of the Irifh Rebellion, 1642, the 
infurgents fecured Maryborough, Dunamafe, Carlow, and other flrong caftles and 
holds. The Earl of Ormond arriving at Athy from Dublin, detached parties to 
the relief of thefe. 

On the retreat of Ormond, the caftles in the Queen's County fubmitted to Gene- 
ral Preflon, but were retaken by the King's forces. In 1646, Owen Roe O'Neil 
appeared, and committing every act of outrage and cruelty in the county, feized 
Dyfart, (9) Maryborough, Cullenbrack, Sheehen or Shean, Beaiaroyn or Ballyrone, 
Caftlereban, &c. Dunamafe, within a mile of Shean and Dyfart caftles, did not 
efcape. In July 1650, Maryborough, Dunamafe, and other places of ftrength fur- 
rendered to Colonels Hewfon and Reynolds, and were difmantled, in which ftate 
they have continued to the prefent time. I fhall now conclude with fome remarks 

on 

(7) Pat. 17. Edw. a. m. 7. (8) Harris's Hibcrnica, p. 74. (9) Defider. Cor, Hib p. 506. 



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ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 297 

on the Cattle of Ley, near Portarlington, one of the oldeft ftructures made by the 
Englifh in this kingdom, and of which the ground-plan is given in the plate. 

About 1 176, Henry II. bellowed on (10) Maurice Fitz Gerald the barony of 
Ophaley, in which Ley is fituated ; the latter was the patrimony of the O'Dempfxes. 
From what has beeji before obferved of Lacy and the other great captains who 
made conquefts here, we may conclude that Fitz Gerald erected this cattle with 
many more to protect the property he had acquired. The Irifh beheld thefe with 
jealous eyes, and watched every opportunity to deftroy them. In 1284, the O' 
Demplies, O'Dunnes, and O'Carrols united and (11.) furprized and burnt the cattle 
of Ley : Verdun attempting to revenge the injury, and to recover the fortrefs, lott 
both his men and hor.ies. However the Irifli were foon difpofferTed. In 1292, fays 
Davis, (12) " John Fitz Thomas Fitz Gerald having,, by contention with the 
Lord Vefci gotten a goodly inheritance in Kildare, grew to that height of imagina- 
tion as he fell into a difference with divers great noblemen, among others with 
Richard De Burgo, the red Earl, whom he took prifoner and detained in his cattle 
of Ley." 

On the eve of the translation of St. Thomas a Becket, the Irifh fepts beforemen- 
tioned burnt the town of Ley, and befieged the cattle, but it was foon raifed by 
John Fitz Thomas and Edmond Botiller. This was in 1307. In 1329, O'Demp- 
fey took this cattle, but the next year it was furrendered to Sir John Darcy. Sieges, 
furrenders, and recaptures compofe the the uninterefting hiilory of ancient fortrefles 
in rude and turbulent ages. 

The caftle of Ley was eredled on an hill or gently rifing ground. Its length ex- 
ternally is fixty feet, its breadth forty-fix. The walls are eight feet thick, and in 
fome places ten. It was three {lories high : the arches are all circular, except one 
pointed leading from the caufeway into the bawn, probably a later construction. 
On the North ran the river Barrow, the other fides were fecured by a ditch twenty- 
five feet broad, which ccruld occasionally be filled with water from the river. Within 
the ditch was a wall, the foundations of which only remain. The approach to this 
fortrefs was by a caufeway one hundred feet in length ; the outer ballium from 
Eafl to Weft is four hundred and ten feet, and from North to South, including the 
bawn, three hundred and fifty in diameter. The inner ballium from North to South 
is one hundred and forty, and from Eaft to Weft one hundred and thirty feet. The 

. 4 g bawn 

(lo) Lodge's Peerage, Vol. I. initio. (il) Camden's Annals. Cox, p. 76. 

(12) Relations, p. 65. 



a 9 S ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 



.<-< .<..< .< .« < < .( .< .< .< <<<■<<•<<< ■<•■<-<•■< <•<•< <<•.< •<■<•< < .<••<■<■< <■<+>■ >..,..>..>..>..>.>..>.. >..».. 



'bawn was a common appendage to caftles. Stanihurft (13) defcribes it as connected 
with caftles, and being a large area furrounded with great ditches and ramparts j 
within thefe cattle were driven and protected from an enemy or thieves. 

The following notices will give fome idea of the art military in Ireland in later 
times. By (14) inftr u&ions fent to the Lord Prefident and Council of M under, 
places of defence are there diftinguifhed into forts, caftles, piles, or houfes. By 
the firft are meant old Danifh forts, furrounded with earthen works, and in the centre 
a keep of lime and (lone : thefe forts had often circular walls of mafonry, 'as that 
at Maryborough. By (15) piles, I understand a collection of buildings, encompafled 
with a rampart impaled ; thefe were our bawns : and by houfes, are intended thofe 
for defence, with battlements and flankers. A good inftance of fuch a houfe is at 
Morett, near Maryborough. Thefe caftles and defences while they encouraged 
murder and rapine, and made the natives ferocious and fanguinary, were fufficient 
to protect them before the introduction of artillery and fire-arms. It was in 1489,, 
that the (16) latter were brought hither from Germany ; fix mufquets being pre- 
fented to the Earl of Kildare, which he gave to his guard. This, (17) according 
to Anderfon, was thirty-two years before they were known in England. 

Before this, it was enacted by the 5 Edward IV. that every Englishman and Irifh- 
man, who dwell together, and are between the ages of fixteen and fixty, fhall have 
an Englifh bow of his own length, and one fiftmale, at the leaft, between the necks, 
with twelve fhafts of the length of three quarters of the ftandard : yet not prohibit- 
ing gentlemen on horfeback to ride, according to their difpofition, with fpear. The 
Conftables to fee a pair of butts provided in every town, and archery practifed. 

By the 10 Henry VII. every fubject, according to his property, to have an Englifh 
bow and fheaf of arrows, a jack and fallet, and butts to be in every town. No 
one to keep in his houfe or garrifon ordnance or artillery, that is to fay, great gun 
or hand gun, except only long bows, arrows, and bills, It is alfo enacted, that no 
foldier on his journey fhall pay more than five farthings for one meal, and four for 
his fervant ; and for every horfe a penny, with fix fheaves and litter. 

The following (18) ftores were provided againfi the Spanifh invafion of Ireland, 

A. D. 1601. 

5 Lafl 

(13) Habent item areas magnis aggeribus & foflis circumdataSj dumetis & virgukis circumfeptas. In his, quo'iei an- 
jruftiis urgentur, armenta detrudunt, uti melius a grafiatcrum inomfionibus & a tagacium funis obvallata inclufione vindi. 
ccntur. De reb. Hib. p. 33. 

(14) Defider, Cur. Hib. V a. p. 14. {15) Skinner, in voce. 

(16) Harris's Hift. of Dublin, p. 383. (17) Hift. cf Commerce, V. a. p. 53. Ed. Dublin, 

(if) Sydney's ftate papers, p. 1 87 






ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 299 

..< * •« ■<••«■■< < •< •<<<< •< < < < < < ■<■<■•<■<■•<•■<■<••<■■<•< •<••< .<..«..«..< .<■.<..<■.< ■<+>.>■.»..>• >.>.>>..>. ,. >..>. ,..>. >..,,. ,.>..,. >..,..,..,. >..> ,. ..,. „ >.>..>..,. ,. >. >..,. ,..>_ 

5 Lafl of corn powder, 500 Black Bills, 
1 Lafl of ferpentine powder, 200 Halberts, 

6 Fodder of lead, 200 Turkey morrions, 
33000 weight of Match, 200 Pick-axes, 

400 Bows, 100 Sledging Bills, 

1200 Arrows, 200 Reaping hooks, 

50 Grofs of Strings, 1000 Coils of hand-rope, 

300 Pikes, 200 weight of gun-rope, 

500 Corflet complete, of bed mould, 20 Dozen of fpades and (hovels. 

It was not before 1584, that the Irifh became (19) reconciled to the fire and ex- 
plofion of guns. In the Irifh wars of 1600, the army was badly fumifhed with 
ordnance, having feldom any whole cannon, but demy cannon, fakers, and light 
pieces. In 16 16, every grantee (20) of efcheated land was bound by tenure, if he 
had 500 acres, to have for his own defence and the king's fervice, three mufquets 
and calivers, and three hand weapons, to furnifh fix men, and fo in proportion to 
the number of acres. In fome pamphlets publifhed in London, A. D. 1642, con- 
cerning: the Irifh rebellion, we find halberts and double battle-axes were ufed, which 
latter was the Danifh hatchet : alfo pertuifannes ; a heavy fword, called a faulchion, 
with which an Irifh foldier cut through Lord Inchiquin's armour ; they had alfo their 
old weapons, fkenes and hand-flones. In 1649, tne ( 2I ) artillery taken by Jones, 
the Parliament's General, from the Earl of Ormond, were two whole cannon, three 
iemy cannon, one long fquare gun, carrying a ball of twelve pounds, one faker 
drake, and one mortar piece, all of brafs. In the lafl cited author we read of an 
army of 3700 cavalry and 14500 infantry with but four pieces of ordnance. It is 
remarkable, that in the demolition of our caflles and forts, and in the improvement 
of their demefnes very few iron bullets have been difcovered, but much round 
flones, with which they charged the cannon. Iron bullets were (22) unknown in 
England and France in 1514. 

The C23) Earl of EfTex, in 1599, tells Queen Elizabeth, that the Irifh were unable 
to force any walled town, caftle, or houfe of flrength : but they ufed a military 
engine, called a (24) Sow, which was ufed at the fiege of Sligo, A.D. 1689, and is 

thus 

{19) Ferrfarum fiftularum jam tandem apod eos ufus increburt • etfi enimprimis temporibos harum fonitum inflamajare 
-mdebant. Stanihurft, p. 4%. 

(20) Defid, Cur. Hib. V. a. p. 41. (21) BofIaie s p. i4i. (22) Andcrfon, fup. V. a, y. 38. 

(233 Cox, V. 1. p. 419. (14) B*rri»'» Life cf King William. 



5oo ON THE MILITARY ANTIQUITIES OF IRELAND. 

thus defcribed : " It was made hollow to contain men, and was compofed of very 
ftrong whole timbers hound with iron hoops, and covered with two rows of hides, 
and as many of fheep ikins, which rendered it proof againfl: mufket-ball or fleel 
arrows. The back part was left open for the men to go in and' out at pleafure, and- 
in the front were doors to be opened, when the fow was forced under the wall ' r 
which was done with little labour, the engine being fixt on an iron axle-tree." 
K The Iriih, (fays (25) Stafford,) befieged Lifkaghan caftle in 1600, and placed an 
engine well known in this country, called a Sow, to the walls thereof, to fap the 
fame : but the defendants did fo well acquit themfelves in a fally, that they tore the 
fow in pieces, made her caft her pigs, and flew twenty-feven of them dead in the 
place." 

I had almoft: forgot to notice a very remarkable particular recorded (26) by Strada. 
He tells us, that Sir William Pelham, who had been Lord Juflice of Ireland, led 
into the Low Countries, in 1586, fourteen hundred wild Irifh, clad only below 
the navel and mounted on frilts, which they ufed in pafEng rivers : they were 
armed with bows and arrows. Having never met with this ufe of ftilts among 
any other people, it feemed a matter of curiofity to notice it here. 

The glorious Revolution, and the acceffion of the illuflrious Houfe of Brunfwic 
to the throne, fixed the liberty of the Britifh Ifles on the firmed bafis : and may 
our caftles and forts peaceably moulder to decay, and the labours of the plough and 
aftive induftry fucceed military tyranny and the din of arms. Every lover of his 
King and of Ireland will join with me in the words of the Poet, and fay j 

Dii tibiy qiuscunque preceris^ 
Commoda dint. 



fz$) Pacata Hib. p. 68. 

(a6) Hiberni mcccc, e fylveftri omnes genere atque ferino, medio tantuna corpore fubter umbilieiim Telati, eaters 
Audi, grallis feu perticis, quarum ufus in trajiciendis amnibus alti impoCti, longe aliis lupcrftabaRt, arcubus & fagitiii 
ninaces. Strad. £tlg. 1. 8. p. 404. Eorlafe's reduction, p> 132, 



ON 



( $oi ) 



,,,'■^o , ^.. ,, ^.l , '^,•' , ^.A,.•'v,. , '^./^..• , ^.. ,, ^./^^•^./'^./^H''^./^..' , ^,.''^..''^..''^.A/'^./•^./'•...••'..,.••••,.,' 
4* + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +* + + + + +++* + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + 



ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF THE ANTIENT IRISH. 



'ROM the arrival of the Englifh in the reign of Henry II. to the 5th of James 
I. (when the ancient Irifh laws were (1) abolifned) a period of above 400 
years, the Brehon law prevailed in every part of Ireland, not immediately fubject. to 
the Englifli power. It is not lefs fingular than true, thr.t nothing like a regular 
fketch of the political conftitution and jurifprudence of the ancient Irifh has been 
given by foreign or domeftic writers during this long interval. And this feems the 
more extraordinary, as one obvious mean of weaning the Irifh from their rude cuf- 
toms was, by detailing the Brehon laws, and fhewing the evident fuperiority of 
thofe of the Englifh in every inftance. Nor were men of talents and knowledge 
wanting to execute fuch a work : for Henry II. a wife prince, lent (2) difcreet and 
able lawyers with his fon John to Ireland : fuch we muft believe them to be, when 
fele&ed by the celebrated Ranulph Glanville, who accompanied the young King to 
Milford haven. Y/hether it was confidered as degrading to pay attention to the 
laws of a conquered people, cannot be determined, but the Englifh would have 
a&ed wifely in doing fo ; for they would have foon found on enquiry, that the Irifh 
Brehon laws, unlefs in their abufe, differed but little from thofe which they them- 
felves practifed. The Irifh would have quickly perceived the abufes, and as gladly 
have corrected them, and the legiflation of both people would have foon affimilated. 
What increafes our regret at this filence of former ages, while it raifes our curiofity 
is, that thefe Brehon laws are pronouced to be of fo malignant a nature, that the 
adoption of them generated the moft (3) deplorable depravity in the Englifli colonifts, 
ajud therefore their ufe was declared by (4) fiatute to be high treafon. 

However we are not left intirely ignorant of the fubje£t : numerous hints are 
fupplied by Spenfer, by Campion, Davis, Stanihurft, and more recent authors, 
who prefent fuch materials, as if carefully collected, will give a tolerably correct 

4 h idea 



(1) Davis'j Reports, p. 78. 

(2) Ipfe fecura duxit tiros difcretos & legij peritos. Dstis'* Hill. Rel. 

(3) Davis, fup. (4) Sut. Kilkcnnj, 40 ILdw . 5. 



Cox, I. p. J 1. 



3 o2 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 



. >..>■>..>..>..>..>..>. >. >.->..>..>..>. >. >. >..>..>..>..>. >. >. *..*..>. >-v. y- >■->. 



idea of our Tubject. It is much to be wifhed, that fome author of legal education 
and habits had made the prefent attempt : but fortunately for them, lawyers can 
more profitably employ their time than in antiquarian investigations. 

But it may here be afked, are not tranflations of the Brehon laws in MS. in 
Trinity College library, thofe in the Seabright and other collections indifpenfably 
necefiary fcr the purpofes of this Effay ? To this I anfwer in the negative : but 
granting them to be fo, the thing is impoffible and for the following reafons. 

t . John Lynch, titular archdeacon of Tuam, and a good Latin and Irifh. fchoiar, 
publiflied (5) in 1662, a peevifh and abfurd critique on Giraldus CambrenfrYs ac- 
count of Ireland. The latter had faid, the Irifh were without laws. Lynch oppofes 
this by reciting the titles of MS laws, communicated to him by (6) Duald M'Firbis. 
They relate to thefts, mulcts, afyla, hunting, hawking, fepulture, Sec. He (7) tells 
us that a Bifhop, a Judge, and a Poet, in 686, reduced into a body the writings 
of lawyers and the Scattered fragments of laws, and called them Brathaneimhadh, 
or facred judgments, and he fums up their contents in thefe verfes : 

Quod Jit jus Cleri, Satrapa, vatifque fabrique 
Necnon agricola, liber i/ie docebit abunde. 

One law fairly given and fairly explained would have done him and the nation more 
honour, and carried more conviction of the legiflative talents of the Irifh than one 
hundred meagre titles. But this is not attempted. 

1. O'Flaherty gave the world his Ogygia in 1684, a work of confiderable learn- 
ing. He mentions the (8) Brethe-nimhe, or celeflial judgments, and fays they 
were compiled, A. D. 647. He was the pupil of M'Firbis, faid by (9) O'Connor 
to be the lafl great Irifh antiquary, and yet throughout his large production he 
gives us not one Brehon law or translation. 

3. L.huyd, in 1707, publiflied his Archaeologia Britannica, wherein are excel- 
lent dictionaries of all the furviving dialects of the Celtic, and whom all mufl allow 
to be incomparably fuperior to any writer before or fince his time, in a knowledge 
of that language, yet this man, thus accomplifhed, tells the Royal (10) Society; 
that he had procured in divers parts of Ireland about twenty or thirty MSS in 

parchment, 

(5) Catnbrens. everfus, pafg. 

(6) Ex his fuperiores titulos ante aliquot annos decerpfit Duualdus Viruifiue. Camb. evers, p. J 59. 

(7) Camb. evers. p. 157. (8) Ogyg. p. 218. (9) Ogyg. vind. p. 8. 
(io) Philolbph. trans. Baddam's abridg. V. 5. p, 491, 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 303 

.<<•< «<•<•♦•<•< « <<<«< <<<<<.<<<< 1 < < < <<<<•<< ■<■<■<■«■<■<•<+>•>•>>•>>•>■>.■>■>■>•>•>•>>•>.>.>>>.>>•>■>> »• > > > > > > >> > > > >• >• 

parchment, and though he conftilted O'Flaherty, one of the chief Irifh critics, and 
ltveral others they could fcarcely interpret one page. 

Here the fecret is revealed why Lynch and O'Flaherty declined the Brehon laws 
and their interpretation : they were inexplicable by them. 

4. The Editor of the Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis, in 1774 and 1782, gave 
two fpecimens of Brehon laws, the originals with tranflations. It may eafily be 
imagined, that the thus difpelling an obfeurity which had baffled the learning of 
Lynch, O'Flaherty, and Lhuyd mud have excited the attention of antiquaries and 
every lover of Irifh antiquities in particular. Mr. Charles O'Conor, author of dif- 
fertations on the hiftory of Ireland, and confeffedly the beft Irifh fcholar then in 
the kingdom, was applied to for his fentiments on the occafion, which he candidly- 
delivered in a letter to a friend, of which the following is an extract. 

" Our Irifh jurilprudence was almoft entirely confined to the Phsenian dialect, 
a dialect underftood only by the Brehons, the law-advocates, and a few who had 
curiofity to fludy our law-language. I have feen and poffeiTed fome of our Phasnian 
tracts ;, and having an opportunity in my youth of converfing with fome of the 
moft learned Irifh fcholars in our ifland, they freely confeffed to me, that to them 
both the text and glofs were equally unintelligible. The key for expounding both 
was fo late as the reign of Charles I. poffeffed by the Mac Egans, who kept their 
law-fchool in Tipperary, and I dread that fince that time it has been loft. B"ut I 
have been informed, that Duald M'Firbis, the ableft fcholar inftructed by thefe 
Mac Egans, was employed on a Law-Lexicon, in which, it has been faid, he made 
a good progrefs. PofTefled of fuch an expofitor, our law-learning, the product of 
many ages, might be difcovered, and become a valuable acquifition." 

Roufed, as others were, by thefe literary phenomena, I confulted Doctor Young, 
the late Bifhop of Clonfert, and the learned (u) tranfla.tor of Oflian, who affured 
me that he had fpent fome time in endeavouring to decipher thefe laws, and that 
he found it impoffible without a key. The fame affurance I received from other 
good Irifh fcholars, whom I furnifhed with Lhuyd's, Macurtin's, O'Clery's, and 
O'Brien's dictionaries, and with fome MS vocabularies in my poffeffion. They tried 
firfl the direct interpretation of the words, and then reforted to etymology and anal- 
ogy, but all in vain, fully eftablifhing this truth, that without a gloffary or key 
thefe laws were not to be explained. The tranflations therefore in the Collectanea 

muft 

(11) In the Tranf. of th« Royal Irifh Acad. V. i. 



3°4 



ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 



mud be efteemed a literary impofition on the public, until the author produces fuch 
gloflary or key. The author himfelf feems to have felt fome qualms on this head, 
when he (12) confeffes that he does not pretend to determine when the Brehon 
laws were enacted, and in (13) another place he begins his preface to his fecond fpe- 
cimen with thefe words : " I prefume not to think that I have given a proper tranf- 
lation of the laws of the ancient Irifh." This is giving up the point, I have there- 
fore paffed over thefe fictitious translations as totally undeferving notice. 

The next thing to be confidered is, what has given rife to this obfcurity, and 
wherein it confifts. Perhaps the following opinion is not far from the truth. When 
the Normanno-Anglic princes acquired the dominion of Ireland, they eflablifhed 
their laws co-extenfively with their power, and with thefe laws, a jargon intelligible 
only to profeffors and their eleves. This anfwered the double purpofe of making 
the fcience refpedtable and profitable : objefts too interefling to native Irifh lawyers 
not inftantly to adopt. To prove what has been advanced, take the following inftance 
of Norman Law-Latin. *' Albinus je&atus, namatus erat pro abrocamentis, pri- 
mo in mifericordia deinde infine, quanquam in aberfherfmg per munimenta." That 
is, the ftranger being cited, was diflrained for felling goods before they were brought 
to the public, market, firft in a fmall, then in a larger mulct:, though he was freed 
from amerciaments by charters. 

It is fuperfluous to remark, how unintelligible this language mud be to the beffc 
claffical fcholar without the aid of Spelman's, Du Cange's, and Cowel's gloflaries. 
Of fuch gibberifh, I believe, the Brehon laws will, be found to be compofed, when- 
tver a key to unlock them is difcovcred. I had therefore reafon for faying, that 
at prefent it is impoflible to derive any advantage from MS Brehon laws ; whether 
a juft idea of thefe and of the ancient political conflitution of the Irifh are here 
given without their aid, mufl: depend on the authorities cited, and the judgment of 
the reader. 

There is a finking analogy in the primitive political inflitutions of mofl nations. 
Plato, who traces the origin and progrefs of fociety, calls that fuperiority or power 
which enforces peace and order (14) Dynafly. This was firft exercized by the 

heads 



(ia) Colled. V. I, p. 6. What this author ha« publifhed on the Erehon laws, and other branches of Irifh Antiquities 
arc the waking dreams of a deranged intellecT:. 

(13) Colled. V. 3. pref. 

(14) Ai*« [iti truvrss rnt tv rvru Xt t,m ft-irtiKv, AvtKsur.v y.icXuu. Plat, de Icjj. 1. 3. 



■■<-<■<■< <<•<<< ■< < < < ■«•■ 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 

<<-<•< ■< •<■■<•<<< < < < ■-< < ■<■■<■■< ■ <■■<■■<■■<■<■$•>•■>• >•■>■>■>■ >• >■■>■>■ >■■>•■>. >■■>•>. >..>.. 



305 



..>,.), >..» >..> >>>>>. 



heads of families, and was found even among the favage Cyclopes, who (15) dictated 
laws to their wives and children. As families multiplied tribes were formed, over 
whom, thofe who in their youth were diftinguifhed for valour, as in their old age 
for wifdom, held rule, yet (till fubject to a fupreme head, (16) the centre and union 
of the whole. Thefe Dynafts were exalted into Kings, and vanity and ambition 
enlarged their number. In the Trojan times, there were ten kings in Theflaly, 
according to Homer : fix in Peloponnefus, and almofl: every corner of Greece was 
parcelled out into regal diitri&s. Though kings were believed to be defcended from 
the (17) Gods, and educated by (18) them, yet refpect was not carried fo far, as 
not to require from them a conformity to laws and eftablifhed cuftoms. And hence 
Homer diftinguifhes the (19) fceptre, that is, the indefeafible right of regal fucceffion 
from the laws, by which the prince was to conduct himfelf. 

Tullius, the Roman king, f divided his land among his citizens, and clafTed them 
into tribes. The chief of every tribe was the Phularcos, who chofe an elevated 
fpot, flrong by nature and eafily defenfible, whither the tribe reforted for. juftice 
and protection. 

Let us come nearer home and take a view of the political ft ate of the Highlands 
of Scotland, inhabited by a people defcended from the fame .(lock, and fpeaking 
nearly the fame language with the Irifli. There the country was (20) divided into 
a number of diftrids or territories, called counties, and Separated from each other 
by rivers, lakes, or mountains, and frequently by ideal and arbitrary boundaries. 
Each diftrict was the refidence of the Cean Cine, or head of the tribe, he was here- 
ditary magiftrate, judge, and general of the clan, and his firname was the name of 
the clan. Often the clan was fo numerous that it branched out into different tribes, 
the head of each was the representative of the tribe, he was defcended from the 
Cean Cine ; his patronymic denominated the tribe of which he was chieftain : he 
had lands which were let to his relations and friends. It was a fpecies of treafcn to 
appeal to any court from the decifion of the Cean. Inveterate quarrels and deadly 

4 r feuds, 



('5) 
(16) 



— — ■ — Qiftisritiii oe ixxsrdf 

XiawoDt nV «x*£av. Homer. OdyiT. 9. 



Ovz aymht rto\vx.oiga.<itk' £;? xiipato; urn, 

E/; Susi^ws Horn. II. 2. 

(17) A»»yi*i<;. Homer, paff. 

{'$>) AuyosQus Horn. Chara deum ioLoles, magnum Jovis incrementum, Virgil, 

(■9) "Sxtirrgev n$i hfusrstf. Horn. Il»3. 

f Dionys. Hal. Antiq. Rom. I. 4. 
(to) Home's hilt, of the Rebellion in 1745, p. 7 & feq. 



3 o6 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

• < < <■ < < < <■ < < •< ■•« <■ < •<•■<<••<.<•.<•.<.<..<•.<.<■.<.<•.<.<..<< < .< .<•.<■<.•<•.<■<•<■<<•>■■>■>■ > >■>>..>..>>.> >..>..>. >>.>>. >..>..>..>..>..>.>. >..». >. .> ..> >..>.>. >.>>..>. >. >.>., 

feuds, and rapine conllantly harrafied the country ; and it is recorded that Lochiel, 
a Cameron, and Macintofh carried on war and law for 360 years. The Highland- 
ers went always armed, and at the end of the laft century it was not uncommon 
to fee a clergyman go to church with his broad fword, and a fervant attending him 
with his bow and quiver of arrows. Thus far Home, whofe account is defective in 
many particulars, which a view of our ancient political ftate may, in fome fort, 
fupply. 

Davis (21) is fo full and clear in his account of the ftate of landed property 
among the old Irifh, that it cannot be reprefented better than by giving his own 
words. " It is to be known, that the lands pofTeffed by the mere Irifh were divided 
into feveral territories or countries, and the inhabitants of every Irifh country were 
divided into feveral fepts or lineages. In every Irifh territory there was a Lord or 
Chieftain, and a Tanift, who was his fucceffor apparent ; and of every Irifh fept or 
lineage there was alfo a chief, who was called a Canfinny, (Cean Fine,) or caput 
cognationis. 

All the pofTeflions within thefe Irifh territories ran always, either in courfe of 
Taniflry, or in courfe of Gavelkind. Every feignory or chiefry, with the portion 
of land which paffed with it, went without partition to the Tanift ; who always came 
in by election or ftrong hand, and not by defcent ; but all the inferior tenancies 
were partible between the males in Gavelkind. Yet the eftate which the Lord had 
in the chiefry, or the inferior tenants had in Gavelkind, was not an eftate of inhe- 
ritance, but a temporary or tranfitory poffeflion. For as the next heir of the Lord 
or Chieftain was not to inherit the chiefry, but the oldeft and worthieft of the fept, 
who was often removed or expelled by another, who was more active and ftrong 
than he, fo the lands of the nature of Gavelkind were not partible among the next 
heirs male of him who died feized, but among all the males of his fept, in this 
manner. 

The Canfinny, or chief of a fept (who was commonly the moft ancient of the 
fept) made all the partitions at his difcretion ; and after the death of any cer-tenant 
who had a competent portion of land, affembled all the fept, and having thrown all 
their pofTeflions into hotchpot, made a new partition of all ; in which partition be 
did not affign to the fon of him who died the portion which his father had, but he 
allotted to each of the fept, according to his feniority, the better or greater portion. 

Thefe 

<»i) Davis's Reports, p. IJ4, Ed. Dublin. 

t 



t 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3°7 



-( < < ■<■•<■■< •< ■< < ■■< ■< ■■< •■« ■<••<■•< •< •< •< •< .<•■<■•<■•< .<..<■<.<..<-.<.<■.< .< .<<.<•< •< .<<4.>.. >.>..».. >..>..>. >.. 



■ >■>.>■.>..>..>..>..>..>■•>.>■•>.>.*.'>•■>•»•>■*•>•»••>■>• 



Thefe portions or purparties, being fo allotted and afligned, were poffeffed and 
enjoyed accordingly, until a new partition was made, which at the difcretion or 
will of the Canfinny was to be made, on the death of each inferior tenant. And 
fo by reafon of thefe frequent partitions and removals or translations of the tenants 
from one portion to another, all the poffefTions were uncertain ; and the uncertainty 
of the pofieflions was the very caufe that no civil habitations were erected, no in- 
clofure or improvement was made in the lands in the Irifh countries, where this 
cuflom of Gavelkind was in ufe, efpecially in Ulfter, which feemed to be all one 
wildernefs, before the new plantation made by the Englifh undertakers there. Alfo 
by this Irifh cuftom of Gavelkind, baftards had their portions with the legitimate ; 
the wives were utterly excluded of dower, and the daughters were not inheritable, 
although their father had died without male iffue." 

Thefe general notices of Mr. Home and Sir John Davis are extremely valuable 
fo far as they go, but they are not fufficient to convey diftincl: ideas of the different 
ranks in fociety, of what are called the Brehon laws, or of the political constitution, 
of the ancient Irifh : thefe I fhall now confider in their order. 

The Irifh monarchs derived themfelves from Milefius, the great Hero of Irifh 
fable, as the northern Kings did from Odin. The pofterity of Milefius was the feed- 
plot out of which future fovereigns were (22) chofen. The (23) Swedes, fays Adam 
of Bremen, have Kings defcended from ancient anceftors. It was one of the laws 
of this people, that whatever native, efpecially the fons of kings, if fuch exifted, 
was elected by univerfal fuffrage, he fhould be king. And the author laft cited gives 
inflances of fuch regal races in the Amali of Oftrogothia, the Balthi of Weftrogo- 
thia, and the pofterity of St. Eric, who ruled Sweden for 200 years. 

Whatever the power of the Ard-riagh, or fupreme monarch was in idea, it was 
nothing in reality. Even with the appanage of Meath, it was not ftrong enough to 
curb the exceffes of inferior princes, or command obedience ; nor were they at 
any time fecure of their lives or throne : of this perhaps no Stronger proof will be 
required than what Walfli tells (25) us, that out of 200 monarchs, 170 died prema- 

ture 

) 

(z%) Regia materiesapta ad recipiendam regiam formam fuse familias. O'Flah. p. 58. See a curious account of royal 
races in Piukerton's Scotland. V. I. p. 261. 

(23) Populi Suenonum reges habent ex genere antiquos. Hift. ecc. c. 23. 

(24) Quicunque ex iudigenis, prsecipue regum filiis, fi tales fuperilites hint, omnibru omnium, aut plerumque fuffragii* 
eleftus fuerit, ilium pro rege habebunt. Apud JLoccen. p. 38. 

(25) Profped, p. a. Gir. Canbr. 3. c. 45. O'Flah. p. 4*0. 



308 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

.-,..«..<..< .<..< .<..< .<..«■•«■•<■<■.<■•<•<•.<• <..<..<..<..< .<..<..<..<..< .<..<..<■<■<•<■•<••< .<.<.<.<+>..>..>..>. >..»..>..>, >..>..>, >,.>.>. >>>,.>..>..,..>..,..>. >„>. >, ,, >..». >.>„>,.>..>,.>.>, >. >„>,, 

ture and violent deaths. The remote hiftory of fuch a nation cannot be more intc- 
refting than that of the Cho&aws or Hurons. 

The (26) fucceffion to the monarchy was elective, and they received invefliture, 
fitting on the Liafail or ftone of fate. O'Flaherty conjectures that this done was 
fent (27) by Aid Finliath, in the year 850, to Kineth, King of the Scots, his 
father-in-law : that Edward I. in 1300, brought it to London: that it was difufed 
for 300 years, when James I, the 25th day of July, 1603, was anointed King of 
Great Britain on it, as was his fon in 1625, and his grandfon the 23d of April, 1661. 
In Sweden (28) the election of a king was in an open plain near Upfal : there was 
a Morafteen, or large ftone on which he was inaugurated, and fmaller ones for in- 
ferior chiefs. 

In an (29) Iiifh MS, called the book of rights, there is a detailed account of the 
fubfidiary and tributary payments made by and to the Monarch. There might have 
been laws which defined the prefents to be given to his fubordinate kinglets, and 
the tributes which he was to receive from them ; the latter were his principal reve- 
nue. I am inclined to think this was the cafe, .as like every other particular in the 
antiquities of Ireland, it agrees with the (30) practice of the northern nations. 
Though Tacitus notices the prefents of provifions made to chiefs, yet Dithmar, on 
the place, remarks, that thefe were not tributes, or for the fupport of an army, be- 
caufe each foldier warred at his own expence : nor were they any of the feudal 
incidents, becaufe as yet the Germans had no fixt habitation, but removed annually. 
In return for thefe prefents and for their bravery, the German princes bellowed 
horfes, arms, chains, bracelets, and other military ornaments on their warriors. 

At what time the feudal policy was introduced into Ireland, there are not docu- 
ments to determine : from our northern colonization, it is probable it was little 
later here than on the continent. A learned writer (31) has proved, that feuds were 
adopted from the Romans fome time between the age of Tacitus and the promul- 
gation of the Salic law, in the 5th century. I once imagined there was an allufion 
to feuds in a (32) paffage of Diodorous Siculus, but I found it did not apply. 

The 

(26) O'Flah, p. J 7. 

(57) Extat hodie in thorno regio Weftmonafterii lapis fuper hoc monumento Hiberniac regcs invcftkurse fuse aufpicia 
elim folenniter recipiebant. O'Flah. p. 45. 

(48) Lncccn. p. 41. See more inflances in thefe Antiquities before, p. 149. 
(29) Collect, de reb. Hib. No. 3. (.30) Tacit. Germ. c. 14—15. 

(31) Clarke on Saxon coins, p. 437. Heineccius Ihews the origin of feuds may be found in Tacitus. Hift. jur. 
Germ. p. 5. 

(32) J3«j(Ans Tt xxi lume*u$ itiM-as. Lib. j, in Britain. The Crft I fuppofed monarchs, the other feudatories. 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3°fr 



<<-<-<-< ■<■<- < <■<■<■■< <-■<■< t ■<-•<■< <•<•<■«•<<•<■•<••<-<••< •«<•«{•>• >••>• >•>->->.->.. 



•■>->■>■ >••>■>■>•■>■■»• >■ >■ >■ >•■» > 



The perfon in dignity next to the monarch was (33) the Tanift. " On the death 
of a chief, (fays Spenfer,) the people aflemble, and eleft not the eldeft fon, or anv 
child of the deceafed, but the next to him of blood, that is the eldeft and worthieft, 
as commonly the next brother, or next coufin, and fo on, to be Tanift. He is then 
placed on a (lone en a hill, where he fwears to preferve all their cuftoms, and deliver 
peaceably the fucceffion to his Tanift ; after which defcending from the ftone, he 
turns (34) round thrice forward and thrice backward." Spenfer adds, that the 
reafon for electing a Tanift of the defcription now given, was to have a perfon of 
age to defend the land of the fept, in cafe of the death of the chief. Taniftry was 
faid to be in (25) ufe among many nations, particularly the Scottilh two hundred 
years ago. 

The Tanift was fupported by (36) menfat lands, which were not fubjed to gavel. 
At firft he was commander of the forces and chief judge. In the Saxon times, the 
Thanes had judicial power, but Alfred, in 896, deprived them of it. In this our 
kings followed his example, and conferred the adminiftration of juftice on certain 
families. The Tanift, while he poffefled thefe powers, was extremely formidable 
to the reigning prince, and ever looking to fovereign fway, muft have been con- 
ftantly engaged in rebellious cabals. This cuftom of Taniftry (37) was argued at 
great length in the Court of King's Bench, in the 5th of James I. and from its 
unreafonablenefs, violence, and uncertainty declared a pernicious and void cuftom. 

The next order were the provincial kings. Ireland, it is faid, at the arrival of 
the Englifh in 1169, was (38J divided into feven principalities; Defmond undef 
the Macarthies ; Thuomond under the O'Briens ; Hy Kinfellagh or Leinfter tinder 
the line of Cahir ; Uladh under the O'Dunlevies and Mac Mahons ; fouth. Hy 
Nial or Meath under the Clan Colmans or O'Melaghlans ; north Hy Nial under the 
O'Neils and O'Donnels 5 and Hy Brune with Hy Fiachra or Connaught under the 
O'Conor's. O'Conor and north Hy Nial were competitors for the rank of monarch. 
Thefe provincial princes were monarchs in refpeft of their immediate feudatories, 
who were ftyled kings : thus there (39) were eighteen kings in the monarchy of Mun- 

4 k fter. 



(33) For the etymology of this word, fee O'Brien in voce. Macpherfon's Crit. Diff. p. 165. 

(54) View, p. 5. The Scots had thh cuftom, Martin's Weft, iflands. So hsd the Gauls, according to Athenaeui ;• 
and Pliny • in adorando dextram adofculum referimus, totumque corpus circumaginias ; quod in Uevuan feciffe GalUr 
vcligiofum credunt. I-.il>- 18. c. 2. 

(3,5) Cambr. evers. p. 314. Macpherfon's Crit. Diff. p. 166. Stewart on the Eng ifh conft. p. 153. Piukerton's 
Scotl. V. 1. p. »6i. 
k (36) Waraeidifq. p. 42. (37) Davis's reports, p. 7?. ed. Dublin. Hume's effays, V, r.p. 483, 



(38) O'Conor's diff. p. 17*; 



(39) Collcft. dc rcb. Hib. ^0 3. p. 375- 



310 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

Iter, and they were equally numerous in the other Provinces. Thefe great feudatories 
poffeffed (40) every regal power and dominion : if they acknowledged a fuperior, 
it was on very extraordinary occafions, and not as allowing any jurifdi&ion over 
their fubjects, or permitting any appeal from them. Thefe were flyled Riagh or 
Kings ; their prerogatives and revenues will be feen in confidering the fourth rank 
in the ftate. Thefe were called Tiarna, Tofche, and Toifeach, and were feudatories 
to the Riagh. O'Flaherty fays, the Toifche or Tafius was the fame as the Saxon 
Thane, but does hot inform us whether he alludes to the greater or leffer Thanes : 
indeed fcarcely a ray of light is thrown on this fubjedr. by any native hiftorian or 
antiquary, fo wretchedly defective and trifling are Irifh MSS. 

Thefe Tiarnas were what Davis calls Canhmnies, the heads of Clans. We 
had our Clanbreafil, Clancarty, Clanaboy, Clancolman, Clanfergal, and many more. 
In mod cafes the Tiarna's firname was that of his clan. Macarthy was Riagh, or 
King of Defmond, his Tiarnas were (41) the Clans O'Keefe, O'Donoughue, O'Cai- 
iaghan, O'Sullivan, &c. The laft, by his tenure, was obliged 

I. To aid Macarthy with all his flrength, and to be Marfhal of his army. 

IS. He was to pay for every arable, plowland five Galloglaffes or Kern, or fix 
{hillings and eight pence, or a beef for each, at the option of Macarthy. 

III. Macarthy was to receive half a crown for every {hip that came to fi(h or trade 
in O'Sullivan's harbour's. 

IV. O'Sullivan was to give Macarthy merchandize at the rate he purchafed it. 

V. O'Sullivan was to entertain Macarthy and all his train two nights at Dunboy, 
and whenever he travelled that way. 

VI. O'Sullivan was to fend horfe-meat to Paillice for Macarthy's faddle-horfes, 
and pay the groom three {hillings and four pence out of every arable plow land. 

VII. O'Sullivan was to find hdunds, grey-hounds, and fpaniels for Macarthy, 
whenever he came, and one milling and eight pence annually to his huntfman out 
of every plow land. 

Before we examine this policy it will be necefiary to mention, that a fifth rank 
was the focage and villenage tenants, and a fixth were flaves, both fimilarly circum- 
Itanced as perfons of the fame condition in England. 

From this {ketch of the different ranks in fociety among the ancient Irifh and the 
nature of their tenures, the exiltence and pjrafiice of the feudal fvftein is very evi- 
dent, 

;..c) Ducl^de ufu & audor, jur. civ. p. 43,6. (41) Smith's Kerry, p. %■}> 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 312 

dent. It may be faid, that this was adopted after the arrival of the Englifh : by no 
means ; this policy is found in the Alamjinnic and' Anglo-Saxon laws ; it may be 
traced in Giraldus Cambrenfis, and in the Canons made at Cafhel, and was intro- 
duced by the foreign tribes who fettled here at different times. 

The firft. head of O'Sullivan's tenure proves that a military affociation and fubor- 
dination univerfallv prevailed, and thefe were the effentials of the feudal fyilem. 
His being Marfhal of Macarthy clearly evinces that (42) grand ferjeantry was in ufe, 
as this is a tenure in capite, and could only be held from a fovereign prince. If 
this was a feudal tenure, as it mud be allowed it was, then there can be no doubt 
but the other fervices were likewife feudal. Through all the fubinfeudations there 
was the fame (43) obligation of military duty. If any from neglect or perfidy 
difobeyed the call of their Lord, he compelled them by force of arms, or expelled 
them from their poffeffions, for they owed military fervice by their tenures. An 
ancient poet thus exprefTes the feudal call and penalty - 7 

(44) Ligno fufpenditur alte 
Ereclo clypeus ; tunc prcsco regius omnes 
Convocat a dominis feudalia jura tenentes. 
At quicunque domi (domino nolente) reliclus 
Defuerit ; fcedo privari curia cenfet. 

Every branch of our political inflitutions evince the principles of feudality and 
agree with the definition of a feud. Land was the property of the prince ; King- 
Malcolm, fays the (45) Regiam majeftatem, gave and diftributed all his laflds in 
the realm of Scotland among his men ; and in (46) the Welfh laws, the king is 
declared Lord of the whole kingdom. Which lands, according to the definition, 
being the (47) property of the Prince he bellowed for military and certain fervices; 

From 

(41) Serjantia major eft fe/vlri 'to. militare, quoquis pracdia tenet a rege in capite, Spelman, p. 511. Wc had our he- 
reditary falconers, Huntfmen, Hiftoriaus, Poets, &c. 

(43) Ifti tyranni infe-rioris ordini3 praefectos domitos ct fubjeflos habent, qui cum magno evocatorutn numero parati 

funt, quoties eorum princeps fignum fuftolJit, ad bellum exire. Quod fi officium vel indiligentia vel perfidia prxteri- 

tutn Ct (nam ad tale militare obfequium in illius fundis, feu ditione vivcrent) folet princeps illos adarjna compelling vel eos 
a propriis fedibus exterminat. Sunihurft, p. 32. This was the practice of the Franks. Greg. Tur. 1, 5. c. 26. 1. 7. c. 43. 

(44) Apud Spelman, p. 218. v (4^) Reg. Maj. initio. 

(46) Rex dominus eft totius regni. Leg. Wall. p. 341. 

(47) Feudum eft jus in prttdio alieno, in perpetuum utendi. q»od pro beneficie ^onaiuu* dat ca lege, ut qui accspic 
fibi fidew & militise munus, aliudve fervitium exhibeat. Cujac. 1. t. 



3 i2 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

From O'SuIlivan's tenure, before given, every part of the feudal policy appears to 
have been realized in this ifland. The fame policy exifted from the Ard Riagh to 
the inferior toparch and ruler of a Rath. 

Having taken a view of the ranks in fociety, and ftated the bonds by which 
they were connected, I fliall next briefly touch on the ancient Irilh laws. And 
here we cannot but admire the ignorance or inattention of O'Flaherty, O'Conor, 
and our native antiquaries, who difguft us with their fables and etymologies, when 
topics, highly honourable to their country and within their reach, are fhamefully 
palled over. An inflance in point is the neglect of our old Canons. 

That the Irilh attained uncommon eminence in literature in the 6th, 7th, and 
8th centuries will hereafter be made evident. The eftablifhment of chriftianity, 
and the regulation of Church affairs gave rife to Councils and Canons. As 
our alphabet fo the plan of our Canons were the fame as the Anglo-Saxon, 
without however infringing in the fmallefl degree on the purity of our faith. In 
750, Ecgbriht, Archbifhop of York made (48) his Excerptions ; thefe were a col- 
lection of Canons for the ufe of his diocefe compiled from general and provincial 
councils, the Fathers and Popes. Among thefe the five following appear ; no dif- 
honourable fpecimen of our legiflation at this early period. I give them in Mr. 
Johnfon's tranflation, with a few illuftrations. 

I. " An Irilh canon. Let him who lifts up his hand with fpear or fword to 
" ftrike any man near a Bifhop, redeem his hand or lofe it : but if he have wounded 
" him too, let him fhave his head and beard, and ferve God. Yet firft let him 
" make fatisfaction to the Bifhop, and to the party whom he hurt. But if any man 
" hurt a Clerk, or any of the ecclefiaftical order, let him make fatisfaction kven- 
" fold, in proportion to the order he is of, and do penance according to the dignity 
** thereof; or elfe let him walk off an exile from his country: for the Lord faith by 
" his prophet, Touch not mine anointed." 

To fpare the life of a criminal and redeem it by a compofition feem to have been 
the practice of every people in the infancy of fociety. Among the ancients, (49) leffer 
crimes were compounded for two fheep, the greater for oxen. The Irifh called this 
compofition Eric, the Anglo-Saxons Were and Weregild. Tacitus found this law 



among 



(48) Wilkin's Concil. Johnfon's Sax. Councils, fub. ann. 

(49) Ovibus duabus niultabantur apud antiquos in minoribui criminlbus; in majoribus autem bubus. Feft. Tacit. 
Serm. c. 12. 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 313 

among the Germans : it was in ufe in all the northern nations. In (50) Sweden, 
as with us, a cow was the ftandard for value ; after Oras, when money was coined. 
Every the minuteft public and private injury, has its Eric or Were in the Welfh 
laws, and the barbaric codes of Lindenbrog. 

The words of the Canon, " let him {have his head and beard and ferve God," 
mean that he (hall be degraded from his rank, and doomed to perpetual penance. 
Decalvation and cutting off the beard were the (51) molt ignominious punifhments. 

II. " An Irifh canon. Let reRitution, fourfold, be made for the goods of the 
** church ftolen or plundered; double for the goods of common men." 

This mulcT: is more (52) reafonable than that in Ethelbert's fir ft canon, where 
God's fee and church's fee are twelve fold. 

III. " An lrifh canon. If one have ftolen goods from the church, let the lot 
" be caff., whether the thief's hand be cut off, or he thrown into goal, there long 
11 to faff and mourn. And let him reftore what he had taken, or be fent into 
" banifhment and make double reflitution. But if he flay in his own country, let 
" him make fourfold reflitution, or do perpetual penance." 

This canon, fays Johnfon, may juflly be efteemed to have come from Ireland, 
for it favours of the barbarity of that people. This however is fhameful partiality; 
for in the fame note he defcribes a punifhment among the Anglo-Saxons, and adds 
the practice of pulling the fkin from the whole head, was fo familiar among our 
anceflors, that they had a fingle word or term of art whereby to exprefs it: viz. 
" Hettian." This was exa&ly the fame as the fcalping of the Indians. The con- 
tinental nations (53) interrogated the criminal while whipping him : he was then 
decalvated ; his right hand was amputated j and laflly, the fkin of his head torn off: 
thefe punifhments were inflicted for different crimes, and for different degrees of 
guilt. Both the Irifh and Saxon infli&ions are cruel in the extreme ; but furely 
Hettian, which we did not praclile, favours molt of barbarifm, as it protracled longer 
the milery of the unfortunate culprit. 

IV. " An Irifh canon. - 'I hey who fly to the church for refuge ought not to be 
" forced from thence ; but their Lords may perfuade them to be gone, by promif- 

4 l ing 

(50) Vacca bimula aut trimula loco pecuniae erat, aqua seftimatio caeteris mercibus fluris aot minors prcetii animatis 
accefiit Sticrnhook de jure Suenon. p 14a. 

(51) Du Cange in .calvatio, Capiilus, & Barba. (51) Johnfon, fup. 

(53) Primum verbcribus incccrogatui, deinde turpiter decalratus, poft h*c dextra amputata, 5cc. Du Cange in Ds- 
calvatio & Crincs. 



3*4 



ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 



■ ■< < < < < < < ..< < < < <<•<<.«••<. 



<<■<•<<■<•■<■■<•<•<■• 



>•>>■>•>>>•>•■>>>> >>>>>>> > > ■•>■• 



", fing their interceffion. But if the Lord inflict any puniihment on them, when 
" they fo go out, let him be deemed an enemy and excommunicated. If any mau 
" do hurt a man .under church fanctuary, or under feal of fandtity, let him make 
" feven-fold fatisfaclion and reftitution, and likewife continue feven years in hard 
" penance ; otherwife he is to be excommunicated from the whole catholic 
" church." * 

This canon is cited as of the Council of Eliberis, but Johnfon fhews (54) the 
improbability of this ; for both this and the fuppofed Eliberitan canons in Burchard 
are Irifh. 

V. " An Irifh canon. Let him who kills a man within the verge of a monaftery 
" get him gone into banifhment with damnation : or elfe quitting his arms and 
" fhaving his head, let him ferve God the reft of his life. Yet firft let him make 
" fatisfaction to God and the kindred of the party murdered." 

As the German youth received military inauguration by the delivery of a fhield 
and (55) fpear, fo the greateft difgrace that could befal them, was the being ($6) 
deprived of thefe arms. 

An author, whofe intellectual vifionwas not then obfcured by oriental whimfies, very 
juftly obferves, u that in (57) the various maxims of the ancient Irifh, a perfect 
uniformity of manners and cuftoms is obfervable between the old Irifh and Germans, 
according as thofe of the latter are defcribed by Tacitus." And in a few pages 
after he fays j '■' on the whole matter, it is a real fact, that the general fyftem of 
goverment among the Irifh kings and princes of the Scotic nation, were very nearly 
if not exadly of the fame nature with that of the Saxon Heptarchy." Every page 
of genuine Irifh antiquities accords with the ideas of this writer, and the great object 
of thefe EiTays. 

I would not have dwelt fo long on the foregoing Canons, but to evince that our 
legiflationin the eighth century was worthy of notice : I may afcend a century higher 
and afk, would Cummian in his letter to Segienus, Abbat of Hy, quote Councils 
and Decrees if the ftudy of them and of ecclefiaftical difcipline were not then culti- 
vated ? It would be no incurious work to collecl: and illuftrate our ancient canons 

difperfed 



(54) Johnfon's Clergyman's Vade Mecum, V. p. io. ad Edit. 

(ss) Turn in ipfo concilio vcl principium aliquis, vcl pater, vel propinqus fcuto, framea juvenem "Drnant. Tacit. 
Ctrin. c. 13. ' 

(^6) Scutum relicjuiflV.- pr.tcipmim flagitiuni. Tacit, fup c. 6. 
(57) Collect, de reb. Hib. No. 4. p. 470—572. / 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3 l 5 



«..«#...<< < « . . « * . . < < -< <• t ■< ■< ( 



■i < < < ■< ■< ■ 



> > >>•>•> > > > >■>•>>>>> > ■■>■ >>>>>>>>> 



d in Dac!iery's Spicilegium, in Martene and Durandus's Anecdotes, in Bur* 
chard's Decrees, and other compilers. In inch a collection we might trace the 
cuftoms and municipal i >ns of the different tribes that colonized Ireland : 

fome of them very contradictory to each other. " I wifh, (fays Agobard, (58) 
writing in 840,) that it would pleafe Almighty God, that the Franks were ruled 
by one law, which might be a ftandard for the Prince and his people. In Sweden 
(59) almoft every province had its peculiar laws. This variety, in the Saxon times 
in England, made Alfred compile his Dom-boc for general ufe. Cufloms were at 
fir ft (60) unwritten laws ; after, the written laws of each people. Lynch informs 
us, that about 686, three (61) learned men collected the fcattered laws of the Irifh 
and rednced them into a -body, calling them Breathe Nimhe, or celeftial judgments. 
The reafon for adducing the precedent inftances is to fhew, that the Irifh were 
fimilarly circumftanced as to laws with other rude nations in the middle ages. 
However paradoxical it may appear the fact is indifputable, that notwithstanding 
the moft fcrupulous attention was paid to property and its minuteft fubdivifions, that 
the punifhments for public and private injuries were proportioned with affected 
nicety, yet the ruft of barbarifm was with difficulty removed, and the advancement 
in civilization extremely flow. What retarded the improvement of other people, 
we leave to their antiquaries and hiftorians to explain, and fhall now coniider the 
laws that operated to the injury of Ireland. 

The law of Taniftry, which by election, gave a monarch to the Ifle, kings to 
provinces, and rulers to inferior toparchies was the fruitful fource of domeftic dif- 
fention and commotion. There were (62) various political divifions of Ireland, ac- 
cording to the pleafure and power of its princes. O'Flaherty enumerates five under 
one dynafty. King Achy made a new partition o' 2 into five provinces, and 

eftablifhed a pentarchy in each. A constitution fo formed was not calculated for 
the peace and happinefs of fociety : it called forth the fiercer paffions by offering 

power 



(j8) Advers. leg. Gundob. Lindenbrog. L. L. p. 1444. Franci fua lege vivcbant, Longobardi fua, Burgundione9 
item & Saxones fua, ac fua Gothi, & fie de aliis. Baluz. in Rtgin. p. 6;z. 

(.59) Quamlibet provinciam fuas fibi leges & peculiare.i legum codices habnilTe. Stiernhoofe, p. 10. About 1,347* 
Magnus Smeck endeavoured, " ut univerfale quoddam jus regnum haberet, fed non obtinuit, quo minus, ut ante, finguist 
provincix fuo fibi arbi trio & jure peculiari viverest. Stifcnrh. fap. p. 23. 

(60) noues <?iv ryypxftf, fvntiim ?£ ayyfaifes Mft.es. Schol in Ajac Sophol. 

(61) E jurifperitorum fcriptorum fcriptis, lcgum undeqn- dccerptarum acceHwne cumulatis, unum opus'conflarunt, 
Cambrens. Evers. p. 157. 

(61) Variaj fucrunt Hibernias diwfiones politics juxta principum voluntates & jurifdidtiones, In Scctorum dynaftia 
quinqoe memorantur. Ogyg. p. z68. 



316 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

power and property as their rewards. No prince was fafe on his throne, or toparch 
in his rath. " No man, (fays Davis,) could enjoy his life, his wife, his lands, or 
goods if a mightier than himfelf had an appetite to take (63) them from him. 
Wherein they were little better than canibals, who hunt one another ; he that hath 
moft ftrength and fwiftnefs doth eat and devours all his fellows." 

Thefe two cuftoms of Taniftry and Gavelkind, by length of time confirmed into 
laws, were the true caufes of the defolation and barbarifm which prevailed in Ire- 
land, " as the like, (adds Davis emphatically,) was never (64) feen in any country 
that profefled the name of Chrift." O'Conor's apology for thefe (65) odious old 
Irifh cuftoms demonftrates a weak, bigotted, and perverfe mind. As well might 
he apologize for " the (66) common repudiation of their wives, their promifcuous 
generation of children, their neglect of lawful matrimony, their uncleannefs in ap- 
parel, diet, and lodging, and their contempt and fcorn of all things neceflary for 
the civil life of man." If his arguments are valid in one cafe they are equally fo in 
the other ; for taniftry and gavelkind originated the latter. 

As by our (6y) cuftom of Gavelkind every man was born to land, and derived 
himfelf from fome princely Clan, they held themfelves for gentlemen, and fcorned 
to defcend to the practice of hufbandry, merchandife, or any mechanical art or 
fcience. Hence neither trade, manufactures, nor corporate towns were to be feen : 
what little mercantile bufinefs was tranfacted, foreigners did it. 

One diftinguifhing property of the tenure by Gavelkind was, that it (68) did not 
efcheat in cafe of attainder and execution for felony. " Hence the Englilh, to de- 
fend their (69) pofleffions againfl the Irifh, retained fuch of the natives as claimed 
title to their poftefiions. For after a thoufand conquefts and attainders by our law, 
they would in thofe days, pretend a title (till, becaufe by the Irifh law no man 
could forfeit his land. To the fame purpofe (70) O'Conor : — The head of a Clan, 
or the factious infurgent was alone anfwerable for his own, or his people's delin- 
quency ; the innocent fucceflbr was free from the guilt and enjoyed his property. — 

Though Taniftry and Gavelkind (71) may have exifted in other countries, yet 
as now defcribed they feem to be peculiar to Ireland, and they entailed mifery on it. 

The 

(63) Hift, Relations, p. 73. (64) Relations, p. 74. (6s) Difl". p. 130. 

^66) Mentioned by Davis, fup. p. 80. (67) Davis, fup. p. 7.5. Spenfer, fup. p. 101. 

(68) Hsec hsereditas feudalibus legibus non coercitur, nee felonise mulftis eft obnoxia. Spelman in Gaveletum. Black- 
flone, V. 1. p. 84. Reeves dew* l»nd did not efcheat among the Anglo-Saxons. Hift. of Engl. Law. V. 1. p. io. 

(69) The words of Davis, fup. p. 97. 

(70) Diff. p. 63. ill Edit. (71) See note before 35. 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 317 



< < <<<.<< .i < « « < i <.< .«.<..<..<..<..<..<..<.. i..<..<..< .<..<.<..<-<..< .<..<..<-<.< .< .<+> >..>. >.>.>. >■>..>..>..». >>..>. 



The king or chieftain of every didrict, being only tenant for life, exercifed every 
fpecies of extortion for the fupport of barbaric pride and date. The feudal policy 
gave them rights over their feudatories ; thefe rights they carried to the mod deftruc- 
tive excefs, and to the utter impoverifhment of their tenantry. The (72) petty kings 
paid to their monarch, cows, fheep, cloaks, horfes, fhips, hounds, and fwords. 
The fcarcity of money obliged tenants to pay in kind. Thus in the (73) laws of 
Ina, the Anglo-Saxon king, he who held ten hydes of land, fupplied his Lord with 
honey, bread, beer, oxen, fheep, geefe, hens, cheefe, butter, falmon, eels, and 
fuel. In thefe Irifh and Saxon duties, the quantity and quality of which each arti- 
cle confided was exactly afcertained, and fo they continued for fome ages, but at 
length they degenerated into fuch oppreflion of the fubjedt, that the Englifh princes, 
Henry I. John, and Henry III. were (74) compelled to remove fuch grievances by 
charters. Where no fuch controuling power could be exercifed, as was the cafe in 
Ireland, and every kinglet and toparch fhared in the plunder of a wretched com- 
monalty, ingenuity was racked to invent tallages, of which the following is a fpeci- 
men. Bonaght-borr was free quarters at difcretion, or in fpecie : bonaght-beg was 
a commutation for money, or provifions. This exaction was generally for the pay 
of Kerns and Galloglafles, and hence in our writers, a body of fuch troops were 
called Bonaghts. Sorohen was a tax paid four times a year. Gillycone, an impo- 
fition for the Lord's hounds and huntfman. Cuddy, a fupper and entertainment 
for a night. " But the mod (j$) wicked and mifchievous cudom of all others was 
that of Coigne and Livery ; which confided in taking man's-meat, horfe-meat, and 
money at the will and pleafure of the foldier. This extortion was originally Irifh, 
and did draw down as great, or greater plagues upon Ireland than thofe of Egypt ; 
for the latter though heavy were but of fhort continuance, but the plagues of Ireland 
laded fcmr hundred years together. And hence the depopulation, banifhment, and 
extirpation of the better fort of fubjecls. This extortion of Coigne and Livery was 
for the fupport of their men of war ; but the Irifh tallages extorted by their chief- 
tains and tanids, by colour of their barbarous feignory were almod as grievous a 
burden as the other, namely Cofherings, which were vifitations and progrefles made 
by the Lord and his followers among his tenants. Sellings of the Kern, of his 
family called Kernety, of his horfes and horfeboys. And ladly cuttings, tallages, 

4 m and 

(7a) Coll. de reb. Hib. p. 381. (73) Spelman, p, jjo, 

(74) Wilkins, L. L. Hen. I. (75) Davis, fup. 



3 i8 ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

and fpendings, high and low at his pieafure : all which made the Lord an abfolute 
tyrant, and the tenant a very (lave and villein, and in fome refpect more miferable 
than bond flaves." In another place, Davis, who faw the diftrefied condition of 
the natives, and was inflrumental in removing it, makes ufe of thefe ftrong ex- 
preffions, " Thefe extortions were called in the old ftatutes of Ireland — damnable 
cuiloms — and the impofing and taking them made high treafon. And it is faid in an 
ancient difcotirfe of the decay of Ireland, that though they were firft invented in hell, 
yet if they had been ufed and pra&ifed there, as they have been in Ireland, they 
would have long fince deftroyed the kingdom of Beelzebub." 

Befides the foregoing there were other exactions called (76) Mufterowne, South, 
Afiaut, Bode, Garty, Caan, Byenge, Saults, Slaunciaghs, Shragh, Mart, Re- 
fection, and many more whofe names are not come down to us, all thefe were taken 
as feudal duties. Thus (jj) in Doomfday book are duties of one night, half a night, 
three nights, ten nights, one day, and a month ; that is provifions, or a commu- 
tation in money, were to be fupplied for thefe periods. Enough has been faid to 
evince the feudality of our laws, and that where they differ from thofe of other 
people it was principally in their abufe. The Englifh colonifts ftyled them Brehon 
laws, becaufe Brehon was the title of the Judge who administered them. Campion 
(79) in 1571 thus fpeaks of them, " Other lawyers they have, liable to certain 
families, which after thecuftom of the country determine and judge caufes. Thefe 
confider of wrongs offered and received among their neighbours, be it murder, or 
felony or treffpafs, all is redeemed by conipofition. The Breighoon, (Brehon) fo 
they call this kind of lawyer, Sitteth him down on a bank, the Lords and Gentle- 
men at variance, round about him, and then they proceed." Spenfer's (80) account 
of the Brehon law is this, " It is a rule of right unwritten, but delivered by 
tradition from one to another, in which often times there appeareth great (hew 
of equity, in determining the right between party and party, but in many things 
repugning quite to God's law and man's. As for example in the cafe of murder, 
the Brehon, that is their Judge, will compound between the murderer and the 
friends of the party murdered, which profecute the action, that the malefactor 
mail give unto them, or to the child or wife of him that is flain, a recompence, 
which they call an Eriach (Eric). By which vilde law of theirs, many murders 

amongft 

(-(')) Ware by Harris, p. 74. (77) Spelman, p. 230. 

(7&) Brodan is — fententiiim dicere. See Wall. praf. Breath in Irifli is judgement ; in Welfli it is Brawd. 

(79) Hilt. Ireland, p. 19. (80) View, p. 4. 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 319 

amongft them are made up and (mothered. And this judge being, as he is called 
the Lord's Brehon, adjudgeth for the mod part, a better (hare unto his Lord, 
that is the Lord of the foil, or the head of that Sept, and alfo unto himfelf for his 
judgement, a greater portion than unto the plaintiffs or parties grieved." 

In inveftigating the Antiquities of Ireland, I have had frequent opportunities . 
of admiring the profound erudition of Spenfer, and his extenfive knowledge of 
claffical writers : thefe are traits in the' character of this eminent Poet but little 
attended to, yet admitting the ftrongeft proof. However the citation now given be- 
trays falfe affertions and want of information, very probably from his application 
to more pleafing (tudies. 

1. He fays, " the Brehon law is a rule of right unwritten, but delivered by 
tradition." This is abfolutely falfe, and the great number of MSS in Dublin 
College library, in the Mahon, Seabright and other colleclions evince it to be fo.?f . 
In 1606, when it was neceffary to afcertain what we're (8i) the duties, fervices and 
rents paid to M'G-uire out of Fermanagh, O'Briflan, his Brehon, was fent for, 
and they appeared in a parchment roll. So that though tradition might be authority 
for fome" cuftoms, the principal laws of the Sept were conftantly committed to 
writing. 

2. Spenfer fpeaks of compofition for murder as peculiar to the Irifh, which it was 
not, being exactly the fame as the Anglo-Saxon, Were and Weregild. Hume fays, 
the I Irifh, who never had any connection with the German nations, adopted 
compofuions for murder and robbery very lately. How ignorant of our 
Antiquities ! 

3. Spenfer accufes the Brehon of partiality to his Lord and himfelf in apportion- 
ing the Eric. In the barbaric codes, if homicide was committed it was redeemed 
by three compofitions ; Megbote, which went to the family ; Manbote to the Lord 
of the Vaffal, and Fredum to the treafury or judge. The Salic and Ripuarian 
judges had their fredum or perquifites for hearing and determining caufes : The 
Brehon (83) had the eleventh part. 

We 

(81) Confuetudinura Hiberniae, fermone Hibernico conferiptarnm, plurima apudeos adhuc extare Yolumina, mihi 
retulit Rev. D. Uflerius, cujus exiruia divini humanique juris orr.nis fcientia, magnam Hibemie* gtnti gloriam attulit. 
Duck. p. 413- x 

(8z) Colled, de reb. Heb. V. i. p. 160. f Mill, of England, V. i. -Append, i. 

(83) Spclrnan ill Freda, p. 347. 






3 io ON THE POLITICAL CONSTITUTION 

We have feen how little the Brehon law was underftood by Campion and Spenfer, 
but we might expect to have their defects fupplied by Stanihurft, who was bred a 
lawyer, and was Recorder of Dublin. Yet he, if poffible, is more incorrect thau 
the others. He fay's the Brehons are unacquainted with the (84) Englifh law, and 
totally ignorant of the canon and civil : that they have certain decifions, confirmed 
by ufe and time, which they keep fecret to increafe their credit among the vulgar. 
On the contrary, Davis informs us, that the Brehons gave judgement with the 
afliftance of certain fcholars, who had learned many rules of the civil and canon 
law, rather by tradition than by reading. It is really aftonifhing, that none of the 
learned men now mentioned, particularly Stanihurft and Davis, lawyers, mould not 
have preceived that the Irifh constitution and laws were feudal, and refembled thofe 
of England unlefs in their abufe. The evidence I have alleged feems decifive that 
this was the cafe, and yet I feel a delicacy in being pofitive in an attempt, where 
men of very fuperior talents have been filent. 

I have fhewn, that the Irifh very early had written laws. When Malachy O'Mor- 
gan, the Pope's legate was feated in the archiepifcopal chair of Armagh in 1134, a 
clofe intimacy was eftablifhed between Rome and Ireland j this introduced a know- 
ledge of the Roman civil law, difcovered at Amalphi in 11 27. This was every 
where eagerly embraced, as it foftened the rigour and tempered the feverity of the 
feudal code. Vacarius, in 1149, read lectures on the Pandects at Oxford, and fo 
increafing was the avidity for this ftudy, that about 11 84 Giraldus Cambrenfis (85) 
complains, that it had ftifled all the other fciences. 

As the Irifh became attached to the Roman See, and as the latter, notwith- 
standing the (86) refiftance of our Princes, filled almofl all our bifhopricks and 
eclefiafiical dignities when vacant ; and as the property and rights of the clergy were 
matters of very great concern, the canon and civil law became a necefTary part of 
education. They difcovered a great propenfity, fays (87) Duck, for the cultivation of 
the canon and civil law, and obtained the reputation of being the bed canonift's, and 

he 

(84) Inteiligentiam juris Britainnici non habent. eivilis etiam ac pontificalis imperitiflimi Stanihurft dereb. Hib. p. 37. 
In 1644, Lord Coke's knowledge of Irifh Brehon laws was nothing more than a few terms. 4th Inflit. p. 3,58. And 
Blackftone's is as trifling in 1765. Commen. Introd. 

(85) Quod leges imperials reliquas lcientias omnes fuffocaverant. 1. I. apud Duck fup. p. 363. 
(8t> ) Prynne's records, paflim. 

(87) Quod plerique fcriptoreslradunt, Hibernicorum ingenia valde propenfa effe ad jus civile & canonicutn. Rofellus 

apud fuos percrebuifi'e dicit, Hiberno* dim fludis juris pontificii dele&ari folitos, & fuiffe optimos. Canonifta* Duck fup. p. 
416. 



AND LAWS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



«..< * t 4 < -* ■< < < < < < < 



•< < •< < •< ■<■•< •< •<■<■< ■<•<<■<-<■<■<< <--<-<4.>-. >••>•>. >..►■>..>..>.. 



■ >-•> ►■ > >•■> > »■ > 



he mentions a celebrated profeffor at Oxford, in the time of Edward III.- named 
William of Drogheda. Hence Polydore Virgil, who addreiTed his hiftory of Eng- 
land to Henry VIII. and from collecting the Pope's revenue muft have had good 
information, tells us, the Irifli in 1533, were not (88) unacquainted with learning, 
for from their youth they applied to the ftudy of grammar and the canon and civil 
law; and Campion, in 1570, fays, " without either precepts or obfervation of con- 
congruity, the Irifh fpeak Latin like a vulgar language, learned in their common 
fchools of 1 each cr aft (phy fie) and law ; whereat they begin children, and hold on fixteen 
or twenty years, conning by rote the aphorifms of Hippocrates, the civil inftitutions, 
and a few other parings of the two faculties." 

In thefe citations we learn, that the Brehons confulted occafionally canon and 
civil lawyers to aliiit their decifions : that civil and criminal caufes were their fole 
provinces, and pure eccleualtical matters were left to the Clergy. It is probable the 
Brehonic institutes were not unlike thofe of the (89) Welfh. The latter were tripar- 
tite : one related to the King's court, another to the laws of the country, and the 
third were the cuftoms appertaining to both. But as no ancient document has- 
been deciphered to illuminate this fubjeft, conjectures are idle. Macpherfon (90) 
reckons the Brehon among the nobility, though he afligns no reafon for this, yet as he 
held of the prince by grand ferjearitry he might be accounted noble. His office and 
property were hereditary. He fat on the (91) fummit of a hill or its acclivity, front- 
ing the eaft, to hear caufes. This practice was copied from the northerns. 
Stephanius (92) fuppofes fuch places" were chofen, becaufe ancient fuperflition adored 
hills as well as groves and fountains, and it was (93) believed the influence of magic 
was lefs in the open air than in confined places. It was common in Wales to 
throw up an earthen mount, whereon the judges fat, and this was called a (94) 
Gorfedde. One of thefe ancient judgment-feats is on the hill of Kyle, in the 
Queen's County : a view of which with the chief ia coflume is given in the 
plate. 

4 N 



ON 



(8?) Literatim non expertia, nam a puerii grammatic* 3c juri '.am pontificio qami cmie operant datst. L ij. p, 196. 
Id. Thyfii. 

(Sj) Leg. Wall. (90) Difj. p. 170. 

(91) Stanihurft, p. 33. Spenler, p. '54. 

(92} Confueverat autem in editi mentis vertice confulenti populo plebifcita clepromerc. Sai. Grain. Srephan, in < 
f. 93 This was the Lxgbergis of the Icelaaders. Thoikelin's tracts, p. 54. Olini in eollibus tub tiio. Loccta. p. if. 
Sub dio veterum judicia habebantur. Sternhook, p. 26. 

{93) Bed. 1. i.e. 25. (94) Hearne'n Antiq. difcourfes, V. r. p. i?J. 



( 3« ) 






ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE 

ANCIENT IRISH. 



THE origin of letters among the Celtes is thus delivered by the fabulous Berofus. 
The great giant Samothes, the brother of Gomer and Tubal, promulged a 
code of laws for the Celtic nations, taught them the courfes of the planets and the 
nature of fublunary things, gave them the Saga? or Phaenician letters, and led 
colonies into the Celtic regions 143 years after the deluge, and into Britain 252 
years after the fame memorable event. 

Now for the Irifh elements. The celebrated Feniufa Farfa, according to Keating, 
was the fon of Magog, and King of Scythia. Defirous of becoming matter of the 
feventy-two languages created at the confufion of Babel, he fent feventy-two perfons 
to learn them. He eilablimed an Univerfity at Magh-Seanair near Athens, over 
which he, Gadel, and Caoith prefided. Thefe formed the Greek, Latin, and 
Hebrew letters. Gadel was ordered to digeft the Irifh into five diale&s : the Finian, 
to be fpoken by the militia and foldiery ; the poetic and hiftoric, by the fenachies 
and bards ; the medical, by phyficians, and the common idiom by the vulgar. 

Mr. O'Conor's account of the Bethluifnion of the Ogma is in the fame wild ro- 
mantic drain. " This, obferves he, has not the leaft refemblance with either the 
Greek or Roman alphabets. Had our Bards been filent on the original of our 
letters from a celebrated Phenius or Phenician, yet the fignatures of an early com- 
merce between our predeceffors and an oriental lettered people, would appear evident. 
Thefe letters are arranged in a different order from the alphabet of the Greeks, or 
abecedarium of the Romans : their ancient virgular figures were peculiar to this 
weftern nation alone ; and their names partly Phaenician and partly vernacular, not 
only fhew their Afiatic origin, but their great antiquity in this ifland." Mr. Pin- 
kerton very (ij juftly calls fuch writers, "" vifionaries, who detail fuperficial dreams 
to the public, upon no ancient authority, and upon the mod filly and irrational 

ratiocination. 

{]) Hiflory of Scotland, V. a, p. 31, He treats fome Irifh Antiquaries and their compofitions with critical fcverity. 






ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, &c. 



3 2 3 



..< « < < < < < <<<<<< < 



< < < <<■<■<•< < < ■< < < ■<■.< <■<*>•> >>•> >■ >>•>>■>•>•>• >->>•>■■>•>•>• >•■>••> >• > >■ >■ > > >• >■ > » > >■> > 






ratiocination. Hence, (adds he,) what no foreign antiquary, what no man of found 
learning would even imagine, has been ferioufly advanced, that the Phaenicians fet- 
tled colonies in the South of Britain, and in Ireland, and that traces of the Phasni- 
cian language may be found in the Irifh !" 

Gower's (2) relation of the progrefs of the Latin language exaclly matches that 
delivered by O'Conor of the Irifh. Gower fuppofes the Latin invented by the old 
Tufcan prophetefs Carmens ; then reduced to method, profody, &c. by Ariftarchus, 
Donatus, and Didymus ; adorned with the flowers of eloquence by Tully ; enriched 
by translations from the Chaldee, Arabic, and Greek, and efpecially from St. 
Jerome's verfion of the Bible. Here both fictions breathe the fame fpirit, and are 
probably of the fame age. 

Truth, though clouded, will at length burn: the thick envelope of fable. " What, 
(fays (3) O'Flaherty,) if 1 ihould affirm, that our Phenifius was the Phoenician Cad- 
mus, who depicted the ancient Greek letters, and which refembled the Latin. Nor 
are the Irifh far diftant from the Latin." Here he ftates an indifputable fa 61, that 
the Irifh elements are from the Latin, and the Latin from the Greek : but hour 
painful to a liberal mind is the diffidence with which he expreffes himfelf ! He had 
written too large a work, and flaked his reputation with his countrymen too deeply, 
to make the proper application of his learnings and abilities to the fubjeel of Irifh 
Antiquities. Like many others, to be confiflent he was obliged to be abfurd, and 
to be patriotic, he facrificed his fame on the altar of national prejudice. 

O'Conor, whofe differtations on the ancient Hiftory of Ireland, are nothing but 
fcraps tranflated from Lynch's Cambrenfis Everfus and O'Flaherty, grants the letters 
ufed by the old Irifh, fince the reception of chriftianity, are evidently (4) borrowed 
from the firft chriftian miffioners, as more commodious than the old, uncouth, and 
virgular forms imported into Ireland by the Celto-Scythian coiony from Spain. 
What a direel contradiction is this of his former affertion, and how changed his 
tone from the tumid and bombaftic verbofity of his former citation ? Sir George 
Mackenzie and Bifhop Stillingfleet had examined the Irifn claim to remote hiftory 
and literature, and found it to be a heap of impertinence and impofture. Father 
Innes, the two Macpherfons, and Mr. Whitaker have fince totally fubverted it. 
Afhamed of perfevering in grofs errors, and unable to withftand the conviclion 

flalhed 



(2) Warton's Hid. of Englith Poetry. V. 2. p. 24. 
(4) Ogyg. vindicated, p. 24X. 



(3) Ogyg. p. szir lanei, p. 44*. 



ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 



>•>■>•■>• >• »■>■>•■>••>••> »••>• ►• V'->- »• >■■>■>.* 



flaihed on hira from every quarter, the Irifh antiquary gives up his fables, and reluc- 
tantly owns the triumph of learning and criticifm. 

For the reprobation of thefe puerile figments no great extent of reading, or 
flrength of judgment is requifife : nor mould they have farther engaged the reader's 
attention, did I not imagine the fubjecl has hitherto been totally mifunderflood, and 
of courfe imperfectly treated. The Irifh ground their pretentions to an original 
alphabet on the traditions of their Bards, (who bring their anceflors from the Eaft) 
and the agreement of thefe traditions with allowed hiftory. Thus O'Conor com- 
pares the accounts in the Leavar Gabhaia and Leavar Lecan, two MSS which have 
never feen the light, with the facls given in Newton's chronology. In his way of 
conducing this matter, he might have parallels equally accurate in Amidis de Gaul 
or any other romance, as in thefe Leavars. But what is mod extraordinary is, to 
find in this obfcure corner of the Globe literary memorials of unirapeached vera- 
city, not only to fupply the defe&s, but fill up the chafms of facred and prophane 
hiftory ! The genealogies of the Virgin Mary, Jofeph and the' other holy perfon* 
in Scripture, are not to be had but in this book of (5) Lecan j and where fo likely 
this book to be prefer ved as in the iiland of Saints ! 

Fortunatos nimium fua Jl bona norint 
Hibernos ! 

This book of Lecan was compiled (6) between the years 1380 and 1417, a period, 
like the reft, of rebellion and domeftic confufiou. Uneafy under the Engliih yoke, 
and unable to fhake it off, the (7) miferable Seanachies of thofe times amufed 
themfelves and their countrymen with fabulous tales of the antiquity and nobility 
of their defcent ; the grandeur and power of their former princes, and the diflin- 
guifhed learning and civility of their anceflors. This invaluable information we are 
told, was "preferved folely by the ufe of the Irifh or Phaenician letters in this ifle. 
The identity of thefe letters, we fee has been much infilled on. But where, it 
may be afked, did thefe erudite and perfpicacious antiquaries difcover the name, 
figure, order, and power of the Phaenician elements, which have efcaped the 
acute eyes of Swinton, Barthelemy, Hottinger, and Gebelin r" For the Phaenician 

alphabets 

(j) Lhuyd Archaeol. Brit- p 4.35. 

(6) Ogyg. viud. p. i 41. This feems doubtful, the fpecimens of [rifh from it are to© modern for fo early a date. 

(7) The wretched Aodhgan or Egan, in 1575, could find no place to fhelter him, while making remarks on tkc 
l^rchuii laws, but the mill of Dunadaigne. Colled. No. 10. p. laj. Cox. V. I. p. 346, for the (late of the country. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANGIENT IRISH. 



3*5 



■< .< < < <■< < < < < 



■<••<■< <<<<< <■«<•>■ >>. > >. 



alphabets of Syria, Crete, Malta, Sicily r Spain, and Carthage differ (8) very 
remotely. The learned M. Dutens thus delivers his fentiments on this point, in his 
preface to the explication of Mr. Duane's Greek and Phsenician Ccins. 

" Tous ceux qui ont recours aux fources favent fort bien, qu'on nefl pas encore 
arrive au point de connoitre les finefles de la langue Phe'nicienne, dont, Ies non-.s 
propres exceptes, on fcait a peine cinquante mots. II faut etre db bonne foi, & ne 
pas mettre plus d'oftentation dans l'etude d'une langue, ou d'une fcience cu'il ne 
convient de faire. On n'ignore pas, que les favans ne font pas d'accord entre eux. 
fur la (9) valeur de toutes les lettres de l'aphabet Phenicien, & fuppofant meme qu'ils 
fuffent, apres les avoir reduites a la valeur des lettres Hebraiques, ils n'ont pas d'autrc 
moyen d'nterprcter les mots que par la fignification qu'ils ont dans la langue 
Hebrai'que ou Syriaque, & dans ce cas, on ne peut pas plus dire que ce que Ton 
apelle la lingue Phenicienne ou Punique foient des langues propres, que 1'on ne 
pourroit le dire du texte Samaritain du Pentateuque, qui ne differe de 1' Hebrai'que 
cue par les chara&e'res. Et cependant tout en errant dans ce labyrinthe, on voit des 
Savans en confulter d'autres, qu'ils difent s'y etre egares comme s'ils en tenement 
eux-memesie fil." 

But to obviate every doubt refpecting the oriental colonization of Ireland, Car. 
Itiih language is adduced as proof, " that the (io) fpeakers were a civilized and lettered 
people, which could only be derived from an ealtern connection : that the language 
is mafcuiine and nervous : harmonious in its articulation ; copious in its phrafeclogy, 
and replete with abflracl; and technical terms ; free from anomalies, fterlities and 
heteroclite redundancies." — We are told, fays (n) Mr. Pinkerton, of many abflracl: 
terms in the eld Iriflt language, as a proof that the people were civilized ; yet no 
fuch terms are produced, and if they were, how old are they ? The ufe of Latin 
ahftract terms is quite modern. There is not one Irifh MSS. extant older than the 
nth century, long after metaphyfics and fuch trifling fort of learning had been 
fuccefefully ftudied there. To which I add, that its copioufnefs arifes from its cor- 
ruption, and fo does its harmony ; for in the 4th and 5th centuries, and rimtl 
earlier, it is branded by the (12) ancients with the harmed expreflions for its bar- 

4 o barifm ; 

(9) To the fame purpofe one uf the firfi: Orientali'.h of the lad century, fpeaking of fome Punk coins fays : Priores duoi 
Punicos efTe libenttr darem, fi Puncs literature veftigia extarent. Necdum ab aliis, meo judicio. oftenfum perfjiicue fatis 
eft, cuj'jfmodi veterum Paenorum ekmenta. Hottinger. Cipp. Heb, p. l8j. 

(10) Irifh Grammar, p, i. Edit. 1781. (11) Supra, p. 19. 

(ri) Ireniei adv hares, lib. I. Non efTe faftidio rtidem huuc Sc incultum tranfalpini fermonis horrorem. Pacat. Panegyr. 
Sermor.ii Cekici fquamam. Sid. Apollin. 1. 3. ep. 3. 



326 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 



.<..< .<..< .<..<.<+>>..>.>■>.•>. >.>..>..>..>. >..>. >..>. >• >• >.•>..>..>.•>..>.>.>■ >.>..>. >..»•■>• >>.>.>•>■■>•. 



barifm ; and a (13) native writer, about the year 700, calls it a vile tongue. As no 
genuine fpecimen of old Celtic has been produced, or poffibly can, to warrant the 
praifes beftowed on 'it, it clearly follows, that to fpeak it in fuch panegyrical terms 
snuff be to deceive the unlearned reader, while at the fame time it betrays the 
writer's profound ignorance. But to evince how eafy it is to indulge in the praife of 
any tongue, even the moft barbarous and unpolifhed, take the following inftance 
from an admirer of the Gothic. " Les Goths (14) n'etoient pas une nation fi 
groffiere que 1' on imagine : ce qu' il prouve par la politeffe & par a regularite de leur 
iangue. C'eft ce que T on peut voir, 1. par les genres mafculin, feminin, & neutre 
des noms, &c. Ce qu'il y a de plus remarquable dans la Iangue Gothique, c'eft qu' 
elle ne fe fert point due verbe auxiliaire avoir, non plus que les Grecs & les Latins, 
pour ne point parler des langues orientales, ce qui eft une preuve inconteftable de fa 
grande antiquite." That any nation, particularly the Gothic, wrapt in Cimmerian 
darkn,efs, mould rival the Irifh in politenefs, regularity and antiquity of language, is 
enough to ftir the bile of the moft ftoical Hibernian, nor is it lefs irritating for (15) 
Rudbeck to make his Gotho-Runic the fountain from whence flowed the Greek and 
Phsenician letters, whence all the world knows the Irifh bethluifnion of the ogma can 
alone afpire to that diftinguifhed honor ; and that the (16) Celtic is the true parent of 
the Hebrew, Arabic, Perfic, Japonefe, Mungallic, Greek, Latin, Sclavonian, 
Ofcan, Showiah, Tamzeght, Algonkin, and a thoufand more. The author of this 
moft eccentric whimfy cannot be ferious : if he only meant to banter the unprofita- 
ble ftudies of fome Antiquaries, he has fucceeded admirably : for 

Non potuit melius litem fitiire jocofam. 

The f aid of etymology is called in to demonftrate the eaftern complexion of the Irifh 
tongue, by the Author laft cited. If he defigned to prove the Celtic to be originally 
the fame as the Hebrew or any other Oriental language, he ought, as a fcholar, to 
have fhown their agreement in (17) matter and form ; for it is from thefe, and not 
from refemblances in found, the affinity of languages is to be inferred. The Celtic, 

in 

(13) Adamnan. apud Ufier. Syllog. p. 42. (14) Bibliotbique Chos. par le Ckrc. T. 28. p. 307. 

(15) Atlant. c. 38. 

(16) Collectanea rtb. Hib and Irifh Grammar, fup. paflim. 

f Scis enim quam proclive fit quidvis ex quavis lingua exculpere, fi genio imlulgeamus, Goropii & Rudbeckii & ejus 
cxtmpl", qui nuj er de crigine Hungaroruni fcripfit. Primus in Belgica, alter in Suecica, tertius en Hungarica Vetera 
deorum vocabul nullo mgotio invtnit. Leibnitz. Oper. T. 8. p. 138. 

(17) Wotton. de conf. Ling, apud Chamberlayne, p. 46. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 327 

in its ftructure, varies from every other tongue. In it, (18) words are declined by 
changing not the terminations but the initial letters in the oblique cafes. Its pro- 
nouns alter the beginning of nouns, and its grammar cancels every rule of language. 
Not to infill on the (19) uncertainty of etymology from the vicious orthography of 
words by Lexicographers, and the vicious orthoepy of founds by the natives 
■themlelves, the Irifh leavar for liber, litur for litera; and fcriptuir for fcriptura, 
abundantly demonftrate, that we had neither letters, writing or books, until received 
through a Roman intercourfe. This Innes has long fmce obferved. The corrupt 
ftate of ancient tongues has, at all times, been a fine field for literary trifling, and 
a rich foil for fciolifts and alphabetarians to flourifh in. On the whole, the preten- 
fions of the Irifh to an eaftern origin is a vain and groundlefs notion, generated in 
ignorance and miftaken patriotism, difgraceful to the good fenfe of the nation, and 
not to be fupported by reafon, hiftory, or learning. 

The part we have now been travelling over is defcribed by Virgil : 

Umbrarum hie locus eft fomni noclifque fopora y 

Hie & lucifugtz pofuire cubilia blattce. 
Something of light and certainty breaks in upon us as we advance in this inquiry. 
The voice of antiquity is filent as to Druidic letters, which are faid to have been 
ufed in this ifle. Caefar (20) fays they exifted, but that paffage has been long fufpecled 
as the interpolation of Julius Cellus jr"who, I believe, had (21) Strabo in view 
when he inferted it. The want of native Britifh letters is ftrongly (22) inferred from 
the legends on the coins of Cunobeline, for if the Druids had a peculiar alphabet, 
or ufed the Greek letters, as Caefar aliens, fuperintending religion and learning as 
they did, and obftinately retentive of their opinions and cuftoms, they affuredly 
would have put their own and not Roman letters on the coins of their princes. 
Mabillon (23) is more than doubtful about the exigence of the G'aulHh letters, nor 

does 

(18) Mallet, V. i.pref. p. 42. Pinkerton's Difl". p. 123, and Scotland paff. 

(19) Mr. Pinkerton caD fcarcely keep his temper when /peaking of our abl'u 'J and ridiculous Irifh etymologies ^ he con- 
fers them as inftances of the groiTefl infults ever offered ro the fenfe and reafon of mankind. Scotland fup. V. 2. initio. 

(20) Caefaris hie locus ell & alii apud eundtm de Grsecorum literarum ufu, fuo tempore apud Gallos, longe fufpe&us 
fuperioris xtatis virisfummis. Burton. Hiit. Grasc. ling. p. 19. Hotoman. Franco-Guli. c. z. Lips. Eh6t. 1. 2. c. 7. 
Bayle. Article Cefar. 

(21) The words are : piAsXXxva?, ugt xai ta siftZoXaiu sXkwisi ypafuv. Lib. Casfar's words are : publicis privatise 
rationibus Gnecis Uteris utuntur. Lib. 6. 

(22) By Whitaker, fup. p. 372 — 373. Aftle's Origin of Writing, p. 56. 
^23) De re Diplom. 1. 1. c. 11. Leibnitz is of the famt opinion. Tom. 8. p. 195. Edit. Dutens* 

/£ . h. /j 






328 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

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doeshefeem to lay much ftrefs on. the alphabet collected by Boterue from fepulchral 
infcriptions. It is above fifteen hundred ^ears ago fince Celfus oppofed the antiquity 
of the Druids and their wifdom to thofe of the Jews. What was Onsen's anfwer ? 
I do not know, fays (24) the Father, that they have left us any writings. It was in- 
cumbent on Celfus then as on our Druids now, to fupport the extraordinary things 
they have advanced concerning thefe fages by other arguments than confident 
aiTertions. 

'But the boldeft attempt to filence the oppofers of ancient Irifli literature is the 
(25) production of an infcriptibn on Callan mountain, in the county of Clare, its 
date A. D. 295. Here the Gauntlet is thrown down, and the literary world chal- 
lenged to an inveftigation of thefe extraordinary Irifh elements. The article in the 
Archaeologia informs us, that the Irifli Seanachies and Antiquaries ferioufly affert 
the ufe of a character called Ogham, not ufed as a cipheHbut as an uniform alphabet, 
wherein all matters relating to the ftate and religion were recorded. But in the next 
page, the modern bards are charged with inventing Ogums, and changing 150 
circular fcales of Profodia into right-lined Ogums, and impofing them on the world 
for fo many different alphabets. How this author will reconcile the pofitive ac- 
cufation of invention and miftake in the (2*6) writers below cited, with their ferious 
affertion of an uniform alphabet, will require fome ingenuity to explain. He con- 
feffes he erroneoufly faid, the Ogum characters were marked by certain flrokes 
(landing perpendicularly on an horizontal mafter-line, but from ancient MSS he 
found the mafter-line was drawn perpendicular, and the characters marked by 
flrokes perpendicular to it, on the right and left. Such are the author's words in 
the Archaeologia. Notwithftanding all the new lights he received, he gives in page 
281, another manner of writing the Ogum, which is with horizontal ftrokes on 
each fide of a perpendicular line. It appears then, that neither the circular mode of 
drawing the Ogum, nor the horizontal mafter-line with perpendicular ftrokes, nor 
the perpendicular mafter-line with perpendicular ftrokes, are right, but the perpendi- 
cular line with horizontal ftrokes. So that here Seanachies contradict MSS ^nd 
MSS oppofe infcriptions. Does not this jargon approach very near Perfius's 

Mgroti 

(i4) Jiv »»' tioa. £/ fipireei swypuftf&ttra,. Contra Cels. 1, i. 

(25) Infertcd in the Archaerlogia, V. 7. p. 276. 

(16) The writers here difgliiied under the name of modern bards are, I apprehend, Mac Firb>9 :;rd O'Flaherty. Let 
the reader judge. Ex his aliquas inter antiquitat im monumenta apud fe (Mac Firbis) fuperAiifTc, ut ti diveifas charac- 
tcrum formulas, qua* ter quinquagenas a Fenicii ufque a;tate numero, & croabb ogham, i. e. virgeas chara&cres norni-ic 
recenfet, non ita pridem ad me fcripfit Dualdus Firbifius. O'Flah. Ogyg. p. 233. Ogyg. vind. p. <;. 



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ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3=9 



•<<<<< < < < < < ■<•< < < ■ 



■< < ■< -< -<•<■.<.<<■< .< •< ■< ■< ■< -<<<<4*>-<>- >■->■■>■■>■ >. >■ >..>.>..>..>■>.>- >. > >..> > > > > >. 



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JEgroti vcteris me dit ant is f omnia : Gigni 

Dc nrbilo nihil, in nihilum nil poffe nevcrii ? 
I believe the reader will be apt to credit Mr. Pinkerton, who affirms this fame 
Celtic has the flrange effect to obnubilating the mind, and this he demonftrates, by 
numerous examples, has been unhappily the cafe with this writer. 

Our author in the Archaeolgia grants, that he has never been able to difcover 
Ogum inferiptions on (tones, altars or cromlecc, and yet in a (27) former work he 
afks with flrong emphafis — •" mall we doubt the authority of Sir James Ware, (hall 
we difbelieve our eyes, when we behold Ogum inferiptions on many remains of 
antiquity ?" In four pages after he fays : " we are forry it is not in our power 
to quote any paffages of our Druidic Ogum, fuch books having not fallen into our 
hands." This fort of contradictory writing goes to the fubverfion of all fober in- 
quiry; it refehibles this author's Ogum, which, like the characters of the 
Monfcheou Tartars, are legible up and down, backwards and forwards : it is a fort 
of literary conjuring, where the reader, 

Objlupuit, r oaria confufus imagine rerum. 
To refcue therefore a fubject thus in danger of being irretrievably loft, we muff 
recur to the old Irifii antiquaries, who, after all their vagarees, give the only rational 
information. Ware is the firfl, I think, who mentions the Ogum, and that in a 
way not to afford matter of triumph as to its ufefulnefs or antiquity. He defcribes 
it as made up of various occult forms, or artificial modes of writing for fecrecy. 
The 150 notes mentioned by Mac Firbis, O'Flaherty calls " different forms of 
characters. " Thefe expreffions indicate ftenographic as well as fteganographic notes, 
referring to fome fictitious characters or ciphers. 

In 1669, O'Molloy, in his Irifh Grammar, enters more fully into this fubject, 
and is literally copied by every writer fince. He informs us the Ogum was divided 
into three kinds : 1. Ogum beith, when bh, or the Irifh letter .beith being part of the 
firft confonant, is placed inflead of the vowel a. This Ogum is alfo called Ogum 
confoine, or the Ogum made out of confonants. Here is an (28) example : 
a e i o u 
bh. fc. ng. dl. ft. 
The fame method may be obferved in fubftituting confonants for dipthongs. Thus, 

4 p ae 



(17) Irifh Grammar, p. f. 



{%%) H*rji»*t "Ware, p. I?. 



33o ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

ae ia ua io oi 
mm. 11. bb. cc. pp. 

The fecond fort is Ogum coll, or the Ogum compofed out of the letter c : 
when for all the vowels, dipthongs and tripthoags the letter c is fu,bftituted, varioufly 
repeated, doubled and turned, as thus : 



a 


e 


1 


o 


U 


c. , 


cccc* 


cccc. 


cc. 


ccc. 


ea 


ia 


oi 


io 


ua 


o 


u 


D 


o 


00 



The third fort is the Ogum croabh, or the virgular Ogum ; it has an horizontal 
mafter-line, through which and, on each fide are perpendicular ftrokes which 
ftand in the place of vowels, confonants, dipthongs and tripthongs. This is 
exhibited in the Plate No. i. as the perpendicular mafter-line with horizontal 
ftrokes is feen in No. 2. and the Callan infcription in No. 3. What is now pro- 
duced from Molloy is rational and intelligible, nor can there be any doubt but all 
ihefe (29) cryptographic modes were praftifed in all the northern countries of 
Europe : for in the celebrated (30) Icelandic Edda at Upfal is an inftance of the 
Ogum confoine, where inftead of the vowel, that confonant which followed next in 
the alphabet is placed. As 

Dfxtfrt fcrkptprks bfnfdkth skt pmnkbxs hprks. inftead of a, e, i, o, u, y, 
the letters b, f, k, p, x and z were put, fojthat it reads thus : 
Dextera fcriptoris benedicta fit omnibus horis. 

Von Troil remarks, that a fimilar Ogum may fee feen in Rabanus Maurus's 
tract, De ufu literarum, written about the middle of the 9th century. Verelius, 
Wormius, with many exifling monuments prove, that the Northerns writ their 
runes in every poffible form ; in circles, in angles, from right to left, and vice verfa. 
Wormius (31) enumerates twelve different ways of making runic infcriptions. 
The German (32) Buchftab or runes were drawn fometime in horizontal, and forne- 
times in perpendicular lines. Here we have, if not the priginal of our Ogum 

Croabh, 

• 

(19) The ancients difpofed letters variimfly for fecrecy and amufenieut For the fcytale of the Greeks fee Schol. Thucyd. 
lib. 1. Plutarch in Ly-fand." A. Cell. 1. 17. c. 9. For Roman contrivances, fee Suet, in Aug. c, 88. in J. Cscf. c. 56. 
t'io. 1- 39 Morhoff. Polyhifl. T. 1. p. 624. Sahnuth in Puncipol. tit. 14. 

(30) Von Troil's Letters on Iceland, p. J99. (31) Literat. Run, p. 138, I39. 

(31) Pelloutier, hilt, des Celtes. T. 1. p, 4P». pallet, V. I. p. 363, 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3J* 



-< < < •< ■< < ■< ■•« < ■< < < ■< ■ 



.■>..>. >■ > > ■■>. >. > >■•> > .> ..>. >. >. >..,..>..,.,. >, >. >>..>. >. >>..>. > 



Croabh, a practice exactly fimilar. In a word, thefe wonderful Irifh Ogums were 
nothing, as we fee, but a flenographic and fteganographic contrivance, common 
to the femibarbarians of Europe in the middle of ages, and very probably derived 
from the Romans. 

Mr. Macpherfon, after ably (33) dating the great improbability of the early ufe 
of letters in Ireland, remarks that Ogum is a word which has no affinity with any 
other in the Irifh language, and feems therefore to be a cant name impofed upon a 
fpecies of ftenography or cipher, in which the old Irifh, like many other nations, 
write their fecrets. This opinion is not quite correct. As to Ogum being a cant 
name and not found in dictionaries, that is partly true and partly falfe. The word 
is preferved in the (34) Welfh, where Ogan is augaury, divination. Keyzleralfo tells 
(35) us, that Oga, Ogum and Ogma are old Celtic words, implying letters written 
in cipher, and indirectly an occult fcience. Thus its true import is afcertained. 
Innumerable words, in the lapfe of time, have been loft in the Irifh as well as every 
other language. 

The moil polifhed nations of the world have beheld with aftonifhment the artr r 
whereby can be comprehended the thoughts, word and a£tion6 of men, part and 
prefent, and that by the combination of a few letters. The Indians could not com 
ceive how paper marked with black ftrokes could communicate intelligence, unlefs 
it was animated. When (36) Leri wrote down fome fentences of the Brazilian 
language, and the next day repeated them to the natives, they inflantly concluded 
he did it by fome magical or furpernatural means. The North America Indians 
thought (37) Carver's book a fpirit, when he told them the number of leaves by- 
looking at the figures at the top of the page. The eaftern and weftern Runes and 
Ogums were all pofterior to the invention of letters, for barbarians, as we have 
feen, afctibed occult qualities to the former, from difcovering the power of the 
letter. And this is the opinion of (38) Arngrrm Jonas, a mofl fkilful northern 
Antiquary, who thinks the northern Runer or conjurers had fome little "common 
learning, but that they greatJy corrupted the alphabetic elements by virgular ciphers 
and points, which he fuppofes invented by them, the more to excite admiration of 

their 



(33) Introduction Irdes, r. p. 445. Aftle. p. 122. (34) Rowland's Mona Antiqua. p. 138. 5d Edition. 

(}$) Antfq. feptent. (eh&. p. 38. (;6) Navig. in Braz. c. 16. Benzoin, hilt, nov. Orlns. 

(37) Travels, p. 24'. 

(38) Exifiimo vcrifimile effe magos illos literatura aliqua ufos, & qnidem vulgari, majori es parte, fed virgjalie & 
pun&is fuo marte excugitatU corrupta. Worm. Lit. Run. p. 34. 



533 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 



■•>■ >■■>■ >■ >•>■•>• >■•>■ >.>•>■>■>■>•> >• >■ *• > >• >■ v. 



their wifdom and knowledge among a rude people. Letters themfelves, fays (39J 
Mallet, were more frequently employed among the Danes for the foolifh purpofe of 
working prodigies than to affift the memory, or render words fixed and permanent. 
And no wonder, when Odin taught, that the art of writing was to be regarded 
as the art of working all forts of miriacles. 

The perfons in the North, who thus affected fuperior fkill in learning, in magic, 
aftrology artd other branches of ancient lore, were, according to Wormius, ftyled 
Runer and Adelruner : fo that f Rune and Ogum are perfectly equivolent in fenfe, 
and had the fame origin. One Angularly remarkable fa 61 here offers itfclf, which 
has hitherto efcaped notice, and that is, the exigence of the word " Run," in the 
Irifh language and dictionaries, fignifying a fecrct or myftery. The word and its 
meaning mud have been adopted from the Northerns, for it could not co-exift in 
the Teutonic or Gothic and Celtic in fimilar letters and import, unlefs we affert 
thefe tongues to be the fame. As all know they were not, then we mud have had 
it from the Northern invaders of this ifle, and to them is to be attributed the lofs of 
the old Celtic name, Ogum, for that of Run, introduced by them. O'Brien (40) 
treating of this word, without any defign of doing fo, confirms the truth of what 
is afferted by (hewing, that in five dialects of the Teutonic it is preferved, in its 
original fignification. 

It is very likely the Northerns had the firfl notions of thefe Runes from an eaftern 
•connection, when they dwelt on the weftern fide of the Euxine ; particularly from 
the (41) Greeks. To omit the oriental (42) Cabbala, the Greeks had their 
Ephefian letters, which not only protected (43) from harm? but infured fafety 
and fuccefs. The early ages of chriilianity were infected with this error, as we 
learn from Irenasus, Tertullian and Philaflrius : nor were even fome of the moft 
learned fathers, as Origen, free from it. There is a paffage in Euftathius upon 
Homer on the power of thefe Ephefian letters, too long for infertion here, but its 
fpirit is well exprefled in thefe fentences of the (44) Edda. " Do you, fay fays 
Odin, know how to engrave Runic characters, how to explain them, how to prove 

their 

(39) Supra. V. 1. p. ai6. The Chamans of Siberia, and the Hottentot priefts are equally addicled to magic con- 
jurations. See Gmelin and Sparman's travels. 

f Cum literas inter barbaros initio arcanre effent, arcanarum notarum appellatio Uteris manfit, etiam cum publicse effe 
ccepere. Leibnitz, apud Chamberl. p. 2,8. 

(40) Irifh Die. voce Run. (41) Clarke on Saxon Coins, p. 53. 

(42) Holm de fcript. apud Crenii Analecl. p. 422. (43) Hug.de orig. fcribend. p. 315. Ed. Trotz. 

{44) Mallet and Wormius, fupra. Barthol. p, 649. Loccen. p. 83. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 33 $ 



..«<■<■■<•<•<•<•<•< •<•<•<<■<..<..<.<<..<..<.<•.<..<■!•.<•.< <<<<<<< <<•<■.<< < < + >• >..>. >..>..>. >>.>>.>. 






their virtue ? If we fee a man dead, and hanging aloft upon a tree, I engrave 
runic characters fo wonderful, that the man immediately defcends and converfes 
with me, &c." They were believed to have a phyfical innate quality, which 
made them noxious, favourable, medicinal and fitted for every wifh, a&ion or un- 
dertaking. 

As foon as the Germans had learned the ufe of letters from the Romans, their 
Runer, Adelruner, necromancers or priefts adopted the Roman (45) divinatory notes 
for magic purpofes. It would have been very difficult to have determined the figure 
of thefe notes, were we not told by (46) Cicero and Suetonius that they refembled 
old obfolete letters. II n'y a rien fi vrai, que l'entetement des fcavans feptentri- 
onaux pourles Runes : les fuedois y tiennent le premier rang ; mais Mr. Sperling 
m'a ecrit autrfois qu'il ne les croit pas fi anciennes. C'eft pourtant une chofe affez 
remarquable, que beaucoup de ces lettres font femblables a celles qui fe trouvent 
fur les medailles d' Efpagne, dont j'a beau coup de copiee tires du cabinet de Mr. 
de Barry, et fur les piedeftaux des flatues Etruriennes publies par Bellori, & je n' 
ai encore trouve perfonne, quoique j' ay e confulte divers I'taliens qui peut me don- 
ner quelque eclairciflement la defTus. This is part of a letter from Cuper to 
La Croze. The ancient notes are comprized under three (46) heads : 1. hierogly- 
phical, where the thing to be underftood is expreffed by a fymbol, as a circle for the 
fun. Where a cipher or character has the power of many letters, as in the Tyronian 
notes. Ennius, it is (48) faid, invented eleven hundred of the latter, but in reality 
he took them from Eaftern and Grecian archetypes. Tiro and others added many 
to thofe of Ennius, and Seneca augmented and digefted the whole, and they are to 
be found at the end of Gruter's Infcriptions. In thefe and in the fecond fort or 
Sigla were the Roman laws and proceedings written, which of courfe became fo 
obfcure. that Tribonianus, who compiled the Juftinian Code, was frequently at a 
lofs to develope their fignification. This induced the Emperor in 533 to (49) forbid 
their ufe. From their forms they were called (50) pun£ta, lines, flexurae, catena- 
tiones, fignorum capitones and compendiofa aenigmata ; terms not eafily rendered 

4 q_ into 

(45) Virgam fructifera; arbori decifam, in furculcrs amputant, eofque Notis quibufdam difcretos, &c. Tacit. Germ. Sed 
manendum, turn ifta aut populina fors aut abiegina eft tua. Plaut. Cas. Ac, 2. Taubman. in loco. For the employment 
of the Adelruni. Worm. Fait. Dan. 1. 1. p. 124, 

(46) In 11. bore infculptas prifcarum literarum not'as. Cic. de divin. 1. 2. c. 41. Nadlns puerilem iconculam eju 
aneam veterem ferreis ac fere jam exolefcentibus Uteris inferiptam. Suet, in Ocft. c. 7. 

(47) i\ftle, fupra fub fin. (48) lfidor. Orig. I. I. c. 21. 

(49) 1. Cod. tit. 17. kg. 1. (50) Lips ej-ift. ad Belg. cent. I. ep. 27. 



334 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

into Englifh, yet conveying to us an idea of the multiplied modes of ancient brachy- 
graphy and cryptography. Befides thefe there were notae ferviles, pecuariae, juri- 
dical. &c. and many more in common and daily ufe, all taken from the great body 
of Tiro's and Seneca's notes. Wherever a Roman Station or colony was, there 
notes were neceffary, and we have feen to what purpofes they were applied by 
the furrounding barbarians. In the 6th century, Venantius Fortunatus mentions the 
old German cuftom of carving or painting Runes to have been common among 
the Franks. 

Barbara fraxineis pingatur Runa iabellis. 

About the year 1500, Trithemius difcovered, that the ancient Norman and 
Francic alphabets were mixt with thefe (51) notes. He met with them in a 
Davidic Pfalter in the Strafburgh library. The Francs had (52) letters before they 
received' Christianity. Here then is an extraordinary authentication of the existence 
and ufe of thefe notes in Germany for more than a thoufand years, and this proves, 
that the Northerns (contrary to what is generally believed) were acquainted with the 
alphabetic elements fo early at leaSt as their intercourfe with the Romans. 

There is no part of literary hiftory more obfcure than the formation of alphabets ; 
nor is there any part of it more curious. Writers (53) have contented them- 
felves with deducing the Francic and Saxon from the Latin, and the Runic from 
the Gothic, which in the improved State of thefe alphabets is, in fome degree true*; 
but they have not accounted for the Strange and barbarous characters found in all, 
nor afcertained the time and caufe of their infertions : I prefume to offer but a few 
hints, introductory to an investigation of our Irifh elements. The complete eluci- 
dation of this Subject requires uncommon philological and critical learning, and 
would very properly have made a part of Mr. Aftle's ingenious work on the Origin 
of writing. On the arrival of letters in the North, the various cryptic and Steno- 
graphic modes of writing praclifed by the Romans were immediately known. 
The latter the barbarian prieSts adopted and Studied, and that, in preference to the 
former, as being better calculated for magical purpofes, and to make the vulgar 
ftare. Such was the degradation of Religion in thofe ages, that it had funk into 
inchantment and the groffeft fuperftition ; and fuch the corruption of letters, that 
they were become Tironian or Runic ciphers. The laft particular every diplomatic 
writer, and every table of alphabets will confirm. During the time of the Gothic 

power 

(51) Trithem. de Polygraph, p. J99. (5a) Kickes Thefaur. Franco. T/heotife. 

(53) Bernard's tables improved by Morton. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. ^-5 

..<.<.< <<•<< < <<<< < .<<•«<<.<<■.<•<.<••«■« < < < < < .<< « < •<.<<■.<■<+,.>..>..>..>..>.>..>. >..j« >..>.>■>•>•>>• >•>■>•>>•>• >.>•■>•>•■>■>•■>•>■>•>■>■>>•>■>•>>• >- 
power in Italy, the Roman elements fuffered a (54) remarkable change. A greater 
deviation enfued under the Longobards, and in the 8th century Roman letters were 
only found in the titles of MSS. Alphabets were compofed of letters and Roman 
notes, uncouth in their figure, confufed in their order, and barbarous in their name. 
The annexed plate demonftrates this. Thefe alphabets feem to have been a national 
and even provincial concern. For as each country and tribe was diftinguilhed by 
fome particular enfign, as a Dragon, Raven, &c. fo were they by a peculiar alpha- 
bet, which, while preferved, was fuppofed to contribute by its magic and occult 
qualities to the power and permanence of the (late. Let us now attend to the 
proof. 

" It appears, (fays a rnoft learned (55) Antiquary,) that the various foreigners in- 
habiting Britain, in the Saxon times, framed each an alphabet for themfelves. From 
whence otherwife could fpring fuch a diverfity of Letters and Alphabets unknown 
elfewhere, and greatly furpafling in number thofe found in the MSS of any other 
country ?" And as evidence he adduces a rubric prefixed to one of thefe fictitious 
alphabets, which runs thus : " Nemninus being upbraided by a Saxon fcholar, as 
if the Britons were ignorant of the rudiments of learning, invented thefe letters, 
fuddenly forming them from his own conceptions, to wipe away from his nation 
the imputation of dulnefs and ignorance." This was placed before the Britifb 
Ogum in the Plate. Neither Langbaine, who I believe firfl; communicated this 
rubric to Archbifhop (56) Uflier ; nor (sy) Hickes, who found it in the BcJlcian 
Library, nor La Croze feem to underftand its meaning : the laft obferves, if it be 
not a jeu d'efprit, the Britons muft have loft all memory or their antiquities,, for it 
fuggefts, that before this they had not letters. This however is a thou^titis guei3, 
becaufe the Britons had letters at leafl four centuries before the arrival of the 
Saxons ; and if they had not, this extempore alphabet was not likely to render 
them general. The rubric records a conteft between two literary men, one a Briton, 
the other an Anglo-Saxon. The latter was well acquainted with Renography and 
fteganography, which in reality required much application and ftudy, and therefore 
he prized very highly, calling them *' Rudimentum," as the Schoolmen did their 
Quiddities, the only folid foundation of learning In thefe he LrJieved the Briton 
eminently defective, but by producing an extemporaneous alphabet, the latter fhewed 

the 

(54) Mibillon, fupra. (55) La Croze. Virdic. Vet, p. 89. 

(j6) Uihsr's letters by Parr, p. 551. (57) Catalog. Lib. feptent. p. I49-- 



336 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

-< < < < <•<< <■< •<>••-< <■■<••< •< < •<<•■<■< ■< < <<<<•.< .<<■< <<■•<-.<•.<<•.< •<<.>.■>>>. >.■>.■>■ >. >. >..>..> >..>..>.>>>.>..>. >..>. >. >..>..>. >..>••>•>..>■>•>.>■>•>.>.>.>.. 
the Saxon he was miftaken. It was not with ignorance of letters the Briton was 
upbraided, but of this rudimentum. , 

That each people had peculiar and appropriated alphabets, I need but cite Arngrim 
Jonas, who writing to Wormius tells him, there were Greenland, Opland, Greek, 
and Ira f letur or Irifh runes. And from the fame (58) work we learn, that the 
Malrunge were proper to fome people and invariably ufed by them. All the northern 
alphabets were originally made up of letters and Tironian notes, the latter feem to 
have been the Malrunse. Wormius has (59) tortured his ingenuity to explain the 
confonants and vowels in thefe ciphers, but in vain ; as well might he reduce to an 
alphabet the fcrawling of an infant. Ufed in (60) diabolical exorcifms and con- 
jurations, the zealous Roman miffionaries endeavoured to deftroy thefe fnotes or 
Runes. Mallet (61) alfo remarks, that as foon as the Gofpel was preached in the 
North, an intermixture of the Roman letters appeared with the Runic, and that 
the latter continued to give way till finally abolished. Here he intimates what was 
nearly the truth, that the Runic like the other barbarous alphabets, was at firft 
almoft entirely made up of notes or magic Runes. The (62) Marcomannic Runes, 
in the plate, have out of fifteen but four letters refembling the Roman. And 
Wormius declares they agreed with the Runic, in the ftrangenefs of their mape 
and names. The Norman alphabet in Bede is another inftance. The Gothic, im- 
properly afcribed to Ulphilas, has many characters, as given by Johannes Magnus 
and Bernard in his tables, quite unlike the Greek and Roman, and taken from the 
notes. The prefent Runic, without reafon faid to be derived from the Gothic, 
exhibits but three or four letters fimilar to the Greek and Roman. Hickes explicitly 
declares, (63) the prefent Anglo-Saxonic elements are not the entire old ones, but 
a more modern compound of Latin letters ; and a very good (64) judge obferves, 
the old Saxon letters refembled the Runic, that is, the notes. Here is a variety of 

tefti monies 

(58) Literal. Run. p. 37-^40. Ut literas conflngerent, quad propria 1 ) gtntis fuas. La Croze, fupra, p. 89. 

•J- The Ira Letur, or Irifh Ogum characters did not differ greatly from the other Runic ones. Worm. Literat Rur. 
c. I. Rowlands never faw the Ira Letur, and does not know whether they were the fame as the Bethluifnion. Mi na 
Ar.tiq. p. 1 10. They were all the fame. 

(59) Worm, fupra. p. 40, (60) Nicholfon's Irifh Hift. Library, Preface. 

(61) Supra, p. 378. 

(62) Rab. Maurus fays, they were ufed in incantations and divinations. De invent, liter. Tarn quoad figuram, 
quam quoad nomina cum noflratibus convenire. Worm, fupra, p. 47. 

(63) Alphabetum Anglo-Saxonicum non eft integrum illud vetus, cujusmulti defideran'.ur characleres. Gram, Angle- 
Sax, p. 2. 

(64) Walker on Saxon Coins, apud Camden. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 337 

■•« < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < < « < •<■•<<•<•< <<<<<<■<.<..< <-<•.< •<+>•>•■>..>> >. » >■ > > >.>.>. > > >. >■ > > >■ >■ > >. >.>>. >.*..>. > >. >. >>■>>■ >■■>■•>•>•• 
testimonies all uniting in proof of the fame fact : that the Northern priefts and 
necromancers, on their acquaintance with the Roman letters, adopted the Roman 
divinatory and o r her notes : that thefe being ufed in conjurations, and known only 
to their Runer and Adclruner, acquired the name of Runes : that whole alphabets 
were formed from them, or with but a few letters fcattered through them : that 
thefe magical alphabets multiplied in the dark ages, and fpread over Weftern and 
Northern Europe, and that fuch were the ancient Irifh elements we fhall now fee. 

The oldeft Irifh alphabet is faid to be the Boleloth, fo called from the names of 
certain (65) mailers, who aflifted in forming the Japhetian language. So idle a tale 
one would not expert to find in a modern Grammar : it is obvious this alphabet 
was denominated from Bobel, Loth, its two firft letters. The other names and the 
figure of the letters are exa&ly in the flyle of the Britifh, Runic, and Marcomannic 
Runes, as an infpe&ion of the plate will evince. As might be expected, they re- 
• femble the Roman notes and Northern Runes. The learned Mr. Pinkerton (66) 
jemarks, that the Bobeloth was a contracted mode of writing, well known by 
the name of Notas Longobardicse. If he had added " fecret " to contracted, he 
would have been perfectly right ; for according to Mabillon, thefe Longobardic 
notes were the fame as the other northern alphabets before fpoken of. 

Kinfaolidh, an author of the 7th century, is (6y) faid to have transcribed and 
illuftrated the Irim Grammar. This notice would have been paffed over, but that 
what it records happened in other countries. Thus the Runic, Anglo-Saxon, Go- 
thic, and other alphabets were gradually purged of their Runes, and in their place 
Roman letters fubftituted. The fame thing probably happened in Ireland in the 
feventh age : fo that by transcribing and illuftrating, I understand the compofition 
of a new alphabet, perhaps the prefent Bethluifnion, which (till preferves ftrong 
marks of a barbarous period. The two (68) characters given in the plate as varie- 
ties of the letter N ; one as H, two as M, one as A, and one as E, being feven, 
and not to be feen as capitals or currents, as far as I have examined, in the com- 
mon tables, but all of them in the Roman notes, prove they are the remains of the 
old Ogum or magical alphabet ; even were this not the cafe, its name fufficiently 
verifies this curious facl: : it is called Bethluifnion na Ogma, or the alphabet of 
magic or myfterious letters ; a title expreffing the true form of its original ciphers, 

4 r and 

(65) Irifh Grammar, p. 14. HarrisVWare, p. 21. (66) Scotland, V. 2, p. 17. 

(67) Irifh Grammar, p. 13. (68) O'Conor's DifT. p. 37. 



338 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

and the ufe they were applied to, and fuch were O'Sullivan's and all other Ogums, 
being derivatives from the Roman notes. At firft they were ftenographic, then 
fteganographic, then magical, and laftly alphabetic. Every circumftance relative to 
our letters confirms the truth of what has been advanced. They were (69)- called 
Feadha or Woods, becaufe like the conjuring rods of Tacitus's old Germans and 
the old tablets. of the Franks, thefe Runes or Ogums were carved on them, and 
thefe are the genuine virgular characters, noticed by O'Flaherty. 

In the Barbarian alphabets the order was not conformable 10 the Roman, but 
arbitrary and capricious : nothing lefs'could be expected from the manner of compo- 
fing them. " Thofe, (fays (yo) Wormius,) who would accomodate the Runic to 
the Roman order err egregioufly." Mr. Aftle (71) cannot be exact as to the time 
when the order of the Runic letters was confounded : it was in its firft formation, 
and continued fo to the reign of (72) Woldemar, A. D. 11 85, when the Roman 
order was eftablifhed. The Irifh Bethluifnion is a living monument of a barbarous 
age. It begins with B, L, N ; but N was anciently the fifth letter : A is its four- 
teenth, and all the confonants are placed before the vowels, fo that in want of order 
as in every other particular, it entirely agrees with the Runic and other ancient 
northern alphabets. The rudenefs and fuperftition of the Irifti, through every age, 
invincibly attached them to their Bethluifnion na Ogma, as Runes are, at this day, 
ufed in the (73) mountains of Sweden. 

We may recollect, that our hiftorical romancers afferted the derivation of our 
letters from the Phgsnicians. The learned Mr. Aftle (74) fpeaking of the " Textus 
Sancti Cuthberti," written in the feventh century, remarks, that '* it is in capitals, 
which were ufed by the Greeks, Etrufcans, Romans, Vifigoths, Saxons, French, 
and Germans ; and that its alphabet bears ftrong teflimony, that the letters ufed by 
our Saxon anceftors are derived from the Pheenician, the Greek, and Etrufcan, 

through the medium of thofe of the Roman letters." If I underltand this para- 

.,3*aph, it means that the Saxon alphabet is taken from the Romans, as the latter is 
from the Phaenician, the Greek, and Etrufcan, which no one denies, and which 

Bernard's 

(69) O'Conor, fupra. O'Flahert. Ogyg. p. 233. The Runic Biarkan was the fame. 

(70) A fcopo & inftituto majorum noftrorum longiflime exorbitare video. Sup. p. 86, 87. 

(71) Origin of writing, p. 89. 

(72) Mas (Runas) a principio rice omnes eadem qua nunc alphabetaria fchemata pra:ferunt forma extitifle dixit, nee fen'e 
co'.locatas eadem. Vulgarium ordinem numerumque a Voldemare ad formulam ajphabeti Romani inflitutum effe aiefcu. 
Worm. fup. p. 42. 

(73) Mallet, fupra, p. 378. (74) S«pra, p. 97. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 339 



< < «~« <<•<<<<<<< <-< -< < * * <••<■ < -< ■< < •< <■<■<•<<<■<•}•>• > ■>• >■•>• >■■>■ > >•■>■>•>. >■■>.. 



Bernard's tables make evident. But, according to Mr. Aflle, this text of the Gofpels 
is written in letters ufed by the Greeks, Ltrufcans, Romans, Vifigoths, Saxons? 
Trench, and Germans. The firft queftion here to be afked is, did all thefe people 
ufe the fame alphabet? The anfvver is direcl: and pofuive, that they did not. The 
Romans had their " literae unciales, cubitales, grandes, & quadrats." The Franks, 
befides a mixture of Tironian notes, had their " literae Francogallicas k Merovin- 
gicx," and the Saxons had a very old alphabet and a more recent one. The fame 
may be faid of the other people. Where then did Ealfrith the monk, who fo beau- 
tifully (./$) wrote this MS for St. Cuth-bert, find thefe capital letters of fo many 
nations ? The facl is, he neither found them nor fought for them, but he ufed the 
Roman notes, which in reality do approximate to the letters of every people, and 
were originally old obfolete letters, and were adopted by the nations Mr. Aftle 
mentions, firft as a contracted, then a fecret, then a magical mode of writing, and 
laflly, as alphabetic elements, or mixt with them. Our learned and ingenious 
author, not aware of this progrefs, has neceflarily exprefied himfelf obfeurely, and 
taken a pofition not tenable, litre is an additional confirmation of the idea purfued 
in thefe pages. 

It is probable the ufe of brachygraphic and cryptographic notes was known in 
Ireland, at the very time St. Cuthbert's text was written, and the numerous caprici- 
ous alphabets were invented, and this may be inferred from an (y6) epiflle of 
Aldhelm to Eahfrid, who was juft returned from our ifle, after a refidence of fix 
years. — It is thus : 

Digna fiat fantc glingio gurgo fugax fambulo. 

The glofs fubjoined, which is by no means intelligible, however fhews, that it 
was written in ciphers, each expreffing one or more words, as did the Tironian and 
other notes. It was thrown out by the petulant but ingenious Aldhelm to puzzle 
Eahfrid, and try the extent of his fcholarfhip and Hibernian education. Perhaps 
the reader may confider the following inftance alfo in point. Adamnan, an Irish- 
man and Abbat of Ily, in the year 700, compofed the life of St. Columba,. whofe 
fuccefTor he was. In the Preface to this performance he fays, " he has (yy) cy- 
phered but a few things to avoid tiring the reader." Though the verb caraxare is 
often ufed for fcribere, or cxarare, yet, from the numerous inftances that might be 

collected 

(75) Strutt's Chronicle, V. i. p. 346. (76) Uffer. Syllog. p. 41. 

(77) Pauca £nt caraxata. Uffer. Syllog. p. 424 



34o ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 



< .< .< ., .< .< .< < .( .< .< ..< .< <<..<..<< .<..<..<..< .<..< .<..<.<..« .<..< .<.„..< .<..< <..<4.>. >..>. >.. 



collected, fome of which are given (78; below, it is efpecially applicable to fteno- 
graphic notes, and the GloiTary of Ifidore calls the Short hand writer, " Charaxarius." 
So that Adamnan talking of the brevity of his work, ufes this word with Angular 
propriety. 

As to the Callan infcription, which firft give rife to this enquiry, the mode of 
cryptography there ufed, is the fimpleft that could be devifed, that of ftrokes on'each 
fide of a mafter-line. Thefe could never be the " uncouth virgular chara&ers," 
fpoken of by O'Conor, for uncouth can only be applied to the ftrange ibrms of the 
other Ogurns, taken from the Roman notes. This was of all the worft calculated 
to promote literature, or, preferve the memory of events : For it requires 15 lines 
or ftrokes to exprefs the five firft letters of the alphabet, or fifty-one, for the eigh- 
teen elements of the Irifh language. And is this the Ogum which (79) we are 
told, " the Irifh Antiquaries preferved as a piece of the greateft value, and that it 
was penal for any but the Druids, to ftudy or ui'e it ?" Indeed it is honouring fuch 
reveries too much, to mention them. 

Scripta pudet recitare, y nugis addere pondus. 

However, as fome men of learning think favourably of this infcription, it is 
neceffary to add a few remarks more on the fubjecl. 

The infcription in the Archaeologia is : 

" Beneath lies Conal-Colgac, the long-footed." 

It is alfo (80) read thus : " Beneath this fepulchral monument is laid Conan the 
fierce, the nimble-footed." Thefe different interpretations by the fame perfon look 
fufpicious, but what fhall we fay, when we are given three other various readings by 
this writer ? This was a fatal ftep ; the Gentleman forgot, that the argument that 
proves too much, proves nothing : applied to the prefent cafe, it muft demonftrate 
to every man of fenfe, that the different explications are grounded on no certain 
principles, and made out by different fcales of Ogum, and by reading it then 
from right to left, and vice verfa. Such childifh manoeuvres are really ridiculous, 
and have juftly difgraced our Antiquities. 

If 

(78) Ubi eft fufus in hanc lucem, mirabile di&u totum eju3 corpufculum invenitur charaxatum, quafi crucicularum 
fligmatibus. 

Charaxat anibas ungulis fcribeiuibus, 
Genas, cruentis et J'tcat facicm nolis. 

Prudent. 
Earth. Advers. 1. I?. 18. 1. 45. 19. Turneb. Advers. 1. 14. c. 24. 

(79) Irifh Grammar, fupra. p. 8. (80) Tranf. Royal Irifh Academy, v. 1. p. 9. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



3-M 



< ■< •< < < ■<•<-<••<-« <■<■•<■<-«■<•<.<•<•< ■<■<•< ■<■<•< •<■•<<■•<■< •<•■<•< ■<•<■< ■< < ■< + » 



■ >•>■»•> > v- 



If two interpretations give the name of Conal, and three confefledly do not, is 
there not more than an equal chance that the latter is right ? And if fo, what be- 
comes of the veracity of the Bardic Tale by which this wonderful Sepulchre was 
difcovered ? A fingle erafure or omiffion of a ftroke was fufficient to alter, or bury 
the meaning in perpetual oblivion. Was accuracy to be expected from rude and 
barbarous lrifh engravers in the 3d century ? Or can it be imagined, that the Callan 
infcription has flood almoft 1500 years in a naked and wild Situation, uninjured bv 
the tooth of time, and all the viciflitudes of a variable climate ? That the great 
Atlantic Ocean and its briny atmofphere, have had no influence on this rock, and 
fo far from pulverizing its furface, have rendered it unfit for vegetation ? Thefeare 
wonderful things ! Perhaps the venerable Druid who performed the funeral rites 
to the names of Conal-Colgach, (and who has not heard of Conal-Colgach ?) not- 
only pronounced the " fit terra levis," but wafhed the flone with a magic compofi- 
tion of Mifeltoe, Samolus and Selago, and in a fine prophetic phrenzy, predicted 
the amazing difcoveries of lrifh Antiquaries in the 18th century. 

Great reafon have we then to deplore that eafy credulity, which could entertain 
favourable fentiments of one of the boldefl, mod artlefs and groundlefs figments 
offered to the learned world, fmce the days of Annius of Viterbo and Curtius 
Inghiramus : a figment arifing from that too common weaknefs of mankind, of 
advancing on every occafion fomething furprifing and marvellous. It was thus (the 
cafe is exactly fimilar) that the (81) fiffures on a rock at Deighton, in North 
America, were taken for Phoenician inscriptions, when even a Superficial obferver, on 
viewing them, would inftantly pronounce them the effects of frofl and of the climate. 
But an Antiquary would blufh at fuch a vulgar decifion : the face of nature and 
reality of things, flubborn in every other hands, become plaftic in his. His inge- **«,- 

nuity and literature have not only the magic power of moulding them into any ./#../** 
form, but he can fafcinate every eye within the fphere of his operations. 

The intercourfe fubfifting between the Britifh ifles naturally (82) introduced a 
knowledge of the Roman elements into Ireland at an early period. Wanley mufl 
therefore be much miftaken when he (83) afferted our lrifh letters were communi- 
cated to us and the Britons by Augufline, the Englifh Apoflle, about the conclufion 
of the 6th century. Lhuyd (hews this opinion to be ill founded fo far as regards the 

4 s Britons: 



(81) Archaeologia, v. 8. p. 290. 

C82) Ware, chap. r. Whitaker think? it one or two centuries before St, 

(83) Apud Lhuyd's letter to the Wel(U in Malcolm's trails, p. 6. 



Patrick. -Pup. v t 



P» 



34 2 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

Britons : as to the Irifh, fays he, " the Roman arms never reached them, fo that it 
is evident, of the three nations, the Britons, the Saxon and Irifli, the firfl had a 
learned education and civilized manners, and whence 'mould the others have had 
their letters but from their neighbours ? I know the Irifli will anfwer, that Avergin, 
the fon of Mil Efpaine, who was the (84) firfl: of the nation of the Scots, who ar- 
rived in Ireland in the time of Solomon, wrote the fame characters which are ftill in 
ufe among them ; but every one knows it is impofTibie to be allured of that, and 
all learned men agree, that we have no certain knowledge concerning the inhabitants 
of thefe iflands, nor of the other barbarians of Europe, older than the writings of 
the Greeks and Romans. This mud be granted by the Saxons and Irifh, as well as 
by the Welfh, that fome two of them received their alphabet from the third, be- 
caufe each of them not only retains the fame letters, but the fame pronunciation of 
them : I fay the fame letters, becaufe the Saxons did not write any of the letters 
K, O and X, no more than we ; nor do the Irifn make ufe of them to this day* So 
that either the Britons taught the Saxons and Irifh, or the Irifh taught the former. 
If the Irifh taught the Britons, then they mufl have had Latin letters before the 
coming of the Romans into Britain, which it is impoflibie to prove. As the 
Britons had letters before the time of Juvenal and Tacitus, I fee no reafon to doubt, 
but that the Irifh received their ancient alphabet, firfl from the Britons, and the 
Saxons, three of the four ages after, learned them from the Britons and Irifh." 
Thus far Lhuyd, whofe fentiments on every point regarding the ancient literature of 
thefe kingdoms merit the greatefl attention. The oldefl remains of a Britifh alphabet 
are [feen on the coins of Cunobeline, who ruled a part of Britain in the reign of 
Auguftus. Chriftianity, which was eaily introduced^ extended the ufe of letters 
among the provincial Britons: they were neceffary for their intercourfe with the 
Romans. But it was to be expected, that the Latin language and letters would have 
been corrupted in palling through the hands and mouths of rude people. The 
Spanifh poets of Corduba, who compofed in Latin, though highly accompli fbed, 
hail notwithftanding, according to (85) Cicero, fomething " pingue atque peregri- 
num," inelegant and foreign to an Italian ear, and which detracted from their ex- 
cellence 

(84) This is from defpicable Irifh romance, for "Europe was then thinly inhabited by wandering tribes of barbarians. 
Solomon lived above a thoufand years before our a:ra. 

(85) Poetis Cordubx natis, pingue qu'uldam fonan;ibns atquc peregrinum. Cic. pro Archia. Hoc eft, fays Celtarius, 
ntiquid foloeci vel Graxrs vel Latinis carminibus mifcerent. Difs. Academ. p. 367. Cicero probably means fomsthltog 
more. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 



343 



< < <■•< «-■< ■ ' < -, / - 



■<-<■•< •< '•}•» 



■ >.->••>• >■■>•» >■ >■ 



>■■>■ >- > > / > > > > ►-< 



cellence. The fame was obferved of all the (86) municipal fchools. The Roman 
fuhlicrv in Britain were moftly of German Latinized cities, and the auxiliaries, 
German and French, iconfequently the purity of the Latin tongue and the fhnpe of 
its letters were foon changed : barbarifm was perceived in the enunciation of the one 
and in the^ form of the other. Through this medium the Roman divinatory and 
other notes, and the notion of their magic powers were communicated to the 
Britons. 

But the corrupt Roman elements, which the Irifh adopted, were inadequate to a 
notation of the founds of their language. O'Molloy, our oldeft grammarian, (87) 
allows but feventeen letters, excluding h, k, q, w, x, y and z : O'Conor reckons 
eighteen, taking in h ; p he fays is not found in the more ancient gloffaries. Lhuyd 
makes them eighteen, with thirteen dipihongs, five tripthongs and five vowels, fo 
that there are forty-one founds $ xpreffed by but eighteen letters. This number of 
founds mud not appear incredible, for the prefent Ruffian (88) has forty-one, the 
Sanfcrit fifty, the Malabarian and Cafhmirian many more ; ours arofe from the cor- 
ruption of the Celtic by the fwarms of barbarians who over-ran the country at different 
times ; for in the ifland of St. Kilda, remote from human intercourse, the fimple 
founds of the Celtic were but few, and the natives did (89) not ufe the letters 
D, G. and R. 

Confufion and uncertainty in writing and pronouncing the Irifh, unavoidably re* 
fulted from this want of notation. 'Thus b, e, d, f, g, m, p, r, and f, with h, 
or a point added, totally changed their founds, and they became other confonants. 
The pronunciation of the dipthongs and tripthongs are quite uaintelligible from then- 
notations, and can only be learned by (90) the ear ; and O'Conor conieffts, the com- 
pounds gn, oi and io have no equivalent found in any language he knew. The 
lemarks of a (91) judicious grammarian and lexicographer are to the prefent 
purpofe, and not undeferving the reader's notice. 

"The French language has feventeen vowels, though there is a notation but for five : 
there are twenty-one confonants, but a notation only for eighteen, and there are 

four 



(R6) Aufon. grat. ad. p. 256. 

(87) Habet literas in rigor feptendecini. Gram. p. 5. (88) Aftle, p, 10. 

(89^ Malcolm's irafts, p. 35. 

(90) Qualiter dipthnngi vel tripthongi apud H:bernos debeat pronunciari rts eft fcitu difficiiis ; hoc epus, hie lalior : 
sieo judicio, vix ullus perfecte difcet qualitcr efferantur, nifi attente aiifcuket peritum in hac lingua cas pror.unciame.T... 
O'Molloy, fup. p. 47. 

(91) Chimbaud'-s elements of the French Jang, preface. 



j44 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, AND 

four confonants, ch, gn, ill, and y, of which the alphabet gives no manner of 
knowledge. Both vowels and confonants are reprefented different ways : fome can- 
not be reprefented for want of proper fimple characters, but by feveral letters. 
Now each of the letters which make up thefe diverfe combinations has not the found 
or articulation which it has when pronounced by itfelf ; and thofe letters blended 
together, reprefent a found which has no affinity with thofe which each of them re- 
prefents fingly. If therefore a teacher makes his pupils name each of the letters 
which make up thefe combinations, he will make them pronounce falfe founds. As 
the prefent French alphabet does not contain all the founds and articulations of the 
language, nor all the ways of reprefenting them, a more rational and eafy method 
mult be thought of to facilitate a knowledge of them. Spelling words will never 
give them the founds, they mud be pronounced after a mailer." 

The fad is therefore, as might be expected, that the fpeech of the Irifh became 
a fluctuating jargon, full of ftrange dialects ; it had no analogy in its founds ; its 
anomalous (92) verbs are fo varioufly formed as to depend entirely on the practice 
of writers ; there are no (93) rules for its cafes ; it poffefles neither alphabetical 
founds, words for ideas, orthography, or fyntax. The effay on the colonization 
of Ireland will fatisfactorily account for thefe particulars. The Welfh is (94) equally 
disfigured, mutilated, and corrupted. 

To confirm what is advanced, Lombard, titular Archbifhop of Armagh in 1632^ 
fhews (95) how widely the dialects of the four provinces differed, and that Leinfter 
was defective in juft phrafeology and pronunciation : and O'Conor (96) informs us, 
that it is little more than an hundred years fince the fchools wherein the Irifh Ian* 
guage had been taught in its purity have failed ; and yet anomalies and folecifms 
have multiplied, and the growing ignorance in the true orthoepy has already thrown 
many words out of their radical flructure. " Did we read a paflage, (adds he,) 
of claflical Irifh to the common people of Ireland, the greater part would be abfo- 
lutely unintelligible to them." The interval between the time Lombard and O'Conor 
writ, was more than a century, and yet the latter talks of Irifh being taught in its 
purity at time the former declared it to be corrupted. Almoft a century before Lom- 
bard's 

(9*) Verborum alia variantur valdc apud Hibernos, velut heteroclita & diverfimode, ita M univerfalis regula pro iir. 
acquit dari, adeoquc infiftendnm fit aucloribus ubique probatis. O'Molloy, p. 125. 

(93) Nee extant regula;, fed ufus & audloritas pro hujufmodi dccliuationtbus. 0'Mo!)oy, p. no. 
(9,1) Lhuyd, At 1 Kymry. Bernard, epift. ad Hickes. Pinkerton, p. 122. 
( 9.0 De r^gno Hib, p. 7. (9 ( >) °gyg. vind. p. 20. 



ALPHABETIC ELEMENTS OF THE ANCIENT IRISH. 






<<<<<<c<< <<•<•<-< < < < 



■<■■< ■< ■< •< •<■■<••<•■< + >••>■>■■>•■>•■>. >- 



bard's age, Stanihurft in Hollinfhead writes thus, " the true Irifh dirllreth fo mud. 
from that they commonlie fpeak, that fcarce one in five hundreth can either rede, 
write, or underitonde it ; therefore it is preferved among certeine of their poets and 
antiquaries." So that as foon as the language came to be examined by fcholars 
and grammarians they found it a jargon not reducible in orthography, orthoepy, 
or fyntax to any ftandard. This is the language which the very eccentric author of 
the Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis afferts to be the parent of every other on the 
globe. 

tribus Atiticrris 
Caput infanabile ! 

" I fliall not determine, (fays (97) Leibnitz) whether the Anglo-Saxons brought 
their letters into England, or whether they learned them from the Britons." That 
the Saxons and Irifh had their original elements from thofe of the Romans, is the 
opinion of the beit antiquaries ; and fo fimilar were they, that formerly they were 
indifferently called Saxon or Irifh. The reafon for afcribing the Anglo-Saxon alpha- 
bet to the Irifh was, their having converted, according to Bede, almoffc the whole 
nation, and communicating to them together the (98) light of the gofpel and of 
letters. In the (99) Bodleian library is Mac Reguil's, or Regol's gofpels in Irifh, of 
the feventh century, andFareman's and Oen's copy of St. Jerome's tranflation of the 
gofpels, with an interlineary Dano-Saxon .yerfion of the tenth century. In the 
fame library is Ovid's Art of Love in Latin, but in Irifh characters. In the front 
or title-page is Chrifl painted, and at his feet St. Dunflan, with infcriptions, all 
executed by St Dunflan himfelf. Now it is well known that this faint was (100) an 
Anglo-Saxon, born in Somerfetfhire and educated at Glaftonbury ; fo that thefe 
Irifh letters muft have been Anglo-Saxon. Doctor Langbaine, in (1) a letter to 
Archbifhop Ufher, fays ; " what characters the ancient Britons ufed, whether that 
which the Saxons after, as your Lordfhip if I remember well is of opinion : or the 
fame with your ancient Irifh, which I conceive to be not much different from the 

4 t Saxon, 

(97) An Angli vel Saxones fuas !itev3s in Britanniam Tecum attulerint, an a Britannis didicerint, non dixerim. Leib- 
nitz apiiJ Chamberlayne. Orat. Domin. g| 

(98) Nihil haftenus inveniri; potui, quod ante fidem a_Sajtonibus fufceptam Uteris iftis exaratum fit, Sheringham de 
orig Angl p. 293. Bolland. Adla fanift. 17 mart. p. 517. 

(99) Hickes. catal. Septent. p. 149. AlUc, p. 99. 

(100) Cave. Hift. Liter. V. i. p. 409, 



(1) Parr's letters, p. Jj 1. 

¥■ IrfL, " 



,? 



- 



54 6 ON THE OGHAM CHARACTERS, &c 

< < < < < ■< ■< < •< < < < < < < < ■< ■■<■ < < < < •<•■< <■<•■<■< •< ■<•< < < < ■< •< < < <•[.>>. >• >• > >• > >. >. >. >. >. v > > i- , > >• > >■■>■ > > ••» ■■►• > > ► ►•>■>•>■ >• ►■■>• > » ■». 

Saxon, to which the monument of (2) Corcenn, both as to form of fome letter? 
and the ligatures of them feem to come nearer than to the Saxon, I dare not take 
upon me to determine." If then we can rely on thofe excellent judge?, Ufher, 
Langbaine, Hickes, and Aftle, there can be no doubt of the almoft perfect identity 
of the Anglo-Saxon and Irifh elements about the year 830. 

To conclude, I am very fenfible how much I ftand in need of the learned diplo- 
matic reader's indulgence for the hints advanced in this Effay ; if they urge a farther 
invelligation of the fubjecl:, I mall think my labour fully compenfated. 

Non quifquqm fruitur veris odoribus, * 

Hyblaos latebris nee fpoliat favos ; 

Si fronti caveat, Ji timeat rubos. 

Claudian. 

(2) He was prince of Powis in Wales. The infeription is in the abbey of Langholen in Denbighfhire, and is cf the 
year 830. L,huyd/p. jz6 — 2zO/ 1 




A REVIEW 



( 347 ) 



»+ + + + + + + + + + * + + + + +* + + + + + + + + + + •:■ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 



A REVIEW CF IRISH LITERATURE IN THE MIDDLE ACES'. 



FIFTH CENTURY. 

IN the foregoing EfTay, the pretentions of the Irifli to an original alphabet have 
been examined and rejected ; and it has there been flio wn what were the probable 
introduction and date of letters in this Ifle. It has been (i) proved, that Irifh lite- 
rature in pagan times is ideal, and that after the mod confident affertions of our 
being a civilized people in thofe ages, the want of literary and other monuments, 
with the united voice of ancient writers, proclaims our ignorance and rudenefs. 
.As I confine myfelf folely to the ftate of learning in the middle and dark ages, I am 
the better able to pay an undivided attention to this interefting fubject, yet without 
prefuming to think I have exhauftcd or even exhibited it in the extent, or with 
the erudition that others might have done. The lives and miracles of faints, monaf- 
tic rules, and all the fuppofititious and apocryphal tralh that croud the pages of 
Ware's writers and Harris's additions, I leave to the credulity and illultration of 
others, dwelling only on thofe parts of folid learning worthy of rational inquiry, 
and which form the only true grounds of national fame and honour. 

The invafiofl of England by the Anglo-Saxons, in the middle of this century, 
was an event extremely calamitous to that country, but productive of the happiefh 
confequences in this, by driving hither many (2) pious and learned men, who pro- 
moted the fludy of letters and llrengihened infant chriflianity among us. I can 
dijcover no other adequate caufe of the quick advances we made in literature, but 
the emigration of the Bntifn clergy in this and the next age. Here they found a 
fecure afylum from the din of war, and thofe broils fo hated by peaceful and ftudi- 
ous men. Rome and her Pontiffs are held out by our writers as the fource from 

whence 



(1) Sttiiflures on the^EcckT.allical ard Literary Hiflory of Ireland, by; Dr. CamjtcU. 
(i) Uffer, Primord. p. 563 — 564, 



> 4 8 A REVIEW OF IRISH LITERATURE 



-.<••<■•<••<-<•■< ■<•■<■•<+>->.■>.>.>.>■>-.>. >■■>. >>■->>■> >■ >. >• v >- >- >■>■ y-> >. y |r- >■ >■>• >■ V- > i > » > f- 



whence flowed (3) religion and letters to us, and St. Patrick is made the perfon 
who conducted them hither. After what has before been advanced concerning the 
age and exiitence of this faint, I mail only now remark, that his whole ftory is a 
fiction invented long after the time in which he is fuppofed to live, and that the 
works afcribed to him are palpable forgeries, and carry numberlefs internal marks 
of being fuch. They were collected and publifhed in London by Sir James Ware 
in the year 1656. I mall (lightly run them over, as they fcarcely merit notice. 

His Confefhon is a rhapfody of his travels, miracles, deliverances, and revelations. 
Can we but wonder at that flrange infatuation which could make Ulher and Ware, 
for a moment, entertain favourable notions of the authenticity of this work, wherein 
no notic*e is taken of the education of our apoftle under St. Martin, Bifhop of Tours, 
or his relationship to him, of his journies on the continent, and his advancement 
to the epifcopate of Ireland by Pope Celeftine ? The omiffion of thefe and many 
other important particulars, with the legendary flyle of the whole, evince it to be 
the juvenile exercife of fome monk of the eleventh or twelfth century. His Epiflle 
to Coroticus, a Welch prince, is of the fame (lamp with the Confefiion. It fpeaks 
of the Roman and Gallic chriitians fending many thoufand folidi to redeem captives 
from the Franks. Whoever writ this was but little acquainted with the flate of 
Italy under the Gothic princes, or of the French under the Merovingians. Ware 
fays the texts of fcripture cited in thefe tracts are tranflations from the Septuagint 
and not the Vulgate, and that this determines them to the age of St. Patrick. But 
this argument carries no weight with it ; for the old Italic verfion, which is that 
here alluded to, was ufed by the (4) Irifh fo late as 815, and probably later ; nor 
can the biblical (5) critics afcertain when, if ever, it went into difufe, for it is 
allowed to have made a confiderable part of the prefent Vulgate. The next treatife, 
De Tribus Habitaculis, is better written, and evidently difcovers a different pen. 
It defcants on the joys of heaven and torments of hell. Bolton of Bury gives it to 
St. Auftin, others to St. Bernard. St. Patrick's charter has been proved by (6) Stii- 
Hngfleet to be a forgery, for it computes by the year of our Lord; a cuftom not 
begun till 525, nor praclifed in England till 816. It mentions indulgences as relax- 
ations of penance, which were unknown before the eleventh century. The tract, 
de duodecim abufionibus fseculi, is faid to be compofed by St. Cyprian or St. Auftin. 

In 

(3) Bollatidus is angry with Colgan for making thefe older in Ireland than the time of St. Patrick. 17 A&. Sundc. 
Mart. But Bollandos was devoted to Rome. 

(4) UQ.cr's, religion of the Irifh. (<) Simon, Hifloire Cut. (6) Bjiufh Churche*, c. 1. p. 14, 









IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 349 

In a book W Saxon homilies, in Lambeth Library, Is a treatife, de otto vitiis & 
duodecim abufionibus faeculi, which is perhaps the fame as ours, and which Hickes 
thinks (7) was written after the Norman times. Whoever will perufe an (8) account 
of the fpurious pieces fathered on the patriarchs, prophets, the apoftles, and even 
on our blefied Redeemer himfelf, who it feems condefcended to write an epiftle to 
the Council of Conftance, will not be furprized at thofe afcribed to our apoftle. 

Sedulius is faid by Ufher, Ware, and Harris, to be the rnoft learned Hibernian 
of this age. Certainly we mud think highly of his theological and critical acquire- 
ments, was he the author of the works pairing under his name. But this is an 
error ; Bayle (9) has proved there were two Seduliufes ; Cadi us Sedulius, a cele- 
brated poet, who flourifhed about 434, and from a poetical epiftle to Theodofius I. 
feems to have been an Italian. The other, our countryman, compofed commenta- 
ries on St. Paul's epiftles, and lived about 818. The principal literati of the dark 
ages being Irilhmen, had the words Scoti and Scotigenae joined to their names, 
and ignorant copyifts added them, as in the prefent inftance, to others without 
reafon. 

Colgan has given a tranflation of a poem faid to be the work of Feich, Bifhop 
of Sletty, near Carlow, A. D. 434. It is a metrical verfion of the legend of St. 
Patrick. It begins thus : 

Natus eji Patricius Nemturri, 
Ut refertur in hijloriis ; 
Fuit annorum fedecim 
S>uando duBus in captivitate. 

We are (10) told this Feich was a difciple of our apoftle, and advanced by him 
to the epifcopal dignity, he could therefore be no ftranger to his origin, whereas 
the fecond line above intimates that this poem was compiled from old hiftones. 
This and an (11) alphabetical hymn are the wretched produ&ions of fome cloiftered 
ecclefiaftic. I acknowledge the infinite obligations the Irifh Antiquary is under to 
Ulher, Ware, and others, and that there is abundant utility in their farraginous 
compilations j yet I know as well, that they did not believe to be genuine all that 

4 u they 

(7) Gram. Anglo-Sax. p. 17a. It is alfo afcribed to St. Cyprian. Hickes, p. 144. 

(8) Fabric. Cod. Apocryp. & Pfeudepig. 4 Tom. a very curious collection of heretical and literary impoflures. 

(9) Dift. Article, Sedulius. Mabillon. Analect. t. 1. p. 363. (10) Ware's Writers, p. 6. 
(ij) S, Patric. Opufc. p. 146. 



35 o A REVIEW OF THE IRISH LITERATURE 

., < < .«..«..« .< .< .< .< .<..<..<..<..<..< .<..<.<..<..<.<.<..<..<..<.<..<.<<■•<.<■.<.<■<■<•<■•<•<•<+>.>>■ >..>.>..>. >. >..>..>..>..>..>..,..>. >..>..>..>. >. >>>>>•>. >..>..>.>.>. >..>. >. ,..,..,.,.,.. 

they fet down: Archbifhop Ufher (12) confeffes his antiquities of the Britifh and 
Irifh Churches contain many things frivolous, doubtful and falfe ; even from thefe 
he remarks an hiftorian may reap confiderable advantages. But when, in his other 
writings, he alleges thefe as direct and pofitive proofs of tranfaclions and do&rines in 
early times, he betrays a want of recolleftion, if not of prudence : 
EJi quoddam prodire tenuu, ft non datur ultra. 



SIXTH CENTURY. 



The Anglo-Saxon power daily increafmg, the Britifh clergy -every where fled from 
its (13) exterminating fury : many retiring to this ifle (14) opened fchools. Letters 
now greatly flourifhed in Wales in the (15) perfon of Dubricius, Iltutus, Sampfon, 
Paternus and many more. When we remember the agreement of the Britons and 
Irifh in religious fentiments, and the recent obligations of the latter to the former, 
ihere can be no doubt but we received thefe terrified and expatriated ecclefiaftics 
with open arms. St Jerome mentions the refort of Britifh Chriftians to the Eafl, and 
we (16) know that Paternus, David, and Teliau went thither to receive epifcopal 
ordination, thereby recognizing the fountain of their faith. As thefe men were 
celebrated fcholars, and well furnifhed with human learning for their high office, it 
is reafonable to believe their knowledge was much improved and augmented by 
their journey, and that they were accompanied bafek by Greeks and other foreigners 
of the clerical order, whofe zeal or curiofity prompted them to vifit thefe Ifles. 
Whatever learning the Britons acquired was communicated to the Irifh. The indif- 
criminate admiflion of eminent men of either nation to the government of monafteries 
and fchools was common in this age. Thus (17) St. Brendan, an Irifhman, ruled 
the iVbbey of Lhancarvon in Wales. Kentigern, a Scot, was ordained by an Irifh 
Bifhop, and founded a fee and abbey in Wales. Gildas, a Briton, taught in 
Armagh. Other inftances may be feen in Ufher. Following their (18) Eaftern 

architypes, 

(iz) Frivola etiam nonnulla, dubia miika, & falfa quoque non pauca. fupra, Prasfat. 

(13) Utter, fupra, p. 416— 417. (14) Ufler. fupra, ad Ann. 498. 

(15) Stillingfleet, fupra, p. 302 — 346. 

(16) Ufler. p. 474 — 5i8. Syllog. Epift. p. 131, and thefe antiquities, p. 55; 

(17) Utter. 353—53^—955. 

(18) En Basi^xjiv, tvfa <rori ^aitiun^K. Socrat. Hift. Ecc. 1. 3. c. I. Spelman. Cone. v. 1. p. 447. Wharton 
au&ar. ad Ufler. c. 4. p. 346. 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 



3$i 



■■< < < •< €••<•<■ 



<-« < -•« < ■< < ■< < <-<-•< < < ■< < < < ■<■•< •<■<■.< + >■ >•>->■>• >■ >• > >•■>•■> > >■■>• >• >• >■ >•>•>• V- >■ > >■>• >• >••>• >-■>- > > >• > > > > ■■>■■ 



archetype?, our churches and monafteries were fchools for the inftruction of youth. 
Thus the feminaries of Ducricius and Iltutus were (19) famous among the Britons, 
and that of Paulinus, fays Leland, flourifhed like an univerfity. On the contrary 
the (20) Benedictines and other Roman monks defpifed learning, laid more flrefs 
in their rules on abflinence and manual labour than on letters. In our Abbies (21) 
prophane and facred literature was cultivated : in that of Rofcarbery, in the county 
of Cork, St Brendan taught the liberal arts. The (22) Encyclopaedia of the Greeks, 
and the liberal arts of the Romans varied in number, but were at length fixed to 
thefe feven, (23) Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic, Arithmetic, Mufic, Geometry and 
Aftronomy : each of thefe was formed into an elementary treatife, more or lefs per- 
fect according to the abilities of the compofer. A very curious work, comprehend- 
ing all the foregoing arts, and written (24) about the year 466, by Martianus 
Capella, has come down to us. In the prefent date of knowledge it is not an 
edifying book, but it is very valuable, as it points out what were the education 
and (ludy of the clergy and higher ranks in the middle ages. In this century it was 
ufed in the French monafteries, as we learn from (25) Gregory of Tours, and a 
thorough maftery of it was believed to give the (26) Iaft polifh to the ftudent. In 
Grotius's edition of Capella, which I ufe, the feven liberal arts occupy about 300 
fmall octavo pages, too few a number unlefs for a text book, and as fuch it* was 
adopted. From the retreat of the Britons to (27) Bas Bretagne in 453, a conftant 
intercourfe was maintained between them and their brethren in thefe ifles, for Iltutus, 
Sampfon, Gildas, and the other learned Britons frequently vifited their tranfmarine 
countrymen : one of whom the latter raifed to the fee of Dole, and another was 
made Bilhop of the Oxifmii, the mod northern people of Bretagne. France was 
alfo frequented by the Irilh, as we find by the authors cited by U frier. So that 

when 



(19) Stillingflect, p. 202. (ao) Stillingfleet, p. 205 — 206. 

(21) Ufier. p. 910 — 907- Stillingfleet, Tupra. (a2) Wower. de Polymathia. r. 14. p. 208. 

(23) Ordo autem ifte fepcem a philofophis ufque adaftra perductus eft, &c. Ifidor. Orfg. p. 914. 

(24) Fabric. Biblioth. lat. p. 638. Barth. Advers. 1. 8. 

(25) Qi)od C te facerdos Dei, quicunque es, Martianus nofter erudiit, id eft, fi te in grammaticis docuit, legere ; in 
diale&icis alercationum propofitiones advertere, &c. Hift. fol. 102. Edit. Paris, 1322. There were few monafteries in 
England in 640, if Bedeisto be credited, nam eo tempore, necdum multisin regione Anglorum monatieriis conftructis. 
multi de Britannia, monaflicae converfationis gratia, Francorum -vel Galliaium monafteria adire folebant, fed et filias fuas 
eiukm erodiendas mittebant. Bed. I. 3. c. 8. 

(36) Si in his omnibus ita fueris exercitatus, ut tibi ftylus nofter fit rufticus; ne fit quoque deprecor ut avdla« qux 
icripfi, &c. Greg. Tur. fupra. 
(17) Ufler, p. mo. 



352 , A REVIEW OF THE IRISH LITERATURE 

• < .< .< .<-.«..< .< .<..< < .« < .< < <■< .« .<..<..<..<..<..< .< ( .<.<..< .< .< .< .<..<•.<.., <•<<•<+>.>..>..>..,..>..>..>. >..>..>..>. >..>..>..>>. ». > >..»..> >.>..>..>>. >..>. >. >. >..>..>..> 

when it is faid that St. Patrick ftudied at Tours, to which Dole was fuffragan 
can only underftandfomeobfcure remembrance of this connection with the Continent. 
From all which I infer, that Capella was now known and taught in our Irifh fchools 
as a claflic, and in this I am confirmed when I find him commented on by Johan- 
nes Scotus Erigena, and Duncant, an Irifh Bifhop,- the latter delivering his 
lectures on him in the monaftery of St. Remigius in Down. Both of which works 
are (28) extant. If the reader will credit the evidence now fubmitted to him, he will 
perceive how learning was originally derived to the Irifh, and with what avidity and 
fuccefs they fludied thefe, foreign writers (hall foon declare. Their religion kept 
them from mental degradation, the fure confequence of fuperftition- lnflead of 
compiling pious fictions and lying miracles of imaginary faints,* they were exercifing 
their genius in acquiring languages, ecclefiaftical hiflory and the liberal arts. I have 
infifted the longer on thefe points, as they are extremely curious, though hitherto 
unnoticed. I now return to the very difagreeable tafk of detecting a forgery. 

The Life of St. Bridget by (29) Cogitorfus is fuppofed to be genuine. We are 
(30) told he lived before 590. This cannot be true : for he calls the firft prelates of 
Kildare, archbifhops, a dignity not known in Britian before 673, and much later 
here. After Bifhop Conloeth, who died in 519, we meet with no other prelate of 
Kildare for 119 years, though he informs us the fucceffion was uninterrupted : as 
he was a monk of Kildare, he might have eafily filled up the chafm. Thefe are 
fufpicious circumftances ; but, what evinces this work of Cogitofus to be fuppofititous, 
is his Defcription of the Monuments of St. Bridget and Conloeth on the right and 
left of the altar at Kildare. They were not only highly finifhed with gold and 
filver ornaments, with gems and precious Hones, fufpended gold and filver crowns, 
but the wall of the chancel was painted with portraits. Thefe latter, fays Bafnage, 
the editor of Canifius, (31) fmell ftrongly of later ages. The architecture of the 
church is the work of fancy, and could not exift earlier here than the twelfth cen- 
tury, for the Irifh, as I have already mown, had no ftone edifice in the fixth. The 
great number of filly and impious miracles with which this work is fluffed, totally 
deftroys its credit. St. Bridget commits a pious murder to preferve the reputation of 
a nun by diffipating her pregnancy. The Veftal Claudia vindicates her chaftity in a 
different manner. 

Si 

(*8) Fabric, fupra, p. 640. Wartori's Hift. of Englifli Poetry. V. a. p. 75 — 76. 

(ao) Canis. Lecl. Antiq t. 5. p. 625. Molheim. V. 1, p. 471. 

(30) Ware's Writers, p. 14. And Bifliope, p. 381, (31) Poftcriora redolent facula. Cani3. fupra. 




IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 353 

.•« 4 * < <<■«■<■<<•< -4 *< 4 * <■«<■< -4 ■« 4 -4-4 -4 •< -4 -4-4 •< -4-4 -4-4 -4-4 -4-4+> •>■>>->•>■>■>->■■>->•>- ■.4>->->->->-..>»>. >■ >..y.^.->- >■■>■>■ >••> > >•>»->•» ►••>■->■>■• 

Si nojirum nullo violatum eft crijnine corpus, 
Tejiis Diva veni, & facili me abfolve carina. 
Turn fccura capit funem. 



SEVENTH CENTURY. 

THE religious establishments in this and the preceding century, with the feeurity 
that letters enjoyed in our Ifle from the convulfions of furrounding nations, made 
her the fchool of learning to the Weftern world. But a caufe, hitherto unobferved 
and equally powerful in its operations, tended to fill Ireland with learned men, and 
that was the difcouragement of literature by the Roman Pontiffs. From the time of 
St. Augultine, fays (32) Rous, the Bifhops of Rome interdicted fchools and teaching 
in England, on account of the htrefies conftantly fpringing up there, and this con- 
tinued to the time of Alfred. Pope Gregory L difcountenanced prophane the more 
to advance {11) facred learning, and with this intent burnt the Palatine library and 
works of Livy. Gregory followed Arnobius, whofe work againft gentile fuperfti- 
tion clearly inculcated the corruption of chriftianity by heathen writers. The learned 
Bruker, in his critical hiftory of philofophy, againft Bayle and Barbayrac fhews 
Gregory's conduct to be highly probable, if not certain. Thefe fads are recorded 
by zealous Romanifts. Hence the liberal and ingenious were neceffarily driven to 
this ifle to acquire the rudiments of knowledge, as papal injunctions had no force 
here. And hence the fuperiority of the Britifh and Irifh clergy in all their dif- 
putes with their antagonists about baptifm, eafter, the tonfure and other ceremonies 
and rites. A fuperiority which fo feverely galled the Romifh party and retarded 
their influence and innovations, that Theodore, Archbifhop of Canterbury, even 
againft the fpirit of his religion and the order of his fuperiors, was (34) forced to fet 
up fchools and promote the ftudy of letters. Having unfolded the caufes of our ce- 
lebrity as a literary fchool in this age, I fhall now mention fome of the ornaments 
of it. 



4 x 



Columbanus 



(l%) Hid. reg. Ang, p. 68 — 72 — 73. Edit, llcarne. 

(33) Qu"d divinje paging gratior efict lo«us. Joh. Sarifbur. de Nug. Curial, 1. 8. c, 19. Hieron. ad Ephes. J. ?, 
lilJor. de l'umm. bono 1. 3. Can. i. diftindt, 37. 

(34) Innet's Orig. Anglic, p. 76. 



{&& 



354 A REVIEW OF IRISH LITERATURE 

Columbanus (35) was educated at Bangor under St. Congel. The reputation of 
the Irifh ecclefiallics in diltant countries feduced them from home, and in mod cafes 
prepared for them an eafy and kind reception. Our miffioner went to France, and 
founded the monaffery of Luxeuil and Fontaines in Burgundy. Cave and Dupin 
•fpeak of him as a man of primitive fimplicity and ancient virtue, which led him to 
•cenfure with fharpnefs and freedom the higheit characters in the church. In his letter 
to Pope Boniface III. he charges him with herefy, and fufpecls his church to be in 
error. In another letter he tells the Pope, that he had written to his predeceffor 
Gregory concerning the difference between the Irifh and Roman churches, and 
entreats him to be permitted to retain his national cufloms, for that Polycarp and 
Anice'us did not break communion on this account, and he cites a canon of the 
fir ft Conftantinopolitan Council for this indulgence, But clerical refentment is not 
foon appeafed ; our miffioner was expelled his abbey : after which he retired to 
Bobbio in Italy, and erecled a monaftery there. Dupin, who carefully examined, 
and with ability epitomized his works, declares they are written with much wifdom 
and elegance, and with a profound knowledge of ecclefiaftical hiflory : that they are 
judicious, witty and learned. 

Cummian's letters to Segienus, Abbot of Hy, has before been noticed. He is 
ftyled by Adamnan, Commineus Albus, and was advanced to the abbacy of Hy 
in 657. He feems to have been (36) defcended from the fame family with 
Columba, and in virtue of hereditary right to have fucceeded him. That he was a 
Culdee and apoftatized may be collected from his Epiftle, which was written many 
years before he attained the abbatial chair. During this interval he probably re- 
canted, or qualified his fentiments fo as to make them palatable to the monks of Hy. 
His tracl: would at any time be efteemed argumentative and learned, and the num- 
ber of books he poffeffed, or mufl have perufed, are confiderable. He cites Jerome, 
Origen, Cyril, Cyprian, Gregory and Augufline. He adduces C37) Anatolius's 
<:ycle of nineteen years ; Theophilus's of ninety-five ; Cyril's of the fame ; Dipny- 
iius's octaetris ; Vi&orius's of five hundred and thirty-two years, with thoie of 

AugulLine, 

(35) Dn&or Smith, in his ancient Scottifh Poems, confounds Columba with Columbanus: it was the former w!io in- 
ftituted the numerous religious eftahlifhments, and hence named Columcelle; and it was the latter who gave the monadic 
rule publiilied by Meffingliam and Holftein. 

(36) Compare O'Brien's Die. p. 360. Ogyg. vind. p. 133. — 134. 

(37) Fragment* of it are found in Eufebiys; but it was more completely publifhed by Bucher. de Doctrin. temp. 
Strauch. Brev. Chron. B. z. c. 6. 



t «■<■<•<< < < < < < < «•< < < •<••< ■< ■< ■■< •■< < ■< < '« < ■<••«••<•■< < ■< < < 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 

>• >• >•>••>• > >■>•>>>• >■ > >y» •> >■ > >■ > >■ >• > > >• ■>• > ■■>• 



355 



•.<■•<•<■■<+>•>.■> 



' Auguftine, Morinus and Pachomius. The Irifh adopted the (38) Jewifn cycle of 
eighty-four years, which was followed by the Eaftern Chriftians, and through St. 
John's difciples communicated to the Irifh, as Colman affirmed in the conference at 
Whitby. Cummian quotes the canons of the church, which mows he was well ac- 
quainted with ecclefiaiiical difcipline. This treatife, fhort as it is, comprehends a 
variety of learning, and clearly points out the ftudies of the Irifh and their advances 
in literature at this period. " It was now, (fays Bede,) that many noble Englim, 
ana others of inferior rank, leaving their native country, withdrew to Ireland, 
to cultivate letters or lead a life of greater purity. Some became monks, others 
attended the leclures of celebrated teachers ; thefe the Irifh molt chearfully received., 
and fupplied without any recompence with food, books, and inftru&ion." So zea- 
lous and difintereited a love of learning is unparalleled in the annals of the world. 
May we not apply to them thefe lines of Claudian ? 

Hie non divitias nigranbus abdidit antris, 

Nee tenebris damnavit opes ; fed largior imbre 

Sueverat innumeras hominum dltere catervas. 
It was in this remote ifle, as Bede goes on to relate, that Agilbert, Bifhop of the 
Weft-Saxons and after of Paris, fpent much time in fludying the holy fcriptures \ 
and that iEdilvinus, after being inflructed here, returned home and was promoted 
to the epifcopate of Lindisfern. Of Alfred, King of Northumberland, Bede thus 
fpeaks in his life of St. Cuthbert : 

Scottorum qui turn verfatus finibus hofpes, 

Coelejiem intento fpiribat corde Sophiam. 

Nam patriae fines Ssf dulcia liquerat arva, 

Sedulus ut Domini myfieria difeeret exul. 
It was our unrivalled literary fame that excited the jealoufy of Aldhelm, and 
made him write that gibing farcaftic (39) letter to Eahfrid, who was juff. returned 
to England after a refidence of fix years here, being made Bifhop of Lindisfern. 
" Why mould Ireland, (fays he,) whither troops of fludents are daily tranfported, 
boaft of fuch unfpeakable excellence, as if in the rich foil of England, Greek and 
Roman mailers were not to be had to unlock the treafures of divine knowledge. 
Though Ireland, rich and blooming in fcholars, is adorned like the poles of the 

world 



( ?R) Nam quia per omnia Apoftolos h«ec in re iroitarentur, & permulti ex ilHs ex Jiidaifmo ad chriftianifrr.um tranfiffent, 
non obfeurum eft e urn cyclum merutn Judaicum & Chaldaicum fuiffe. Scalig. de Emend. Temp. 

( 39) Uffcr. Sj-llog. p. 37* . % 



356 A REVIEW OF IRISH LITERATURE 

■ < < < < < < ■<■■<■•« < < < <<<< ■<<••<•<•< <<•<•<<<■< •<<••<•<■.<.<■•<••<■<•< •<+>■>•■>.>• >>.>>..>. >.>.>. >..>..>..>.>.>..>..>..>..>..>. >..>>..>..>. >>>.> >>>>>> >,. 
world with innumerable bright ftars, it is Britain has her radiant fun, her fovereigu 
Pontiff Theodore, nurtured from the earlieft age in the fchool of philofophy : it is 
flie poffefles Adrian his companion, graced with every virtue. This is that Theodore, 
who, though he mould be furrounded by a circle of Hibernian fcholars, as a boar 
in the midft of marling dogs, yet as foon as he bares his grammatical tooth, he 
quickly puts to flight the rebel phalanxes." 

For this and more invidious bombaft he apologizes to his friend, who loved the 
Irifh, by declaring he was but in jeft. This, however, was a falfehood, for he was 
extremely ufeful to Theodore, and active in reclaiming the Cornifh Britons from 
their ancient faith, for which he was appointed BifhopiDf Sherborne. This Aldhelm 
had fplendid parts and much learning, the latter he acquired under our countryman 
(40) Maidulph, who inftrucled him in the liberal arts ; for except the Irifli Culdees 
difperfed over Britain, there were no other maflers : he alfo (41) ftudied at Lindis- 
fern. He affirms he was the firfl Anglo-Saxon who compofed in Latin : this ac- 
knowledgment evinces the low ftate of letters in England, while they were flourifhing 
in Ireland. Hence he praifes no^Britifh fcholar, but Theodore and Adrian, both 
foreigners, who after all their acquirements were not more than a match for our 
Hibernian dogs. 



EIGHTH CENTURY. 



WILLIBRORD, a Northumbrian by (42) birth, and after Archbifhop of Utrecht, 
was an eminent miflioner among the Frifians in the beginning of this century. 
Hear what his biographer fays of his preparatory ftudies : " When he arrived at 
the twentieth year of his age, he was inflamed with the defire of a flricler life, and 
a love of vifiting foreign parts. And becaufe he heard that learning flourifhed 
greatly in Ireland he intended to go there, moved principally thereto by the fame of 
its holy men, particularly of the bleffed father Egbert and the venerable prieft 

Wigbert, 

(40) Tnformatus ad fludium, liberates artes plenitudini fcientiae adjecit. Guil. Malmtfb. vit. Aldhclmi. Aldhelmiis 
plus quam fatis prodens, femet huic Hibernorum fclicitati invidille. Murray. Nov. Com. Gottingen. Tom. 2. p. 120. 
The Eii^'lim envied our proijrefs in letters. Prcettreo Scotos, turn maxime do&os — Hie quicquid literaria; artis elal ora- 
bant (quod non adeo exile erat) AlcJhelnii committebant arbkrio, ut perfe&i ingenii lima eraderetur fcabrcdo Scotica. 
Guil Malnieib. Aldhelni's works.;were publifhcd by Delrio at Mentz, AD. 1601. 

(41) Bed. 1. 5. c. 19. Biographia Britan. Article, Aldhelm. 
fii) Alcuir. vit. Willibrordi. Molheim, V. 1. p. 491— 492. 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 



357 



4-4-* *-<•< 4 •< 



-4 t 4 #.<-tf-< -4 -4, <-4 



t <-«.< < «-* -4 -4-4-44-^.y. , 



■>■•>•> »■■► >• > V »►> » >•>.->.. 



Wigbert, who both for the love of a celeftial country had forfaken their houfes and 
kindred, and retired to Ireland. The blefled Willibrord, emulating the fanclity of 
thefe two holy men, embarked for this ifland, where he joined himfelf to their 
fociety, like a diligent bee, that he might, by means of their vicinity, fuck the 
mellifluous flowers of piety, and build up in the hive of his own breaft, fweet honey- 
combs of virtue. There for the fpace of twelve years under thofe illuflrious mailers 
he treafured up knowledge and virtue, that he might be enabled to become the 
teacher of many nations." Thefe are the words of Alcuin, the mod universal and 
celebrated fcholar of the age, as Dupin, Blunt, Cave, and others teflify. 

Virgil (43) was one of eight Irifn Bifhops, who, according to the cuftom of the 
times, took a journey to the Holy Land. He was promoted by Pope Stephen and 
King Pepin to the See of Saltzburg, but was detained for two years by Pepin to 
profit by his uncommon erudition and piety. After this he was honourably received 
by Otilo, Duke of Bavaria, and accepted the Bifhoprick from his hands. For fome 
time he deferred his confecration, all epifcopal acls being performed by Dobdan, a 
Greek, who followed him from Ireland. Ufher tells us, he mould, wonder at the 
mention of a Greek's leaving Ireland, did he not know that at Trim, in Meath, is 
a church called the Greek church. But how does the exigence of this church re- 
move our furprize or account for its name ? The Primate gives no explanation. 
I have before remarked that the fame of our learning and the excellence of our 
difcipline brought many foreigners hither from diitant parts, and Dobdan was one 
of them. The dreadful Saracenic irruption into the Greek empire in this and the 
preceding century put to flight letters and their admirers. An anecdote preferved 
by (44) William of Maimefbury is very much to our purpofe. A Greek monk, 
named Conftantine, came to Maimefbury and planted a vine-yard near the abbey. 
He led a life of flricr. temperance and virtue. When he came to die and was near 
expiring, he fuddenly raifed himfelf up, and taking from his fcrip, which lay near 
him, an archiepifcopal pall, put it on and inftantly breathed his laft : every one 
wondered why he left his country or concealed his dignity ; the latter, if known, 
would have created him much trouble, and the former has been accounted for. He 
fixed particularly at Maimefbury, becaufe there our Maidulph had founded an emi- 
nent feminary for Greek and Roman learning. If the reader will pay any regard to 
Aengus's Martyrology, he will fee there Romans, Saxons, and Egyptians noticed, 
as refidents here, and whofe piety procured them a place in our old Litanies. It was 

4 y from. 



/ 



(43) Ufler, Syllog. p. 131. Canis. flip torn. 3. 



(44) Apud Wharton, Aug!-. Sac- p, 37. 



s 



55 8 A REVIEW OF IRISH LITERATURE 

from Dobdan and the other lettered Greeks and Orientals that Virgil learned the 
doctrine (45) of the antipodes and the earth's fphericiry. This being the Pythagorean 
fyftern, a new one fprang up of the earth's being a plane, which was defended by 
Lucretius, Pliny, Ptolemey, Lactantius, and St. Auguftine, and continued to prevail 
till Copernicus revived the old one. Virgil muft have read Plutarch, Diogenes 
Laertius, Proclus, and Stobjeus, and probably other writers not now extant, to be 
convinced of the reafonablenefs and truth of the Pythagorean notion. This, while 
it fhews the philofophical fludies of the Irifh, demonflrates their attachment to the 
Greek fchool and fathers above the Roman. Virgil's fuperior accomplifhments 
dazzled (46) the eyes and roufed the jealoufy of Boniface, Archbilhop of Mentz, 
who with all the rancour of ignorance perfecuted our countryman. That it was for 
his mathematical opinions, the modern Romanifts deny. " Could Boniface,'* fays 
the (47) Cardinal Du Perron, " an Archbifhop and martyr, and who crowned 
Pepin King of France, know fo little of mathematics as to believe the earth a plane 
, and as flat as a trencher ?" Ridiculous ! as if it required (kill in the fciences to be 
an archbifhop and martyr, or to perform the office of coronation ! 

The following extract from Doctor Langbaine's letter to Primate Ufher, throws 
additional light on this curious fubject. (48) " What I have faid of an Irifh Saxon 
character, I am bold to call it fo, becaufe I find it ufed in an old Irifh chronicle, 
and fome other Latin pieces of good note and antiquity, writ, if not in Ireland, 
yet by an Irifh hand. In which kind I have met with Chalcidius's tranflation of 
Plato's Timreus, and I think a dialogue of his own, on the ftate of the foul after 
death, both for the matter and ftyle fomewhat remarkable, but imperfect." Chal- 
cidius (49) goes deep into Platonic metaphyfics, and exhibits no mean mathematical 
abilities, which he illuflrates by diagrams. This purfuit of the Irifh is confirmed 
by Mofheim. (50) " That the Hibernians Were lovers of learning, and diftinguifhed 
themfelves in thofe times of ignorance, by the culture of the fciences beyond all 
.other European nations, travelling the mofl diftant lands, with a view to improve 

and 

(45) Di'ig. Lacrt. 1 3. c. 24. 1. 8..c. id. 

(46) JLa jaloufie d'erudition & d'autoriie les avoit cmvimis enfemble : cela faifoit une pcrfpedtive trompeufe pour le» 
yeux d; Boniface a l'egard des opinions de Virgile. JBayle, Article, Virgile, 

^47) Pcriouiana, article, Antipodes. (48) Uflier's letcers by i'arr, p. <;J2. 

( tg) Brulter. Hilt. Crit. Philofoph. T. 3. p. 47a & feq. 

(jo) Ecc Hilt. Cent. VIII. Dilciplinis, quibus primum erudlri folebant juvenes, traditis ad geome'riam & phyficam 
.iti:m Imc Deindc phirimiim tempocis in -queftioiiibus acutis &. fpinoiis, ex philofuphia pctitis, k ad uiyfteria etiam tcli- 
igiouis aiiplicatia confuBipiuiu. Munajy. Nov, Conn) Guttingen. T. 2. p, 117. \ 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 



359 



-«<.<<<<<<<-<<<<<<<< < < < < < 1 1 < < <<<<<<<<< <<<<<+>>>>•■>■>■>■> 



and to communicate their knowledge, is a fail with which I have been long ac- 
quainted, as we fee them in the mofl authentic records of antiquity, difcharging 
with the higheft reputation and applaufe, the function of Doctors in France, Ger- 
many and Italy, both during this and the following century. But that thefe 
Hibernians were the firft teachers of Scholaftic theology in Europe, and fo early as 
the 8th century illuftrated the doctrines of religion by the principles of philofophy, 
I learned but lately from the teftimony of Benedict, Abbot of Aniane, in the pro- 
vince of Languedoc, who lived in this period, and fome of whofe productions are 
publifhed by Baluzius, in the 5th tome of his mifcellanea. This learned Abbot in 
his letter to Guarnanius, expreffes himfelf thus :• — A pud modernos fcholafticos 
(maxime apud Scotos) eft fyllogifmus delufionis, ut dicant, trinitatem ficut perfo- 
narum, ita efle fubftantiarum. By this it appears, that the Irifh divines made ufe 
of a certain fyllogifm, which Benedict calls delufive, i. e. fallacious and fophiftical, 
to demonftrate that the perfons in the Godhead were fubllances : a captious fyllogifm 
this, as we may fee from what follows, and alfo every way proper to throw the 
ignorant into the greateft perplexity : quatenus fi adfenferit ille&us auditor, trinitatem 
efte trium fubftantiarum deum, trium derogetur cultor deorum : fin autem abnuerit, 
peribnarum denegator culpetur. From hence it appears, that the philofophical 01 
fcholaftic theology among the Latins, is of more ancient date than is common Iv 
imagined." Thus far Moftriem. The fact here (tared had efcaped the dilligence of 
the indefatigable author or the critical hiitory of philofophy, who (51) joins in the 
common opinion, that fcholaftic theology began about the nth century. Mofheim 
adds, " that the Irifh, who in the 8th century were known by the name of Scots, 
were the only Divines who refufed to difhonour their reafon by fubmitiing it impli- 
citly to the dictates of authority; naturally fubtile and fagacious, they applied their 
philofophy to the illuftration of the truths and doctrines of religion ; a method which 
was almoft generally abhorred and exploded in all other nations. This fubtlety and 
fagacity enabled them to comprehend with facility the Dialectic art, and their^pro- 
found knowledge of the Greek language contributed materially to the fame end. 
This made them view with contempt, the pitiful compendiums of theology extracted 
from the Fathers, and which the unlearned ecclefialiics of other countries accepted 
as oracles. In the next age, we fhall fee logical and metaphyseal refinement carried 
to the higheft degree, in the perfon of our coui.tryman, Johannes Septus 
Erigena. 

(;t) Bruker, T. }. p. 731. HoV.es. Leviath. c, 46.. 



360 A REVIEW OF THE IRISH LITERATURE 

That illuftrious ornament of the imperial purple, Charles, juftly furnamed the 
Great, warmed with the mod ardent zeal to promote literature in his extenfive domi- 
nions, drew from allparts, but efpecially from Ireland, by the moft alluring offers, 
men of the greatefl reputation to i'econd his views. It was not the glories of the 
Hy Nial princes, as (52) O'Conor tells us, that made him turn his eyes to Ireland, 
for he might have had 500 more potent Dynafts than Hy Nial to draw his carriage, 
but the learning cultivated here ; and this O'Flaherty (53) places as the grounds of 
his friendfhip. The abfurd tale told by Notkerus Balbulus of Clemens and Albin, 
Bruker mows to be (54) deftitute of truth, though he does not deny the exiftence 
of thofe men ; the former, as we learn from Alcuin, Mabillon and Launoy, was 
very inflrumental in forwarding letters in France and Italy. 



NINTH CENTURY. 



THE Mufes began to defert their ancient feat, and feek protection in foreign 
climates from the Oilman invafion. " Why mould I mention Ireland, fays Eric of 
Auxerre, almofl the whole nation, defpifing the dangers of the fea, refort to our 
coafts with a numerous train of philofophers, of whom the moft learned enjoin them- 
felves a voluntary banifhment, to be in the fervice of our moll: wife Solomon. 5 * 
7"he Prince here meant was Charles the Bald, who, like his predeceflbr, flattered 
the Hibernian Literati to his Court. Among thefe diftinguimed emigrants, was 
Johannes Scotus Erigena. Mr. Warton (55) makes him a'native of Aire in Scot- 
land ; Gale, his Editor, fays he was called Erigena from Ergene, a diflricl in Here^ 
fordihire. By Pithseus and (56) Voflius, he is ftyled Heruligena, inflead of Hiber- 
nigena, and Bale is pofitive he was born at St. David's in Wales. To thefe I 
oppofe Anaflafius, Librarian of the Roman fee, his rival and contemporary, who 
exprefsly (57) calls him Scotigena, and with all the infolence of affecled fuperiority, 

defcribes 

(51) Diflert. p. 425. (53) Ogyg. vind p. 271 — 172. Ufier. Sy Hog. p. 52. 

(54) In cerebro otiofi monachi enaiam, ut fimplicitate fui temporis abuteretur, quo non facile credebatur quicquam nifi 
to 6*vyMsov fimul referret. Hift. Crit. Philofop. T. 3. p. 587. 

(55) Hift. of Fnglifh poetry. Diff. a. In this I think he follows Dempfter. 

(56) Fabric. Bib. Lat. p. 797. 

(57) Vir ille barbarus, qui in finibus mundi pofitus. Uffcr. Syll. p. 65. 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 



:6i 



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-<•!«>• >■ >•■>■■>■ >■• 



> >■» > >. > >.. 






defcribes him as a barbarian placed on the extremity of the globe. Burton, in his 
hiftory of the Greek language, fays he was an (58) Irimman, and fo do Conringius 
and Mofneim. The latter thus fpeaks of him. " The philofophy and logic that were 
taught in the European fchools in the 9th century, fcarcely deferved fiich honoura- 
ble titles, and were little better than an empty jargon. There were however to be 
found in various places, particularly among the Irifh, men of acute parts and ex- 
tenfive knowledge, who were perfectly well intitled to the appellation of philofophers. 
The chief of thefe was Johannes Scotus Erigena, a native of Ireland, the friend and 
companion of Charles the Bald. Scotus was endowed with an excellent and truly 
fuperior genius, and was considerably verfed both in Greek and Latin erudition. He 
explained to his difciples the philofophy of Ariftotle, for which he was fingularly well 
qualified by his thorough knowledge of the Greek language : but as his genius was 
too bold and afpiring, to confine itfelf to the authority and decifions of the Stagyrite; 
he pufhed his philofophical refearches yet farther, dared to think for himfelf, and 
ventured to purfue truth without any other guide than his own reafon. We have ex- 
tant of his compofition, five books concerning the divifion of nature, an intricate 
and fubtle production, in which the caufes and principles of all things are investigated, 
with a confiderable degree of fagacity, and in which alfo the precepts of chriftianity 
are allcgorically explained, yet in fuch a manner as to mow, their ultimate end is the 
union of the foul with the fupreme being. He was the firfl who blended the 
fcholaftic theology with the myftic, and formed them into one fyflem." 

Scotus tranflated from Greek into Latin Dionyfius Areopagita's Hierarchy. This 
had been fent to Louis the Pious, by Michael Balbus, the Greek Emperor, A. D. 
824, as an extraordinary prefent, and he impoi tuned Louis's fon, Charles the Bald, 
to have it rendered into a language more intelligible to him and his fubjecls. This 
was one of thofe fuppofititious works fet forth under ancient names, before noticed 
this being probably (59) compofed by Synefius, Biihop of Ptolemais in the beginning 
of the 5th century. Scotus was very adequate to the tafic, yet he exprenes his ap- 
prehenfions of being unequal to it. It is, fays he, a performance difficult and crab- 
bed, uncommon and obfcure, both by reafon of its antiquity, and its celePtial 
Hvyfteries. About feven years after this verficn was made, Anaitafius, before named, 
writ an epiftle to the Emperor Charles on this fubject, and expreffes his furprize how 
a barbarian at the extremity of the world, and remote from the converfation of the 

4 z learned, 

(«8) Poffemus his addere virum longe do.ftiffimum, Johanntm Erigenam Scotnm, id eft, Hibernigt nam, c Scotk 
cnum; hoc enini nomine Celebris olim Hibemia. pag. 53. Conring. Annq. Acad. Supp. 31. 
(^u) La Cioze , chrifliauiiiue d'Ethiop. 10. But fte Bruker, T. 3. p. 507. 



362 A REVIEW OF IRISH LITERATURE 

learned, could arrive at fuch a knowledge of the Greek tongue. But, adds he, it is 
the bleiTed fpirit alone, which gave him the gift of languages. I alledge this paffage 
to fhow, that Greek was commonly taught and well underilood at this time in Ireland. 
We have (60) a tract by Scotus " De differentiis & focletatibus Grasci Latinique 
verbi," extracted from a larger work of Macrobius, in which he treats of Greek 
tenfes, of defective verbs and the forms of v^ds. Nor did he excel lefs in theo- 
logy than in the other fciences, as Dupin and Bruker amply prove. Cave informs us, 
he long held a place in the Roman Marty- ology, among its other faints, but when 
tranfubflantiation, and his fentiments concerning it were, in latter ages, canvaffed, 
his prefence was found inimical to this doctrine, and he was unfainted by (61) 
Cardinal Baronius. 

Macarius (62) figured like his countryman Scotus in fcholafiic and myitis 
divinity. St. Auftin, fpeaking of the quantity of the foul, affirmed that it had no 
corporeal extenfion, and that the quality of it was like God. From hence Macarius 
concluded, that all men were of one fubitance and had but one foul. Bertram was 
ordered by Odo, Bifhop of Beauvais, to oppofe this doctrine. 

Dungal, a native of Ireland, fays Mofheim, left his country and retired into a 
French monaflery, where he taught philofophy and aftronomy with the greateft 
reputation. He wrote an epiltle to Charlemagne on a folar eclipfe, which is found 
in Dachery and the Bibliotheca Patrum. Dupin confeffes he has numerous quota- 
tions from the Greek and Latin fathers, and much erudition. There were alfo 
many other excellent fcholars in Ireland, particularly Sedulius, the Commentator on 
St. Paul's Epiftles : Thefe were the depofitaries of primitive chriftianity and evan- 
gelical truth, which in the reft of Europe were horribly corrupted and almoft 
extingufhed by fuperflition and heathenifh practices. 

It is obferved (6$) by William of Malmefbury, that the lofs of libraries in Eng- 
land, in the ninth century, drew after it that of learning, and mental darknefs 
diffufed itfelf over all the inhabitants of the Iile. Such a confequence did not 
follow the Daniih invafion : the flourifhing itate of letters here for many centuries 
had greatly multiplied books on every art and fcience then known : numbers of thefe 
were carried to the continent, and more were fecreted by the clergy in their devious 

retreats. 

(60) Fabric. Bid. Lat. p. 6z2. 

(61) Ejus nomen in martyrologio. Ann. 1583 & 1586, reponcbatur Romano, donee illud Baronius curavit expungi. 
Smith, epifc. ChaJced. flor. hid. ecc. p. 186. . 

(6a) Dupin. Mabillon A&. St. Bened. fxc. 4. par. 4 p. $2, * 

(63) Ecclefix in quibus numerofas a prifco bibliothecas continebantur, cum libris a Danrs incenfse funt, propterea in tota 
inl'ula ftudia iiterarum abolita, quod quifqtie magie vcreretur capitis pciiculum quam fequerctur libroium cxercitium. De 
vcg. Ang. 1. a. c. 4. 



IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 



363 



-..<<<<;<<< « < < < < < <„< <■■<■•<■.< <■•< < < •< 



« + >■•>■ >->•■> >• ► •■ 



• >■■>•■>.•>■ ► •>■■>•>->■■ 



retreats. The poetry and mufic of the Irifh foon caught the attention of the rude 
Northern Scalds. The molt ferocious favages k& the operation of agreeable founds 
and the union of found and motion with fentiment, confeo^ently no nation is 
withou' fome fort of mufic and poetry. According to Saxo-Gram. the Danes con- 
ferred the regal crown on Hiarn for a tetraflich of no great merit. Thus letters found 
advocates in the breafts of thefe piratical invaders, which infenfibly influenced them 
to embrace the mild doctrines of chriftianity. We (64) read of Macbeth, Dufslan, 
and Magilmum, whole names intimate a Danifh or Norwegian extraction, as cele- 
brated Irifh icholars in this century, whole fame reaching the ears of Alfred, the 
great reilorer of learning in England, he fent.for them, as he before did for Grym- 
bald from Flanders, to propagate letters in his kingdom. 

In the tenth, ele>~ ■!;, and twelfth centuries Ireland flill prefer ved her literary 
reputation, though lhe could not efcape the contagion and infelicity of the times. 
Ofbern, a monk of Canterbury, (65) cbferves that learning feems to have been natu- 
ral to the Irifh from long habit, and that there were many and illuftrious men among 
them admirably inftru&ed in facred and prophane literature. We fliall be the better 
able to eftimate the value of this eulogium by knowing, that Ofbern is praifed, by 
an (66) excellent judge, for the beau.y and eloquence of his Latin flyfe, and for 
his matchlefs fkiil in mufic. 

In Ufher (67) is a fmail trad bv Gillebert, Bifhop of Limerick, on the flate of 
the Church. It was compofed for the ufe of the Irifh, to give them fome knowledge 
of, and tafle for the Roman Hierarchy. An allegorical drawing accompanied it, 
formed of three arches. The highefl was covered with birds, reprefenting t wagels 
in heaven ; the middle, or this world, was filled with men, and the lowea. or in- 
fernal region, wa^ crouded with animals and reptiles, types of its inhabitants. He 
likewife defcribes the Church under the form of a pyramid. The laity is the bafe, 
then fucceed monks and the loweft clerical orders, their head is the prieft. Above 
him are bifhops, archbifhops, and primates ; the pope is feated on the apex. By 
this work, we may perceive the Irifh had not adopted the difcipune of the Church 
of Rome ; and there are many proofs that the latter was not eflaolifhed till the 
Council of Caihel in the twelfth century. About the year 1076, Sulgenus (63) or 

Sul- 



(64) Ufler. Prim. p. 732. 

(65) Hibcrnos. cuia qnod aliis bona voluntas in confuetudinem, hoc illis confuetudo vertit in naturain. Quorum multi 
atque illuftres vin divinis ac fsecularibus literis nobiliter eruditi. Wharton. Ang. Sac. par. a. p, 91—94, 

(66) Guil. Malm, de reg. Ang. c. 8. (67) Syllog. p. fi. 



364 A REVIEW OF THE IRISH LITERATURE, &c. 

Sulghcim, Bifhop of St. David's, moved by the love of learning, and following the 
foctfteps of his anceftors, fought Ireland, renowned for wifdom. 

Exemplo patrum commotus amore legend!, 

Ivit ad Hibernos, Sophia, mirablie, claros. 
After paffing many ftudious years here, and collecting much literary treafure, he 
returned home. 

Ajl ibi per denos trims jam placidus annos 

Congregat immenfam pretiofo pondere majfanu 
Thus we fee the viciffitudes of human affairs had not, for many ages, obfcured 
our literature, or drawn over this favoured ifle the dark veil of ignorance or illiteracy. 
But what neither domeftic convulfions, the cruel ravages of barbarians or all-devour- 
ing time could effect, was quickly accomplifhed by the eflablifhment of a corrupt 
religion. We no fooner embraced that of Rome than we loft our genius and fu- 
periority. Rien (69) de plus funefte pour les progres de l'efprit humain, que la 
religion mal-entendue & pouffee jufqu' a la fuperflition, au fanatifme & a la tyran- 
nic 

My limits now warn me of a conclufion. In this brief fketch, (and it is no 
more) of Irifh literature, I have purfued an uncommon mode of illullrating it; not 
by giving a long catalogue of writers, but by inveftigating the traces of found learn- 
ing and extenfive erudition in the different ages among our Literati. Aware of 
how little credit is due to vague affertions and pompous reprefentations when unfup- 
ported by indifputable fads, I have endeavoured to fubilitute the latter in the place 
of the former : convinced that the curious and learned reader will feel hirnfelf more 
indebted for the difcovery of one unknown valuable truth, than for many pages of 
well-written declaration. 

(68) Godwyn de Prxful, p. 604. Uffcr. Syllog. Prsf. (69) Bielfcld, 1'erudit. comp. t. 3. p. 334. 



GIRALDUS 



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GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 

THE (i) Topography of Ireland by our Author is perhaps as curious a literary 
monument as any where to be found ; difplaying the natural hiftory and 
philofophy of the age in which it was written. Giraldus Cambrenfis, or Girald 
Barry was a Welfh ecclefiaftic, who (2) twice vifited this Ifle : firfl, with his brother 
Philip Barry and his uncle Fitz-Stephen, and fecondly with King John, A. D. 1 185. 
He was a man of genius, ambition and vanity ; thefe urged him to the purfuit of 
literature, and to fuch fuperiority in its various departments as would leave him 
without a rival. Defpairing of attaining the enviable rank in England, he withdrew 
to the Univerfity of Paris, there to give the laft: polifh to his ftudies. His talents 
werefo confpicuous, that they placed him at the head of that feat of learning, where 
he Supported the higheft character for eloquence and fcience. On his return to 
England, fame had prepared for him a favourable reception at the Court of Henry II ; 
he was fele&ed as (3) Privy Counsellor and Secretary to King John, who was en- 
tering on a journey to Ireland. In this appointment Htnry difcovered his ufual 
political wifdom (and no Englifh Prince ever had more) by the million of our Author, 
and the inflrudtions given him ; which were, to inquire into the (4) fkuation of the 
country, its nature, the origin of the people, their manners, how often, by whom and 
the ways in which they were fubdued and conquered, and what new and preternatural 
Subjects were to be found. This talk he executed in his Topography. He added 
to this another work, which he entitled the Conqueft of Ireland by the firft adven- 
turers, and important chapters on the government of the nation, and how it was to 
be retained in fubje&ion. This he deligned for the ufe of (5) John, then Earl 

5 a of 



(1) Francfurt, 1603, at the end of Camden's Anglica. Norman, ttc. 

(2) Cambrens. evers. p. 31. 

(3) Me cum dileclo iilio veftro, Johanne, in Hiberniara a latere veftro tranfmittere, Gir. Cam. p. 698. 
(4J Qui* terra; fitUs, qua natura, quae genua crigo, &c. p. £oA 

(5) Procuravi, tua;que celfitudini (Piciavienfium comes Inclyte, Normannorum Dux) digcilan) hiftoriam deflinavi. 
Tag 759. 



$66 G1RALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED, 



of Poictou, Duke of Normandy, and future King of England. Confidering the 
novelty and difficulty of the commiffion -with which he was charged, he acccmplifhed 
its objects with uncommon ability. With no illaudable ambition he confeffes, that 
his prime motive in this undertaking was to leave an (6) everlafting memorial of him- 
J'elf ; this preceded his duty and gratitude. 

Ireland had been but (7) curforily mentioned by others, as Solinus, Orofius, 
Ifidore and Bede, but by none of them thoroughly examined. He knew the curiofity 
of the Englifh was raifed very high by ftrange relations of the Welfh adventurers ; by 
the recent expedition of King Henry, and by the flattering profpects held out of im- 
menfe pofTefiions. The arrangement of his work, if not perfectly confident with 
the philofophical fyftem of modern times, is yet neither mean or injudicious. He 
divides it into three diftin&ions : (8) the firft treats of the natural hiftory, the fecond 
of the wonders of nature and miracles of faints, and the laft is a fketch 
of the civil hiftory of the country. In the two firfl parts he pofitively 
denies having received the fmalleft (9) light or aid from Irifh works, except 
what was acquired by his own induftry and refearches. In the laft part, which dif- 
courfes of the origin of the Irifh and the primaeval inhabitation of the Ifle, he drew 
fomething from ancient chronicles, but it was lax and diffufive, fuperfluous and 
frivolous : the (10) labour here was fimilar to that of fearching for gems among the 
fands of the, fea-fhore. 

Such being the origin and plan of his performance, it may not be improper to 
remark, that he has been (11) accufed by Irifh antiquaries with grofs falfehoods and 
fictions, and reprefented as totally undeferving credit. I defire to appear neither his 
apologift or panegyrift, but candour certainly demands of us not rafhly to condemn 
a man, who folemnly addreffes a work to a wife fovereign, and who for three days 
read it before the Univerfity of Oxford. Such an one muft be regardlefs of every 
moral fenfe and attention to character, premeditately to be guilty of forgery and lies : 
this would hardly apply to an ignorant, bigotted and cloyftered monk, much lefs to an 

ecclefiaftic 

(6) Opera? prjetium fuit et curae, egregium aliquod mundo memorabile relinquerc. Altera vero, nee minus quam 
numero fecunda, nobilium principum (Henry and John) tarn retributio, remuneratio, quam exhortatis. Pag. 692. "He 
was elecled Arch Bifhop of St. David's, but at Rome -he was«utbi3 by him who had more money, and miffed the Cufhioo, 
He departed this life when he was about four fcore years old, and refted at St. David's." Hanmer. p. 168. 

(7) /vngulus iQe nee omnino inta<Stus, nulhus tamen haclenus ftylo abiolute comprehenfus. Pag. 693. 

(8) Elt itaque trimembris opetis | anitio pag. 693. 

(9) His exprefiions are flrong. In duabus primis nullam prorfus ex fcriptis Hibernicis evidentiam, nullam penitus invent 
'•xtrinleci juvaminis adminiculum. pag. 693. 

( 10) Non abfque labore plurimo, tanquam marinas inter arenas gemmas eligens, pag 293. See Cox, V. 1. apparatus, 
(ii) Biograplua Brit, article, Barry. 






GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 



367 



4 4 4 <<«<<< V 



<■■<•■< ■<■■< ■<■• 



ecclefiaflic of diftinguifhed liberality and eminence, the favourite and confidant of 
an enlightened Court. A paflage in his (12) Retractations is triumphantly brought 
as tacitly acknowledging his literary delinquency, but the fenfe of that paflage is 
perverted. He there obferves, that he did fet forth many wonderful things to be 
feen in Ireland j that he learned them after much enquiry from thofe of the higheft 
rank, and that on other fubje&s he followed common fame. Is there any thing felf- 
condemning in this? If the Irifh drew an unfaithful portrait of themfelves and of 
their hiftory, is Giraldus to blame ? He (13) allows that he introduces fome wonder- 
ful tales, as a wolf fpeaking to a prieft ; a man with the extremities of an ox, &c. 
are thefe more extraordinary, fays he, than many things recorded in Scripture, the 
fathers and pagan writers, to whom he accurately refers ? But who are his accufers r 
Richard (14) Staniburil, John Lynch and Abbe Mac Geoghegan, and other Roman 
catholic writers, who detefted the Englifh name and nation, and who efteemed it 
the crudeft difpeniation of providence to be fubject to them. And yet thefe very 
men, thus fqueamifh with the vagaries of Cambrenfis, make no difficulty of believing 
all the outrageous and blafphemous miracles related by Colgan and Meffingham. 
If there were no other arguments to vindicate Giraldus, the befotted fuperftition of 
the 1 2th century, with the low ftate of every branch of human knowledge is abundant- 
ly fufficient for the purpofe. 

Cambrenfis tells (15) us, that he came to Ireland in 1182, with his relations and 
other Welfh adventurers ; and that being of a literary turn, he fet about making 
collections. He continued in the ifland for (16) two years, and on his return to 
England communicated his obfervations to King Henry, who efteemed them fo high- 
ly, that in 1185, he fent our author with his fon, John, to the ifie. Cambrenfis 
carried back with him, and completed what he had before fketched out, and dedi- 
cated his topography to the King. His zoology confifts of 



(1;) NichollWs Irifh hid. Lib. p, 3. 

(13) Parte mendacii nitons, fumrnam univerfam decolorare. pag. 7?$. 

(14) Stanihurft. de reb. Hib. fub fin. Camb. overs, paffim, Mac Geoghegan hift. d' Irlande. difcours prelimii;. 

(15) Venit eodem navigio & alius Stephanid* nepotes et tam infulas fitum et naturam , tjuam primaevam gentis origineni 
diligenter cxplorans. Pag. 796. 

(16) Per biennium tunc in iufula et ante moram faciens, tanquam prxtium laboris et prxmium, fecuro repovtavit. 
Pag. 806. 



3 6S 



GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 





Pifces. 




Salmones, 


Murenae, 


Cati, 


Truttse, 


Lochias, 


Britii, 


Anguillse, 


Tymalli vej Umbras, 


Gradiones, 


Alofae, 


Glaflani, 

Aves. 


Gobiones, &c. 


Accipitres, 


Querquedulas, 


Bernaces, 


Falcones, 


Milvi, 


Halieti, 


Nifi, 


Ulube, 


Martinets, 


Meruli, 


Gallinae fylveftres, 


Cygni, 


Obeli, 


Acetas vel Kardioli, 


Ciconiae, 


Aquilae, 


Coturnices, 


Croerii, 


Grues, 


Ratulae, 


Aucse vel Gantes, 


Pavones fylveftres, 


Alaudas, 


Byfias vel Grifeas, &c. 


** 


Fera. 




Cervi, 


Matricae, 


Talpas, 


Apri, 


Vulpes, 


Mures, 


Lepores, 


Taxi, 


Glires, 


Cuniculli, 


Muftelae, 
Vermes. 


&c. 


Rana=, 


Sanguifugag, 




Arancae, 


Lacertae, &c 





Ornithology is the largeft of Cambrenfis's claffes. We had falcons, hawks, and 
others of that fpecies. An act of 20th Edward IV. recites-, that gofhawks, tiercelts 
and falcons were formerly in great plenty, but had become fcarce from the number 
carried away by merchants : it therefore directs, that 13s. 4d. be paid for every 
gofhawk, and 6s. 8d. for every tiercell, and 10s. for every falcon exported. As 
he does not mention the Ardea or Heron, which differs but little from the Crane, I 
think he confounds the one with the other. Cranes were (17) feen here in the 
great froft of 1739. The Pavo fylveftres of our author is to be met with only 
in the Highlands of Scotland. There were abundance of Swans in the northern parts : 
Stoiks were rare, and alfo Grous, this probably is a miftake, as to the laft. There 
were many white crows. This has been fneered at by the ignorant as one of Cam- 
brenfis's 



(17) Smith'9 bift. of Cork. V. p. 337. Archaeolog. V. 2. p. 171. 



GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 



3 6 9 



.< < < < < <<<< .<■•«■•<•■< ■ 



.<<.<.<..<..<..< .<..<..<+>. >..>.. >..>.. 



■■>•■>••>•>■>••>■>->->..>.. 



..>.>■>>.>• >- 



brenfis's fables : but white crows are not uncommon in the (18) Orkneys, Zetland 
and elfewhere. He fays we had no partridge, pheafants, nightingales or magpies. 
The laft was driven here about the end of King John's reign : others fay (19) much 
later. He relates the idle tale of the barnicle growing from fir-wood, and that 
Bifhops and religious men ufed them as being fifh and not fowl. The French eat 
the macreufe, or fea-duck for the fame reafon. It is a remark of the honeft Quaker, 
(20) Doftor Rutty, that they who can believe bread to be flefh, may well be excufed 
for believing flefh to be fifh. Moryfon faw fixty pheafants ferved at one feaft. 

Our rivers and mores, according to Cambrenfis, fupplied us with falmon, trout, 
eel, pike, perch, barbel, umber, &c. and our coafts fwarmed with fifh, nor were 
we ignorant of the art of preferving them with fait. The Spaniards, in 1567, took 
great quantities of fifh from the Irifh, and on our coafts, as others did much 
earlier ; for an aft (21) was made in 1465 to prevent foreigners from fifhing on our 
mores. However it was (22) late before we began to make train oil. 

Cambrenfis gives us no reafon to believe, that what we call moofe deer exifted 
here in his time ; the cervine fpecies, C23) noticed by him, were fmall, and evi- 
dently the dama, or fallow deer. I once imagined thefe moofe deer, whofe (24) 
remains we behold with wonder, were common, and that the Firbolgs, who delighted 
in hunting ; and who befides training deer (25) to hunt had dogs proper for every 
fpecies of game, had early deftroyed them. This opinion, unfupported by tradition 
or hiftoric proof, I now relinquifh, becaufe the teeth of (26) elephants have alfo been 
found in this ifland, an animal" we arefure who was not a native. That excellent natu- 
ralift, Pallas, (27) mentions our moofe horns, and that elephants teeth, the 
Rhinoceros, Hippotamus and other animals of warm climates are met with in Siberia, 
and, ufque ad ipfa Oceani glacialis littora. He modeftly fays, he will not indulge 
conjectures, but thinks thefe animals not only lived but propagated, in thefe frozen 

5 b countries 



(18) Brand's Orkneys, p. 77- Scalig. de Subtilit. Ex. 59. p. 202. (19) Smith, fup p. 325. 

(20) Rutty 's Nat. Hift. of Dublin. V- I. p. 308. See a remark fomewhat fimiliar in Cambrenfis, p. 709, where he 
(peaks of the 'ail of the Caftor. 

(21) Bolton's Stat. p. 38 — 39. 

(22) Caeptum eft non ita pridem genus quoddam olei in in magna quantitate confici. Lombard, de reg. Hib. p. 8r. 

(23) Quanto que minores funt corporis quantitate, tanto praecellentius efferuntur, capitis et cornuum dignitate. Gir. 
Camb. p- 709. 

(24) Louthiana, part p. 2. Boate p. 137. Camden. Ed. Gough. 

(2?) Lindcnbrog. 1375- Do Cange, in Canis. The Grains Hcbernicus is valued highly in the Welfh laws, p. 252. 
Mr. Pennant thinks our Irifh greyhound, or wolf dogs were brought hither by the Danes Brit Zool- 1. p. 54. 
(26) Boate and Molyneux's nat. hift. p. 129. (27) Comment. Acad. Petropol. V. 13, p. 468. 



370 • GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 



••«■<•<<■<■•<•<■■<■<•■ 



countries. However the (28) Prefident of our Royal Irifh Academy, whofe miners 
alogical, chemical and philofophicat knowledge is admired in every part of Europe, 
and whofe talents and accomplishments reflect the higheft honour on his native 
country, has, by folid reafoning from fcripture and geology, (29) demonstrated that 
this appearance of the fouthern animals was in confequence of the Deluge. 

Cambrenfis declares he never (30) faw fuch abundance of boars and wild fwine. 
The Northerns efteemed this meat the highest luxury, and called it Soehrimni. 

(31) Monoheroes 

Cervejiatn cum Dis potant, . 

Vefcuntur Soehrimni lardo. 
The Irifh in the fixteenth century were (32) infatiably fond of this food. The writer 
laft cited informs us, that a gueft of O'Neil afked one of his guards, whether veal 
was not more delicate than pork ? That, anfwered the other, is as if you afked me 
was you more honourable than O'Neil. As they did not (33) much boil or roaft 
their meat, it was full of crude juices, and produced the (34) leprofy, a difeafe very 
common, and for which leper-houfes were every where to be found. They were 
taught that the bad effects of this and other grofs aliments were (35) corrected by 
Aqua vitae, ,For fome time it was ufed only as a medicine, and its operation in pre- . 
ferving health, diflipating humours, ftrengthening the heart, curing cholic, dropfy, 
palfy, quartan fever, ftone, and prolonging life was firmly believed on the faith of 
phyficians, and made it eagerly and univerfally fought for. At what time this liquor 
reached Ireland is not afcertained. It was about the middle of the twelfth century, 
the diftillation of ardent fpirits was (^6) introduced. It was called Aqua vitse, eau 
de vie, in Irifh Uifge-beatha, Ufquebah, and now Whifkey. Moryfon fays, the 
Irifh preferred their ufquebah to the Engiifh aqua vitas j becaufe by mingling raifins, 
fennel feeds, and other things they mitigated its heat, made it more pleafant, lefs 
inflaming, and more refrefhing to a weak ftomach. The Irifh themfelves diftilled 
fpirits from malt in 1590, and imitated foreign liqueurs, by adding aromatic feeds 

and 

(2S) Richard Kirwan, Efq. LL.D. F.R S. (29) Tranfact of the Royal Irifh Acad. V. 6. p. 233, & feq. 

(30) Aprorum quidem & fylveflrium porcorum nufquam terrarum tamam copiam vidimus. Pag. 709. 

(31) Edda Scemund. p. *j. Mallet. V. 2. p. Ho.", Barthol. p. 560. 

(32) lllud genus cibi infaturabili aviditate rapiuntur. Stanih. p. 38. 

(33) Non admodum codtis, nee plus fatis aflis dele<ftantur. Stanih. p. 38. 
(34; Boate, p. 101. Barrington on the Stat. p. 169. Ulloa's voyag. 1. p. 47. 

(35) Utuntur pro panchrello medicamine, ignito quodam vino, nu!lo alio liquore permixto, quod communiter aqua 
vita; dicitur, cujus ardore cil)U8 facilior ad concoquendum redditur. Stanih. fup^ 
( ; 6) Le Grand, vie priv. des Franc. T. 3. p. 64. 



GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 371 



>■ ■>■ >•■>■■>■■>■ >.■>..>. >■ >•>•>>• >■ >• > >•>■>■ 



and fpices, as was pra&ifed in France, fo early, according to Le Grand, as" 1313. 
The Iriih Bulcaan, Rutt) Us us, was made from black oats. Buiie, madnefs, and 
Ceann, the head, intimate the effects of this fiery fpirit. The nectar of the Irifh 
was compounded of honey, wine, ginger, pepper, and cinnamon. This was called 
Pimen . The early French poets fpeak of it with rapture, as being molt delicious. 
They regarded the union of the juice of the grape with the perfume of foreign aro- 
matics, then fo dear and highly prized, as the very .perfection of human ingenuity. 

Water creffes, fcurvy-grafs, and forrel were ufed. M In the County of Leitrim, 
(fays Rutty,) and other parts of Connaught, the latter is eaten plentifully with milk, 
and alio with fifh and cow's blood, fait, and butter ; thus, ("adds he,) from mere 
tradition and experience, correcting the putrid tendency of fuch food as effectually 
as if they had itudied the doctrine of acids and alcalies, feptics and antifeptics." 

The Irifh dined in (37) winter before day, and in fummer about the feventh hour. 
Stanihurfl mult allude to the more civilized, when he fays they reclined on beds ; 
for Sir John Harrington, writing in 1599, about fifteen years after, has thefe words, 
" other pleafant and idle tales were needlefs and impertinent j or to defcribe O'Neil's 
fern forms, and fern table, fpread under the (lately canopy of heaven." When 
fuch was the furniture of the Chieftain, we can eafily believe that of his inferiors 
was not better. Their candles were peeled rufhes enveloped in greafe or butter, as 
in other (38) countries they were placed in lamps of oil. 

Ireland (39) produced but few kinds of apples.- It is probabk this fruit was firfl 
brought in by the Northern colonies ; for the Irifh abhal differs very little from 
the Teutonic appel, apffel, the Anglo-Saxon oepple, the Franco-Theotifc ephel, 
and the Danifh eble. From the filence of Bede and Cambrenfis I infer we had, in 
remote ages, neither cider nor ale. The Irifh Leann is a general name for all forts 
of drink. The Bragawd of the Welfh laws, and Athenaeus's Brytum are the Teu- 
tonic Bruggia and Broute, and thefe probably (40) from the Siberian Braga, a 
malt liquor. There is a tradition of the Danes, in Ireland, brewing ale from heath. 
The Picts, in Hector Boethius, are faid to have done the fame. As they introduced 
the culture and ufe of corn, it is likely we are indebted to them for ale ; the Pi£t- 
ifh manner of making which feems (41) to furvive in Hay, one of the Hebrides. 

Flefh, 

(37) Stanihurfl, p. 38. 

(38) Nullo fomento olei fcirpive accipiens. Greg. Tur. de glor. 

(39} Pomiferarum arborum quam perpauca reperiuntur. Giral. Camb. p. 739. 
(40) Strahknberg's Siber. p. 339. (41) Pennant's Scot, V. a. p. S29« 



372 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 

Flefh, fifh, and milk (42) conftituted the principal part of the food of the ancient 
Irifh. From the word (43) meader or meather importing acid drink, it is not un- 
reafonable to fuppofe, that the Irifh from their milk formed a fpirituous potation not 
unlike the Tartarian koumis. 

Mead was a favourite liquor with the'people of the (44) North, and mud have 
been with us, asJioney was formerly one of our exports. From a pamphlet, printed 
in London 1649, we learn that a fhip was freighted at Waterford and captured on 
her paffage. She was laden with feventy tons of kelp, thirteen packs of ikins, 
eight barrels of tallow, fix packs of wool, five facks of linnen yarn, and nine 
hogfheads of honey. But Cambrenfis fays, (45) that we had plenty of Poitou wine 
which we took in exchange for peltry, which Lombard, in the feventeenth century, 
declares, was our (46) chief wealth. 

Bede fpeaks of our vines j Cambrenfis oppofes (47) him. Stanihurft C48) explains 
Bede by fuppofing we had vines in gardens, like other exotics, but not fufficient 
for commerce, like France or Spain. Lombard aflerts, that equal ikill and induflry 
would produce here as good wine as the French or German. There is an Irifh canon 
in Dachery, where (49) if fowl deflroy a crop, a vineyard or garden, enclofed with 
a hedge five fee* high, the owner fhall make recompence. As the vine was brought 
into Britain and Gaul by the Romans, our Belgic colonifts could be no ftrangers 
to it, and this canon is a proof that it was attended to here, rather for particular 
amufement and gratification than as an article of trade. Two excellent antiquaries, 
the Hon. Danes Barrington, and the Rev. Mr. Pegge, have (50) difputed the import 
of the word Vinea ; the one making it the vine, the other the ribes vulgaris, or 
currant fruit. 

Cambrenfis praifes the (51) extraordinary fertility of the foil of Ireland. Our 
wheat, he obferves, was fo fmall and contrafted as fcarcely to be cleaned by the 

Van: 

(41) Camibus tantum & pifcibus & laifte fe vefci dicehant. Gir. Camb. 744. 

(43) Colled, de reb, Hib. No. 12. p. 536. 

(44) Bartholio. p. J37 — 543- The manner of making it is defcribed by 01 Magnus, c 22 — 23 — 24. Lindenbrog, 
p. 177. Leg. Wall. p. 254. i 

(45) Cui & animalium coria, & pccudum ferarumque tergora Hibernia non ingrata reniituc. Gir. Cam. p. 700. 

(46) In univerfum in animalium pellibus magna pars eft fita divitarum hujus rvgionia. pag 99. 

(47) Vinis nam & earum cultoribus Temper caruit & caret haec infula pag. 700. 

(48) Non erat ea mens Bedas, ut fcriberet, vhiecaelFe in Hibernia, ficuti in Gallia aut Hifpania, fed vinea quafdam ia 
hortis reperiri. Sup. p. 229. 

(49) Meffem. aut vineam aut hortulum. S^icileg. T. 9. p. 46, 

(jo) Obferv. on the Stat, and Archaeologia, V. 1 and 3. (51) Gleba prapingui, &c. p. 700. 



GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 37.3 

Van : there was much ftraw, but little corn. Where the land is wet, it (52) dege- 
nerates into Roille or Darnel. Cruitneach is the name of wheat in (53) Irifh, and 
the Cruithnii were a Scandinavian tribe of Picts. From thefe wheat-eaters, it is 
likely, the Irifh received a knowledge of the culture and ufe of this vegetable. 
Thus Juftin informs us, the Phocaean colony at Marfeilles taught the Gauls agricul- 
ture, as Ceres and Triptolemus did the Greeks long before. Our manner of plow- 
ing Cambrenfis does not defcribe ; it certainly was by the tail, and is as yet praclifed 
in remote parts. , Mr. Barrington believes it was reforted to for want of proper 
tackling ; but the Irifh had at all time what they now ufe, thongs or flraps of raw 
hides, which ferve them for traces. Probably the cuflom was introduced by the 
\ Pi&s, for it prevails in the Northern parts of Scotland. Government here exerted 
itfelf to prevent it. An act of Council (54) was made in 1606, to prevent the bar- 
barous mode of drawing ploughs and carriages by the tail : the penalty for the firft 
year's offence was forfeiture of one garran ; for the fecOnd, two, and for the third, 
the whole team. In 16 12,* ten millings were levied for every plough fo drawn in 
Ulfler ; there were 1740 forfeitures, amounting to £.870 

What machine the Van was among the Romans and Normans is not eafy (55) to 
determine. The Loifgrean of the (56) Irifh mows they did not trefh but burn 
their corn. This was the fame as the Highland (sy) Graddan. A woman, fitting 
down, took a handful of corn in her left hand by the (talks, and fet the ears on 
fire ; in her right fhe held a (tick, with which fhe beat off the grains as foon as the 
hufks were burnt ; fo that corn might be burnt, winnowed, ground, and baked in 
an hour after it was reaped. The 10 and 11 Charles I. direct, that no perfon fhaH. 
burn corn or grain in the ftraw, upon pain of impriibnment in the common jail for 
ten days, without bail or mainprize. Cambrenfis mentions the mills of St. Lucherin 
and St. Phechin ; the latter was miraculoufly made in the fide of a rock, and the 
former would grind nothing on (58) Sundays, nor that was ftolen. Thefe feem to 
have been water-mills, erected by the monks, and to which the vicinity reforted. 
Ouerns were generally ufed, and feem to have been fuflicient for the agriculture of 
Ireland to a late period. Stanihurfr. fpeaking of the province of Ulfter in 1584, 

5 c informs 

(52) Smith's Watcrford. Threlkeld's fynop. voce. Tritic. 

(5,?) O'Brien in voce. War. opufc. S. Patric. p. i 14. Pinkerton's Vit. S. Scot, p, (>5. and Scotl. V. a. p. 97, 

(54) DcCder. Cur. Hib. V. 1. (55) Dickfon's hufbandry of the ancients. V. a. p. 400. 

(56) O'Brien, in voce. (57) Martin's Weftern Iflands, p. 204. Johnfon's tour, p 125. 

i 58) Sec fimilar miracles id Hilt, de la vie priv. des Francai3, par I.e Grand. T. 1. p. j8. 



374 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 

iiiforms us the country was (59) quite wild and uncultivated : there was but little 
tillage ; there were many herdfmen, but few ploughmen. The Irifh Orna, the fame 
as the Latin hordeum, and our fhegol the fame as fecale, prove the Irifh had not 
originally barley nor rye. Rice was fown here (60) in 1585. I fuppofed, at full, 
.this was a mi flake for rye ; but on looking into Gervaife Markham's farewel to 
hufbandry, I faw rice was raifed in England about a century ago, but not commonly. 
At the very time we find it in Ireland, the (61) French fowed much of it, but through 
■prejudice and improper management it did not fucceed. As it is an aquatic plant, 
it might have grown very well in this moid country. 

The Odyn or Oven is not an Irifh invention, it is the Teutonic Ofen, the DaniOi 
Own, the Belgic Oven, and the Anglo-Saxon Ofne. We baked our bread under 
(62) embers. The Belgic colonifts brought us alfo the gradell or gridle. The rule 
of Golumbanus mentions herbs, legumes, and meal mixt with water. The Irifh 
ecclefiaflics, who had a conftant intercourfe with France, could not be ignorant of 
the capitulars of Charlemagne, full of dire&ions for the care of herbs, fruits, and 
flowers. Legumes were peas, beans, and podded fruits, and culinary and medicinal 
herbs the monks had conflantly in their gardens. About 1632, artichokes, colly- 
flowers, pompions, and hops feem to have (63) been firft introduced, and grew very 
well. 

As Ireland abounded with animals of almofl every genus and fpecies, it may 
feem flrange that the natives fhould be charged with devouring human fiefh. The 
facl is delivered by (64) Diodorus Siculus and Strabo. Pelloutier, who (65) examined 
the queftion concerning the exiftence of Anthrophagi, cannot deny the evidence of 
•antiquity of the Scythians being fuch : but he finds whenever the practice is men- 
tioned, it was on Tome folemn occafion, as previous to a battle, or after a bloody 
viftory, for otherwife had it been common, the extirpation of the human race muft 
inevitably have enfued. The moft.direft testimony is that of St. Jerome, who de- 
clares he faw the Scots, or Attacott: (for MSS have both) when (66) a youth eating 
human fiefh. Pelloutier believes the Father was impofed on, being then a child : 
but this learned man forgot that the age of adolefcence was either from the four- 
teenth 

(59) Agre.fl.is eft ifta provincia, & ab hominum cultura fere deferta, &c. p. 26. 

(60) Dsfid. Cur. Hib. V. r. p. 59. (61) Le Grand, i'upra. 

^62) Cum parvo pane paximati. Reg. Columhani apud JVieninghain. p. 403. 

(63) Lombard, fup. ]'• 88. (64) Diod. Sic. 1, 5. Siiau. 1. 4. 

(65) Hift. des Celtes. T. I p. 246. HawkeXworth'a voyag. V. 2. p. 2jr.. 

(66) Cum ipfc adokfceiitulus, &c. Adv, Jovin. 1, 2. p. 53. 






GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 



375 



> V > > > > 



•teerith to the twenty-fifth year, (67) or from the fifteenth to the thirtieth, when fuch 
a fpeclacle could neither be mifapprehended or forgotten. But as if diftrufting the 
force of this objedion, Pelloutier remarks, that the Scots or Irifh became canibafs 
through rage, for being tranfported from their own country. This is quite futile. 
There is no proof that the Celtic ritual was itained with blood, but many that the 
Scytbic was; the latter the Druids had adopted, when known to the Greeks and 
Romans. The northerns were the immediate defendants of the Scythians. Human 
(68) facraficcs ; tatting each others blood, as the feal of leagues and compacts were 
veftiges of their more horrible feafts. The Irifh, the offspring of the Scyfhic fwams, 
were not lefs barbarous, even fo late as 1596. « At the execution of a notable 
traitor, fays (69) Spenler, at Limerick, called Murrogh O'Brien, I law an old woman, 
who was his fofter mother, take up his head whilft he was quartered, and fucfcin* 
all the blood that ran thereout, faying that the earth was not worthy to drink ir° 
and therewith alfo fteeped her face and bread." 

An (70) Irifh canon of the 8th or 9th century does not forbid eating horfe-fiem, 
though hobferves, it was not cu ftomary. The ( 7 i) Scythians, Vndals and particularly 
the Danes of Northumberland indulged in fuch repafts : it would have been ex- 
traordinary, if the Irifh part of thefe people, did not the fame. The great northern 
feaft, called Iol, which lafted three days, derived its name from the (72) eating of 
mare's fiefh at fuch feafons. The foregoing particulars are not brought forward to 
calumniate the ancient Irifh, for every people, at fome period, had the fame cuftoms 
and manners, but to demonftrate the incredibility of the falfe, exaggerated and hyper- 

Ileal reprefentations of fome Irifh antiquaries and hiftorians, who hold up their 
countrymen as miracles of learning and civilization, when they were in reality funk 
in grofs ignorance and lavage barbarifm. The progrefs of refinement, in every 
country, bears pace with the improvement of its laws, the advancement of its in- 
duftry, and its increafe in^wealth. The Irifh were in a barbarous Rate at the end 
c: the 16th century, according to Spenfer, Moryfon and many other writers Their 

fole 

(67J Rhodogin. 1. 19. c. 21. Shonborn. poTir. p. 50. 

(68j Worm. mon. Dan. p. 29. Shefingham de org. Angl. p. 354. Sax. Gram. 1. 1. Stephan in Sax. Gram. p. j? , 
Archaeolog. V. 8. p. 315. 
(691 View, p. 44. 

(70) Equam non prohibent, tamen confuetudo non eft comedere. Dacher. Spicil. torn. 1. p. 505 Moryfon p. iClr 
Plnkerton. Vit. Santt. Scot. p. 74. Johnfon's Councils, Ann. 785. 

(71) Striih. 1. 7. Rhodog. ^89. Steph. in Sax. Gram. p. 32. Wilkins. Concil. 1. p. I47 — Tjr. 
(71) 16-61. f. 61 ab equina carnis cfu, Edd. Sjcmund. p. 599. See Smith's Kerry, p. 275. 






37 6 GIR ALDUS CAMBRENStS ILLUSTRATED. 

..<..< .« .<..<< < .<<.<.< < .<.<..< .<..< <..<<..<<.< .<..«..<..< .<..<..< ■<<■<■<■■<■■<•<+>■ >. >..>..>. >.>.>. ►. >. >. >. >.>..>. ►..». >. >..>..>..>. ►.>. >..>..>..>. >..>..>.>.>. >>.■>■>■>• >..>•> ».. 

fole employment was keeping cattle, and pafturing on mountains and wild wade 
places. This was called to creete, Creaght or Keyriaght, or Boolying, from Bol, a 
Cow. Thefe Bodies were extemporary huts of clay and twigs, much the fame as 
the Highland Sheelins or Indian wigwams. In thefe they aflbciated with their 
cattle. Spenfer thus fpeaks of them which fhews the ftate of the country. " By the 
cuftom of boolying there grow many great enormities unto the commonwealth. If 
there be any outlaws or loofe people (as they are never without fome) which live upon 
Healths and fpoils, they are evermore fuccoured and find relief only in thefe boolies,. 
being upon the wafte places; whereas elfe they fhould be driven fhortly to ftarve, or 
come down to the towns to feek relief, where, by one means or other, they would 
foon be caught. Befides fuch ftealths of cattle as they make, they bring com- 
monly to thefe boolies, where they are readily received, and the thief harboured 
from danger of law, or fuch officers as might light upon him. Moreover the peo- 
ple that live in thofe boolies grow thereby more barbarous, and live more licentioufly 
than they could in towns, ufing what manners they lift, and pradifing what mifchiefs 
and vallianies they will, either againft the government there by their combinations, 
or againft private men, whom they maligne, by dealing their goods, or murder- 
ing themfelves. For there they think themfelves half exempted from law and 
obedience, and having once tafted of freedom, do, like a fteer, that hath been 
long out of the yoke, grudge and repine ever after to come under the rule 
again." 

After this picture of Irifh manners, can we avoid fmiling with contempt on the 
pompous (?$) account of the banquetting hall at Tara, given by the author of the 
Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis £-K"'Its various divifions j numerous guefts j the 
quantities of meat and butter daily confumed ; its twenty-feven kitchens, and its 
nine water-cifterns for walhing feet and hands ? ""After the firft emotions of wonder 
have fubfided, we inquire after the literary memorial that records thefe extraordinary 
things, andwifh to be fatisfied of its authenticity: but how much are we difappointed 
and chagrined on being told, " that is but the fragment of a fragment" in the Sea- 
bright collection, without date and without author; only it is conjectured, that 
this was the ftyle of living at the Irifh Court from the year 150 of the incarnation 
to the middle of the 5th century. The Editor of this romantic and childifh 
fragment would have obliged the public, and difcovered one. inftance, at leaft, of 

antiquarian 

(73) Colledlan. No. 12. p. j;.;. J 

0. Jsb Ucm+j- .■--.-.-- 






GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 377 



■■>•■>■ >- >■ >■■>-- 



antiquarian tafte and judgement, had he endeavoured to elucidate the fubject by other 
helps than Arabic, Perfic, Hebrew and Greek lexicons and vocabularies. Occupied 
for ever in the purfuit of phantoms mocking his fight and eluding his grafp, he 
feems to poffefs an innate centrifugal force, which always keeps him from approxi- 
mating the objed: of his inquiry. He confidered this anonymous fragment of more 
authority than FroiiTart, an (74) eye-witnefs, who defcribes the wretched appearance 
of four Irifh kings, who attended Richard IT. and who had every thing in com- 
mon with their fervants. Nor is it an ill founded opinion of an excellent (75) 
Antiquary, that the Irifh, in 1377, were as uncivilized as the favages of North 
America. 

Pofidonius of Apamrca, who (j6) writ before our aura, has left us a (jj) rela- 
tion of, what he call calls, a Celtic entertainment. On a floor fpread with hay they 
fet tables, on which they pour out libations to the Gods. They had but little bread, 
but plenty of meat boiled, broiled or roalted ; this, in the mod favage manner they 
tore with their teeth : and what they could not thus fubdue they cut with (78) a 
knife. Both river and fea-fifh were ufed, with fait, vinegar and cummin ; part of 
the latter they mixt with their drink. Their potation was Italian or Maffylian wine, 
ferved in filver or earthen cups. 

Here we fee an elegance and refinement incompatible with Celtic manners, and 
vet this account has been unguardidly adopted by Macpherfon, Henry and others. 
It appears, that Pofidonius refers to a people inhabiting the S. E. part of Narbonne 
Gaul, (79) probably the Allobroges, from the mention of Bituitus, who was their 
king. Thefe had been reduced by the Romans, and their country made a province; 
fo that they were early acquainted with, and pracfifed the arts and luxuries of their 
Conquerors. The Allobroges are acknowledged to be a Tuetonic tribe, fo that Pofi- 
donius defcribes not a Celtic, but a German feaft. Thus from want of attention and 
discrimination the antiquities of countries are confounded. 

Cambrenfis (80) reprefents Ireland as unequal, alternately mountain and vale; 
?he foil foft and marfhy, covered with wood, and truly a defer*. This he confirms 
by an ample enumeration of the great number of eagles, hawks and other birds of 

5 D P re y; 

(-4) Book 1, p. 204. (75) Barrington, Archaeologia V. 3. p. 75. 

(76) Vofs. tie Hift. Graec. p. 123. Meurfii Rhod. 1. 2. c. 12. (77) Athens! deipnos, p. 151. Edit. Cafaub, 

(78) 'Aayaipu /iixjiw trafwrLftsovr;; . Machara here does not mean a knife, for the ancients had properly none fuch, but a 
1 military weapon, occaiionally ufed at table. 1 he Machsra Celtica was famous for its form and temper. Pfeiffer, 
Graec. p. 309. Polluc. Onom. 1. 1. c. ig. n. 13. 
(78) Appian. in Celt. 
•.<•:; Hibernia quicem terra inaequalis eft, mollis & arjuofa, fylveftris eft paiudofa, et vere terra deferta, p, 70*. 



378 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 



■ >•■>• >-■> >■ >• 



• v- >•>■>- > >■>■ 



prey ; of the different kinds of wild fowl ; of the abundance of animals producing 
valuable peltry, all indications of a thinly peopled country. Sir Willliam Petty, a 
man of uncommon abilities, who furveyed the kingdom, minutely examined every 
part, and was perfectly acquainted with its hiftory, (81) declares, that ' c at this day 
no monument or real argument evinces that the Irifh, when firft invaded, had any 
ftone-houfing at all, any money, any foreign trade, or any learning but the legend 
of faints, pfalters, initials, rituals, &c. or geometry, aflxonomy, anatomy, archi- 
tecture, enginery, painting, carving, or any kind of manufacture, or the leaft ufe 
of navigation or the art military." A people thus circumdanced could not be 
numerous, and therefore he eflimates the inhabitants of the ifle to have been but 
three hundred thoufand at the Englifh invafion, which by the ordinary courfe of 
generation would, in 500 years, increafe to (82) twelve hundred thoufand, allowing 
for epidemics, famines, wars, &c. and this he fays was the population of Ireland 
A. D. 1641. 

It is very truly and philofophically obferved by Cambrenfis, (83) that the pro- 
grefs of man is from woods to fields, and from fields to towns, but that the Iriih 
had fcarcely emerged from the paftoral life ; they defpifed the labours of agriculture, 
they declined civil wealth and focial connexion, pafling their lives in woods and 
.paftures in a brutifh, manner and in company of their cattle. The paftoral life is 
not (84) favourable to the multiplication of mankind. Cambrenfis writ the foregoing 
about 1185; that the Iriih were but little changed in 462 years after, the fol- 
lowing (85 ) record will demonftrate. 

" Orders by the General Affembly of confederate Catholics, 
at Kilkenny, the 12th of November, 1647. 
" Whereas feveral perfons of the province of Ulfter, and other parts of this 
" kingdom, with their cattle and families, go in great multitudes through 
" feveral parts of the feveral provinces of this kingdom, being, as they allege, 
" neceffitated for the fafety of their lives and fortunes to leave their former dwel- 
" . lings and habitations, and where by their daily ranging, they have very much 
" prejudiced feveral counties, in deftroying. the grafs, corn and other goods of 

" the 

(fi) Tolit. Arithmetic, p. 318. (82) Petty, fup. p. 317. 

(83) Cum errim a fylvis ad agros, ab agris ad villas, civiumque conviilus, human! Generis ordo procefferit : grin live 
agriculture labores afpernas, a jirinio pafloralis vitre vivendi modo lion receden?, &c. p. 739. 

(S 4 ) Mallhus on the principles of population, initio, (85) Harris's Colic ir. i-cncs Socict. Dublin. 



GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 379 



■ >■•>■•> >.•>■>■> >■•>.■>■>. >>..>..>..>. 



w the inhabitants there, which hath occafioned, that feveral counties and places, 
" are quite deferted and waited ; and the faid Keyriaghts avoid the contribu- 
" tion which falls due upon them. It is therefore for the future redrefs of fuch 
" mifchiefs thought fit, that the Lord General of Ulfter, calling to his affiftance 
" fuch other pejfons of the faid province as fhall be fit, fhall inquire and find out, 
" and return to the fupreme council now to be eftabliihed, the head Keyriaghts 
" of the faid province of Ulfter, within the feveral provinces of Leinfter, 
" Munfter and Connaught, and what number of cattle each of them hath. 
" Upon return whereof, and examination by the Council of the lands wafted 
'* in the feveral counties, which are fet for county charges only, or which are 
** wafted and yield no county charges, to afiign unto the faid Keyriaghts, or 
" unto feveral of them together, fo much of the wafte lands in the feveral 
M provinces for their habitations, and their paying county charges for the fame 
" as others of the faid counties will do, where they are to refide, till they 
" may return to their former habitations, and not to annoy their neighbours, 
" or any of the quarters of the confederate catholics at their peril. 

" Printed at Kilkenny, 1647." 

The Scythians, according to (86) Herodotus and Juftin, had neither houfes or 
fixt habitations ; they wandered through the country with their flocks and herds. 
Their wives, their children and a few domeftic utenfils they carried in carts 
or waggons, covered with fkins. They were itrangers to agriculture. Thefe 
manners were realized in our Creaghts, as the foregoing curious document affures 
us, about a century and a half ago. 

That the Iriih were, from the earlieft ages, a paftoral nation, few in number and 
but li'.tle advanced in civility, fome proofs have been alleged ; more fhall now be fub- 
mitted to the reader. 

Cambrenfis (87) mentions an ancient divifion of Ireland into five provinces, Mun- 
fter, Connaught, Leinfter, Ulfter, and Meath, each contained thirty-two Cantreds, 
except Meath which had but fixteen. Two MSS are noticed, relating to this fubjecl; 
one was written about the beginning of the reign of Edward I. 1272, and depofited 
in the Abbey of Multifernan, the other, which agrees with it, except in one inftance, 
was in the Abbey of Duilk, which was (88; founded in 1202. The Multifernan 

MS. 

( c 6) Herod. 1. 4. Jufiin. 1. 2. c. 2. 

(-7) Q«*libet illarum quinque partium triginta duos cantrsdos continuerit. &c. p. 737. 

(88) Archaall's Monaflicon. 



3 3o GIR ALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 

MS appears in Cufack's (89) collections, A. D. 151 1, and in the Commiffioners' 
book of Indentures for fettling Connaught, A. D. 1584. According to the Multi- 
fernan MS, which feems to have been adopted by Henry II. for fifcal purpofes, 
each Cantred contained thirty town-lands, every town-land could paflure three hun- 
dred cows, and every town-land had eight Carrucates. This then was the divifion 
of the Ifland, 



Provinces. 


Cantreds. 


Town-lands. 


Carrucates. 


Munfter, 


70 




2100 


16800 


Leinfter, 


3 1 




93° 


7440 


Connaught, 


3° 




900 


7200 


UlRer, 


35 




1050 


8400 


Meath, 


18 




540 


4320 



184 5520 44160 

Or five millions, two hundred, ninety-nine thoufand, two hundred acres, at one 
hundred and twenty acres to each carrucate, and feeding one million, fix hundred 
and fifty-fix thoufand cows, being three hundred for each town-land ; this was allow- 
ing four acres and a half for the maintenance of each cow. Under the name cows 
muft be comprehended black cattle of every kind and age. 

In 1 1 77, Roderic, the monarch, agreed to (90J pay annually one hide, faleabie 
for the merchant, of all the cattle killed in his province with exception as to the 
king's demefnes, and thofe of his barons. Lord Lyttleton (91) obferves this tribute 
was accepted in lieu of thofe fruits of feudal tenure which were paid by the vaffals of 
the crown in England, but which could not fo eafily be levied in Ireland, until the 
Englifh government was better eftablifhed. The number of cows in Connaught, accord- 
ing to the above fcheme, was 270,000, allowing one tenth to be killed annually, the 
number was 27,000, one tenth of which was 2700. 

The value of a hide may be thus afcertained. Finglas, in 1534, recommends 
that the (92) ftatutes of the Spanifh wines be put in execution, that is, that " no 
hides be gyven for any manner of wares, except it be for wheat, fait, iron, or fmall 
wines, upon pain of forfeit ur of the fame, or the value. And all men fending any 

hides 

(89) Harm's Ware, p. 2-5. 

(90) Bened. Abb. t. 2. p. 123. Brompton. col. 1 106. HovcJen, ad Ann. II 7 3. 

(91) Hift. of Hen. 2. V. 3. p. 86. Matt. Paris, p. 482. 

(92) Bieviate apud Harris's Hibern. p. 99. 



GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS ILLUSTRATED. 3 8i 

hides out of this lond {hall find fureties to the cuflomers, that the retorn of the 
hides fhall come in fuch wares as is aforefaid. And that no man buy any hide 
above the value of fixteen pence, upon pain of forfeitur of the fame hide, or the 
value of the fame." Thus far Baron Finglas in his Breviate. 

Suppofing the value of a hide faleable for the merchant to be one milling and four 
pence, when Finglas writ in 1534, and that in 1 1 77 when Roderic agreed for the 
tribute of his country to be but half, or eight pence, the value of 2700 would then 
be £900 per Annum. Or faying, that the prince of Connaught paid in fifty-feven 
years, that is from 1177 to 1234, five thoufand marks, that would be eighty-feven 
marks annually, or £870 per year, a fmall difference in tribute confidered either 
way. 

There are many other topics in Cambrenfis deferving illuftration : this fpecimen 
is given to excite others to a more minute and accurate inquiry into the ftate of Ire- 
land at the arrival of the Englifh than has hitherto appeared : it was an interesting 
period, and never has been fufficiently attended to. 




5 e * N ' 



( 3 8 * ) 



J..J. + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + '^+ + + + + + a 



AN ESSAY TOWARDS THE HISTORY AND ANTIQJJITIES OB 
IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



'IRISHTOWN. 



KILKENNY is fituated in the province of Leinfler, fifty-feven miles S.W. of 
•Dublin ; and whether we confider its ancient or prefent date will be found not 
undeserving the notice of the hiftorian or antiquary. It confifls of two diftincl towns, 
Kilkenny and Irifhtown : each is a feparate corporation ; the fir!! governed by a 
Mayor, the other by a Portrieve. Irifhtown claims precedence of mod of the towns 
in the kingdom. In the fecond century, it is mentioned by Ptolemy among (1) the 
mediterranean cities. In the common copies of this geographer, it is called Iournis, 
but in the Palatine it is properly Iernis. As far as the obfcurity of ancient topogra- 
phy will allow, we may almofl with certainty pronounce the Ibernia of (2) Richard 
of Cirenctfter to be Iernis or our Irifhtown. But the prefent name, as ufed by the 
natives, is an additional and decifive proof of what is advanced, they call Irifhtown, 
Bally-gael-loch, or the town of the (3) Gael on the Lake; where the river Nore 
overflows the low grounds, it is at this day by every inhabitant called the lake. 

The firfl fettlement of the Gael was along (4) the margin of the Nore, the higher 
land extending from the fite of the Cathedral to the Caftle, was covered with 
wood, and from this circumftance had a Celtic name, Coil or (5) Kyle-ken-ui", or 
the wooded head, or hill near the river j and by the natives Cilcanuigh, or Kil- 
kenny. 

The 

(1) UoXus 2i iki fitioyaoi. Ptol Edit. Johnftone, p. 147. 

(aj Contern-.ini Caticis & Menapiis, fupra Brigantes, &c. Ric. Corin. Ed. Johnftone, p. 116. 

(3) For the Gael, fee Whitalter's genuine hiftory of the Britons, p. 1 13. 

(4) Plerumquc fylvaium ac fluminttrn petunt propinquitates. Cxf. 1. 6. Hence the name of fo many towns and 
villages ending in field, wood, bourne, and water. Ciuvcr. Germ, antiq. c-13. 

(5) I11 Pennant's tour in Wales is a Kilken of the fame import with our?, png. 411. 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF IRBHTOWN. 3S3 



The (6) charter of William Marfhal, Earl of Pembroke, to the Auguftinian abbey 
in Kilkenny, exhibits internal evidence of the antiquity of Irilhtown, as a long- 
fettled community, whereas the new town appears to be but recently founded.' 
Irifiitown always enjoyed very ancient prescriptive rights : its holding markets and 
fending members to parliaments were among its other privileges. A (7) clofe roll of 
the 51 Edward III A. D. 1376, forbids the fovereign, provoft, and commonalty of 
Kilkenny to obftruct the fale of victuals in the market of Irifiitown, or within the 
Bifhop's crofs, under pretence of cuitom for murage. And left the ample grants 
made to Kilkenny might be interpreted fo as to include Irifhtowa, the corporate 
body of the latter fecured their ancient rights by letters-patent of the 15 Edward IV. 
A.D. 1474. Thefe renew to them the privilege of holding a market; and provide 
that a Portrieve be chofen every twer.ty-firft of September, or St. Matthew's day, 
and be fworn into office on the eleventh of October following, being St. Oanice's 
day. 

The Portrieve's prifon was at Troy's gate. Whenever the Mayor of Kilkenny 
came within Water gate he drop t down the point of the City fword, to (hew he 
claimed no jurisdiction within the borough. Bifhop Cantwell i'8) obtained from 
Henrv VII. a confirmation of the former grants to Irifiitown. The flyle of Portrieve 
was after changed ; for on the twefth of October 1618, the following entry appears 
in the corporation-books : " Thomas Tobin de Legerath, alias Leyrath, electus & 
jura;tus praepofiius." But the old title was again revived, and continues at prefent. 
At the fame time poners were appointed for Green's gate, Troy's gate, and Dean's 

te to collect the tolls, and alfo appraifers for meat. The Portrieve was to feize 
provifions brought to market, and expofed to fale on Sundays. A feaft was Solemnly 
held in the borough on St. John the Baptift's day. The adventurers and Soldiers 
of 1649, deprived the corporation of a large eftate, which they never recovered. 

The following extracts, perhaps, merit notice. 

" Corporation of Irilhtown, fifteenth December, 1557. 

" By an order of the Court made by the Portrieve, Burgeffes, and Commons of 
Irilhtown, the Seventh of January 1537, it was ordered, that the following prices 
Should be paid within the Said corporation, for making the underneath particulars. 
A quilted doublet with a new-fafhioned Bellire to be cut, to be made for one (hilling 
Sterling. The pair of (9) gally-enifhes to be made for eight pence. The pair of 

new 

(6) Append. I. (7) Append! H. (Sj Ware's Biflmps, p. 415- 

< v ) ColL&. £e rcb. Hik V. 1. 



3 8 4 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

.«._».<..< <-< .< .<..«..<..<-<..< .<_<..<<..< ^.<.^..<..<. .<..<..<..<-<..< .<..<..<.■< .<_<.<■-<■•<.<+>••>>■ »>..>..>.». >>.»>.>. >•>■>•>■•>• >.*. > >•>. >..> >..>. >. >>..>> >.>..>..>>.,.. 

new fafhioned clofe hofe, fix pence. The woman's Irifh coat, double-feamed, 
being not wrought with filk, feven pence. Eyery ounce of filk to be wrought 
upon a woman's coat for nine pence. The offender to forfeit two millings. 

Anno 1564. This year happened the great flood, when divers men and women 
were drowned, and St. John's bridge and cattle fell down. 

Anno 1565. A bye law in the corporation of Irifhtown. That no inhabitant 
dwelling within the Mitre-land, being a free man or woman, wear no apparel but 
after the Englifh fafhion : nor no woman wear caps upon pain of forfeiture ; and 
that every burgefs mail go in his cloak, excepting W. 'Dullany, Teig Lowry, 
R. Wale. 

" At a Doer hundred held the 8th of January, 1579. 

" It is ena&ed by the affent of the Portrieve, Burgeffes and Commons. That 
whereas great inconveniences have happened, and wafle and fcarcity of victuals, to 
the great impoverifhment of many of this corporation ; who, though their ability 
could not afford the like charge, yet pride and comparifon, who mould make the 
greateft cheer at the churching of women after childbirth, hath been the utter un- 
doing of many, as we daily fee. For to avoid the like grofs enormity and harm, 
be it enacted, that no man or woman fhall come hereafter to any chrftining of 
children, or churching of women brought a bed, but the goffips for the time 
being, fathers and mothers, brothers and filters, upon pain of forty fhillings Irifh, 
to be levied and taken of the owner of the houfe, fo making the feaft toties 
quoties ; to be divided one half to the Portrieve and fpy. And it {hall be lawful 
for any that fpieth fuch men and women, coming from the feaft, to take away 
their hats rolls and mantles, and the fame to forfeit : and to take away the mid- 
wife's roll and mantle, that goeth to warn the people. And the parifh prie/t fhall 
have none in his company but. his clerk. 

" Sergeants appointed to execute this Statute. 

Thomas Poore, Rowry Dooly." 

Stanihurft, writing in 1577, fays ; " the Irifhtown claimeth a corporation apart 
from the high town, whereby great factions grew daily between the inhabitants. 
True it is, that the Irifhtown is the ancienter, and was called the old Kilkenny, 
being under the Bifhop his beck, as they are or ought to be at this prefent." 

The Butts are a part of Irifhtown, where the inhabitants exercifed themfelves at 
the long bow, to which they were obliged by feveral Irifh Statutes. That of the 5 
Edward IV. A. 1). 1464, recites, " that every Engliihman and Irifhman that dwell 

with 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 385 

•« < < < < < < < « < <<<<<<< <<<<<< < .<-<<•<<<<< <<<<<<<+>>>>>> >•>■>.>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>>. > >>►>>>>•>•>■>►>>>■»>■ ►> »■■ 

with Englifhman, and fpeak Englifh, that be betwixt fixteen and fixty in age, Avail 
have an Englifh bow of his own length, and one fiftmele at the lead, betwixt the necks, 
with twelve (hafts of the length of three quarters of the ftandard : the bows of 
ewe, v.yche-hafel, awburne or other reafonable tree, according to their power : the 
(hafts in the fame manner, on pain of two-pence per month." Again, " In every 
Englifh town in this land, the Conftable mail ordain on pair of butts for fhooting ; 
and that every man between fixteen and fixty fliall mutter at the butts, and fhoot up 
and down three times every feaft day, under pain of an half-penny per day." The 
poetry of the times is full of thefe ideas. 

( 1 o) The butts are Jet, the Jhootings made \ 

And there will be great royalaltie, 

And I am /worn into my bilk, 

Thither to bring my Lord Percy. 
The Butts were fet up near where the Butts crofs now (lands. The pedeflal and 
tiaft of this crofs only now remain. Not far from the Crofs was the Bull-ring, 
vhere our anceftors diverted themfelves with another favourite amufement. 

By the red book of Kilkenny we are informed, that in that City, as well as 
in Irifhtown there was a Lord of Bull-Ring, and there are flatutes for leffening the 
expences of his banquet, and an order for John Fitz-Lewis to pay thirteen pounds 
for being difcharged from this office. This Lord was after called the Mayor of 
Bull-ring. The direction of this fport was, in mod towns, committed to the care 
of fome reputable bachelor, who was able to contribute to the expences attendant 
on it, the Guild fupplied the reft. A certain fum was allowed for his banquet, 
and he had his Sheriffs ; his election was annual by the citizens, and during his 
office he was guardian the batchelors, and on their marriage was entertained by 
them, fo that he paffed his time in feftivity and good cheer. As commerce and 
manufactures increafed, this amufement was difcontinued ; time became too valua- 
ble to be wafted on fuch paflimes, and after the Revolution they ceafed every 
where. 

Harris (11) and Ufher acquiefce in the popular opinion, which deduces the 
name Kilkenny from St. Canice or Kenny, an imaginary perfonage, to whom the 
Cathedral is dedicated. The following is the (12) Legend relating to this Saint : 

5 f it 

(jo) Percy's religues. (n) Ware's Antiq. p. 41. UJTer. primord. p. $$?. 

(k) Scauihurft apud Hollinfhed. p. 27. 



3 g$- HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

«<<<<<<<<<< <■•<•■< <■<<<■<■<<< < <<<■<•<<■<<•<< <<<•<<■<+>■>■■>•>••>■>•>■>>•>•>■•>>•>>•>>>>•>•>>>>>>•> >>>>>> V > > >. > >.. 

i! (beaks more powerfully than any argument the (13) weaknefs and abfurdity of 
deriving from filch materials any hiftoric fa 61. " This towne is named Kilkennie, from 
an holie and learned Abbat, called Kanicus, born in the Couple of Kilkennie, or 
as it is in fome books recorded, in Connaght. This prelat being in his fuckling 
yeres, foftered through the providence of God with the milk of a cow, and baptized 
and bilhoped by one Luracus, thereto by God's efpecial appointment deputed, 
grew in tra6l of time to fuch devotion and learning, as he was reputed of all 
men to be, as well a mirrour of the one, as a paragon of the other, whereof he 
gave fufficient conje6lure in his minoritie. For being turned to the keepinge of 
fheepe, and his fellow (heapherds whollie yeildinge themfelves, like lufldfh vagabonds, 
to flough and flougifhneffe, yet Hill would he finde himfelf occupied in framing, with 
ofiars and twigs, little wooden churches, and in fafhining the furnitures thereto 
appertyninge. Being ftept further in yeres, he made his repair into England, when 
eloiftering himfelf in an Abbaie, whereof one named Doctus (Docus) was abbat, he 
was wholie wedded to his booke and to devotion. Wherein he continued fo 
painfull and diligent, as being on a certaine time penning a ferious matter, and 
not having drawne the fourthe vocale, the abbaie bell tinged to affemble the 
Covent to fome fpiritual exercife, to which he haftened, as he left the letter femi- 
circle wife unfiniflied, untill he returned back to his booke. Soon after being 
promoted to ecclefiaftical orders, he travelled by the confent of his monks to Rome, 
and in Italie he gave fuch manifefte proofe of his piety, as to this daie, in fome parts 
thereof he is highlie renowned." 

I have (14) before reprobated thefe wretched ftupid figments of dark ages, and 
fupported what I advanced by folid authorities. How does a late (15) writer evade 
their force ? Not by mewing their weaknefs or irrelevancy, or by confronting them 
with others of a contrary tendency, but by faying, " a charge. of this nature, 
conveying a contemptuous idea of the Irifh clergy in the earlier ages of the Irifh 
church, mould furely come fupported with the proper proofs : certain I am, that 
thofe produced, are mod unhappily felected,' they Hand in contradiction to hiftory 
and chronology." It not this to infult our underftanding, to talk of proper proofs, 
and give us bare affertion? 

According 

(13) Cave remarks of fuch works : Certe nugis nugaciffimis fiiftis, inepiffimifque narrationibus refcrtiffimum, qux non 
fine immenfo Chnftianje religiouis fcandalo legi, multo minus defend* poffunt. Hilt lit. fa;c. 13. p. 654. See Melchior, 
Can. de loc. theolog. 1. II. c. 16. Marian, de advent, f. Jacob, c. 1. 

(14) Thefe antiquities fup. p. 171. (15) O' Conor apud Collect. V. 2. p. 234. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 






According to the Legend, Kilkenny received its name from the removal of the 
fhrine of St. Canice to that city, A. D. 1200, from Aghaboe. Antecedent to this 
Kilkenny mult have had fome appellation : what it was, we are not told. From 
the primaeval inhabitation of the Me, it was always called Kilkenny, and that this 
was the cafe before the removal of the (mine, here are the proofs. 

A. D. 1085 and 11 14. Cillcannigh or Kilkenny Was (16) burnt. A. D" 1172. 
Donald O'Brien, King of Thomond, proclaimed a hefting at Kilkenny ; he was 
joined by Conor Mac Raghry and the forces of Weft Connaught. The Galls or 
Normans hearing of this, retreated to Waterford, leaving theCaftleof Kilkenny. 
After their departure, the town was demolifhed, and the country wafted. By the 
Galls here, we are to underftand the Danes and other Northerns fettled in Water- 
ford and the maratime towns. Thefe obtained, either by force or perrciflion, 
eflablimments in the interior country, for the purpofe of trade. Kilkenny feems to 
have been very early one of their ftations, and where they erected a caftie'and 
other works for their fecurity. 

A. D. 1192, the Englifh were fettled in Kilkenny, and the foundation of the (\ 7) 
cattle then laid. From this document, as well as from Maurice Regan's account of 
the Englifh invafion, wc find the new adventurers fecured their i sfts by catties-. 

Among others built at this time, was that of Kilkenny, but by whom is not recorded 
probably by Strong-flow, and on the fite of the Danifh fortrefs. On the arrival of 
Henry II. A. D. 1172, the Irifh princes were intimidated, they fubmiued and 
fwore allegiance ; but on his return to England, they refumed courage, and labelled. 
Hence in (18) other annals, under the year 1173, Donald O'Brien retracted his 
obedience to Henry, broke down the Caflle of Kilkenny, and defiroyed the Eno-- 
lifh fettlements. 

The great ornament of Irifhtown is the Cathedral. About the year 123", Hugh 
Mapilton, whofe See was then at Aghaboe in Upper OfTory, began the foun- 
dation of a cathedral church in Irifhtown. Such is the account in the annals at 
the end of the Englifh edition of Ware. However this writer in treating of the 
Bifhops of OfTory mention?, but as a report, of which, it is fuppofed he could 
procure no evidence, that Felix O'Dullany, or Delany, laid the foundation of this 
church in 1180. It is very extraordinary, if the church was at all begun by 
Dullany, that no progrefs fhould be made in it for feventy-eight years after. On 

the 

(>6) Colgan Trias p. 653. (r7) Anna! at the end of Ware. EngUfti edition. 

(18; Apud King's Coll. p. 587. penes Societ. Dublin. 



3 88 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



■•<-<•* <»«•<■-<•< <■•< < < ■■< <<<<<<*< ■■< < <-<.<•.<■*.<•<•■<•<•<•■<■<-<•<•< •{" 



the other hand, we cannot confidently with truth and hiftory place the rudiments 
of the church fo late as Mapilton, becaufe there are indifputahle proofs of there 
being bifhops of this fee during the above interval. 

The facl then is probably this : Dullany erecled an oratory near the Round tower, 
as the foundation of an epifcopal church : Hugh Rufus more vigoroufly purfued the 
fame idea, being an Englifh monk, and elefted probably through the intereft of the 
Earl of Pembroke, and Mapilton and St. Leger might have perfected thefe begin- 
nings. St. Leger died towards the end of Edward I's reign, when the (19) charac- 
ter of ecclefiaftical archite&ure was the immoderate length of the Ealtern and Weft- 
em windows, taking up the breadth of the nave, and rifing as high as the vaulting, 
and thefe ornamented with coloured glafs. The windows of our cathedral are in 
this ftyle, but at prefent fhortened j however the eye quickly difcovers and traces 
the barbarous change. A large pile like this, and where every exertion was clogged 
with innumerable difficulties amid the turbulence of conqueft and infurrecfion, could 
not foon be completed. We have no memorials of its progrefs, and are therefore 
left to form an opinion from circumftances. 

Bifhop Ledred, in 1318, fitted up the windows, and particularly the eaftern one 
in fo elegant a manner, and. adorned with fuch elegant workmanfhip, as left it 
without a rival in the kingdom. This will appear by no means exaggerated, when 
we are (20J informed, that Rinucini, who came from the natal foil of the fine arts, 
was fo much (truck with its beauty, that he offered the large fum of £-Joo for it, 
and efteemed it to be no mean ornament for Rome itfelf, whither he defigned to 
fend it. But neither the high rank of the (21) prince of Firmo, nor the plenitude 
of power with which he was inverted, nor the diftreffes of the times, could pre- 
vail on the titular prelate, David Roth, or the chapter to comply with the nuncio's 
wifhes. The eaftern window contained the hiftory of Chrift from his birth to his 
afcenfion. The other windows were enriched with feveral emblems. In 1650, this 
exquifite piece of art was demolifhed, with other curious monuments of former 

times. 

(19) Bentham*» Antiq. of Ely. (ao) Ware's bifhops of Offory. 

(21) Johannes Baptifti Rinucini, was archbifhop and prince of Firmo in Italy. The hiftory of his Irifh legation, 
replete with interefting particulars, is at prefent in MS in the library of the marquis Rinucini, at Florence, from which 
Burke hat eatradted much refpe<Sing the tranfa&ions of the confederate catholics at Kilkenny. Supplem. Hib. Domin. 
pafs. Sir Thomas Coke, earl of Lcicefter, brought a tranfcript of this valuable manufcript from Florence, which was 
in his elegant library at Holkham in Norfolk. See an inquiry into the fhare which king Charles I. had in the tranfaflions 
of the carl of Glamorgan. By Thomas Birch, D.D. Preface, p. 4. London 1756. 8vo. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 389 

tirr.es. What fragments remained were carefully collected by bifhop Pococke, and 
placed in two ovals over the weftern door. 

The (22) fabrick is conftructed in the Gothic tafte, and in the form of a crofs. 
The length from Eaft to Weft, in the clear, is 226 feet, and the breadth of the 
crofs from North to South is 123, being perhaps the largeft church in the kingdom, 
except St. Patrick's and Chrifl's church, Dublin, and in the beauty of its nave 
it excels both. It has two lateral and a centre aile, which yield an admirable prof- 
pect. The roof of the nave is fupported by five pillars and a pilafter of black mar- 
ble on each fide, upon which are formed five neat arches. Each lateral aile is 
enlightened by four windows below, and the centre aile by five above ; they are 
in the fhape of quaterfoils. The fteeple is low but broad, taking up the fpace of 
thirty-feven feet ; it is fupported by four maffy columns of black marble, and its 
floor reds on a great number of fpringers, arifing from the columns ; they fpread 
over the vaulting, and are each divided into a fmall moulding like beads. The 
pillars in this church were about fixty or feventy years fince whitened by an abfurd 
and ignorant oeconomift. There are four entrances : one at the Weft end, two in 
the nave oppofite each other, and one at the end of the North tranfept. The feats 
of the choir and gallery are of oak, varnifhed, the whole plain but remarkably neat. 
The compafs-ceiling is adorned with fret-work, and has many modillions, and in 
the centre a groupe of foliage, feftoons, and cherubims ; nor is it deflitute of an 
elegant fet of organs. At the end of the South tranfept and fronting the North 
door, is a very neat confiftory court, erecfed by bifhop Pococke ; to the Eaft of 
which is the chapter houfe, it is neat and lightfome ; over the chimney is the follow- 
ing elegant and modeft infcription : 

HANC 

BASILICAM 

VETUSTATK 

LABASCENTEM 

RESTITUERUNT 

ORNARUNT 

OSSORIENSE3 

ANNO 

MDCCLXLII. 



(11) Ware's bifhops, fupra. 



390 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



■.<■•<••< ■<<■}., >• >■ >->■>• >>->>>. >•>..>. >. >..>..>..>. >. > > >..>. s. >, v. > »..>. ». >.»..>..>• >. >. >. » ». 



In the North tranfept is St. Mary's chapel : here the parochial vicar of St. Canice 
formerly officiated. Near this chapel was another apartment, wherein were heaped 
many (tone monuments : thefe were refixed in the nave and the lateral ailes by the 
-care of bifhop Pococke, who to his other excellent qualifications added that of a 
learned antiquary. On the outnde, round the church, runs a regular battlement, 
and at the Well end are two fmall fpires. 

The towers and turrets, (23) fays Mr. Bentham, built by the Normans in the 
firfjt century after their arrival, were covered with platforms, with battlements, or 
plain parapet walls. One of the earliefl fpires, that of old St. Paul's, was finifhed 
in the year 1222, with timber and covered with lead. 

The tower of St. Canice is not finifhed : it has no fpire, though fufficiently flrong 
to bear one ; and it continues in much the fame ftate it was left in at its firfl erec- 
tion. 

We mail now mention fuch bifhops as were benefactors to the cathedral. 

Bifhop Ledred, let his conduct be what it may in other matters, zealoufly promot- 
ed the intereft of his church. His predecefTors lived remote from the cathedral, 
which at the fame time that it was improper, was the caufe of many exceffes among 
the numerous clergy attached to it : he therefore refolved to build an epifcopal 
houfe. King Edward III. granted him (24) the fite of three churches, St. Nicholas, 
St. James, and St. Bridget, near the cathedral, on paying twenty millings for this 
purpofe ; he alfo ufed the ftones and materials in them. To appeafe thefe tutelar 
faints, and to atone for his facrilege, he founded an altar in his palace and dedicat- 
ed it to them. He alfo granted to the dean and chapter of St. Canice the church 
of Drumdelgy, alias Thornback. 

Bifhop Snell beftowed on his church fome rich prefents, as gloves, pontifical 
fandals, a filken caphin, interwoven with gold fpots, and a mitre adorned with pre- 
cious ftones. Such donations were then highly meritorious, and the (25) virtues 
of them efleemed very great. 

Bifhop Barry, in 1428, built a large caflle and hall at his manor of Bifhop's 
lough. He endowed the vicars of the common hall near St. Canice with four marks 
of filver, chief rent, out of the lands of Marfhall's in the parifh of St. Maul. 

Bifhop Baron, in 1527, rebuilt and repaired the bifhop's manor houfe, at New- 
court, and gave the vicars choral all the tythes and oblations of the Black or Do- 
minican 

(13) Supra, page 40. (24) Ware, fiiprai (25) Durand. Ration. Divin. Offic. Lib. 3. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 39T 

minican abbey, then lately diflblved, a paftoral ftaff of filver, and a marble table 
for the altar. 

Bifhop Hacket built the arch of the belfry of fquared marble. 

Bifhop Williams, a prelate of diflinguifhed piety and fufferings, expended £1400 
in repairing the cathedral. The bells being carried away in the rebellion, he put 
up one that coil: him 144/. He laid out on the chancel 300/. and on the belfry 40/. 

In 1675, biihop Parry gave a ring of bell-, fix in number, weighing feventy 
hundred, two quarters and five pounds ; they coft 246/. 131. iod.; befides he gave 
ic/. to buy plate. 

Bifhop Otway railed in the communion table, and covered it with a rich clotfu 
On the twenty-fourth of July, 1684, he prefented to the dean and chapter 365 
ounces of plate gilt, for which he paid 116/. iy. 4<J. It formerly belonged to 
Chrift church, Dublin. 

Dodor Pooley, dean of Offory, and after bifhop of Raphoe, gave 120/. towards 
raifing the fteeple, and to repair the towers.- He alfo bellowed a large filver gilt 
bafon, weighing fixty-one ounces. 

But this cathedral owes its preservation to bifhop Pococke. When he came to 
the fee of Offory the church was in the moil ruinous condition, being totally ne- 
glected by his predeceffors. Its galleries were decaying : its roof tumbling down : 
its monuments broken and fcattered about ; and a few years mud have beheld this 
venerable fabric with fcarcely one (tone upon another. With that love of religion 
and decency, which ftrongly marked his character, he zealoufly fet about its repa- 
ration : he warmly folicited fubferiptions : purchafed every neceffary material at the 
beft rate : in perfon fuperintended the workmen, and that often from four o'clock 
in the morning : beautified and adorned it throughout, and left a memorial of his 
piety and regard for his epifcopal church, which the city of Kilkenny and the dio- 
cefe of OiTory llill gratefully remember. The names of the fubferibers are on a 
marble tablet in the North tranfept ; a copy of it immediately follows the account 
of the monuments,. 

The epifcopal refidence which adjoins the cathedral being originally very fmall, 
was much improved by bifliop John Parry, at the expence of 400/. 

The bifhops Vefey and Hartftonge further improved the palace ; but bifhop Efte 
made it a much more commodious habitation, by the addition of four apartments 
and a noble flair-cafe, expending on it in buildings and other improvements 1956/. 

though 



35 2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

•< « < < < < < < < < < < < <<■<••< < < <<< .<..<-.<..< <•<•<<•.<<••<<.<<■•<•<■•<■<+>>>>•>> > >■>>■>■>■>•>•>•>■>•>••>••>•>•>>•>■>-■>■>>■ >■>■*■ >■ ►■>■>> >> 



though his fucceffor was charged only with the fum of 1400/. In the ftudy, over 
the chimney-piece, are the arms of primate Boulter, his patron. 

Bifhop Dodgfon very laudably began the practice of clothing and inftru£ting the 
choirifters, at the bifhop's expence. 



MONUMENTS and INSCRIPTIONS in the CATHEDRAL. 
On the South fide of the high altar. 
D. O. M. 
Sacrum. 
Illuftriilimus ac nobiliilimus dominus Ricardus Butler, 
Vifcomes de Mountgarret, baro de Kells, &c. 
Ex antiquiffimis primariee in Hibernia 
nobilitatis familiis oriundus j utpote 
Petri Butler, Ormonia & Oflbrise comitis, ac 
Margarets Fitz Gerald filise comitis de Kil- 
daria, pronepos. 

"Vir religione in Deum, pietate in pa- 
triam,fidelitate in regem,pace belloque con- 
fpicuus, de rege, regno &ecclefiadei, pro qui- 
bus fortiter periculofis et maxime turbatis 
temporibus ftetit, optime meritus : felicis 
ac fsecundae prolis parens : fibi, majoribus 
ac pofleris hoc monumentum pie pofuit, 
memoriam fui nunquam morituram reliquit. 
(26) Obiit ille . . . Anno 16 . . 
Defunctse ac nobiliflimae vicecomitum de 

Mountgarret familias bene precare, viator ! 
— <^— 

On the right of the door going into the chance!. 

Sacred to the memory of Richard Pococke, LL.D. 

Who, from the archdeaconry of Dublin, 

Was promoted to this See mdcclvi, 

And tranflated to that of Meath mdcclxv, 

Where 

(i6) He died in i6ji. Lodge, v. a. pag. ?6i. 



IRISI-ITOWN AND KILKENNY*. 



593 



((iiii<iii(i{i<<iii<(ii 



< < < < < < < <+>■ > > > 



'•>■ > > > > > i > > > > > r 



Where he died Sept. 15th in the fame year. 
lie difcharged every duty of the paftoral and epifcopal office 
With prudence, vigilance, and fidelity; 
Adorning his flation 
With unfhaken integrity of heart and of conduct; 

Attentive to the interefl of religion, 
He caufcd feveval parochial churches to be rebuilt, 

Within his diocefs. 

He promoted and liberally contributed to the repair 

And embellishment of this cathedral church, 

Then unhappily falling into decay. 

A zealous encourager of every ufeful public work, 

Lfpecially the linen manufacture, 

He bequeathed a very considerable legacy, 

To the governors of the incorporated fociety,. 

For promoting the united interefls of the induftry and. 

charity, 

Within this borough of St. Canice. (17J 



On the left of the door going into the chancel. 
Sub hoc marmore 
Clauditur Annas Cox quod mortale fuit, Jacobi O Brien, filii comitis nuperi de 
Inchequin, filias : quae Michaeli Cox, epifcopo Oflbrienfi, anno 1745, matrimonio 
juncla, eodem anno, setatis fuas 23, fatali puerperio abrepta eft, prius enixafilium. 
Curantse jaclurs ! quantillum Solamen ! Ilia nempe tarn corporis quam animv 
dctibus a natura ditata dignaque iifdem difciplina liberaliter inflituta, non minus 
fancte quam eleganter vitam exegit. 

Ingens defiderium parentibus, cognatis, amicis ; infandii conjugi mairorem, 
fingulifque fingularum virtutum exemplar opimum, reliquit. Contemplare, lector,, 
humane faslicitatis caducam fortem, et adverfus inopinos et miferrimos cafus 
(nullabi prasclarius monendus) animum bene munitum et erectum para. 

5: a This 

(17) Biftiop Pocccke is buried at Ardbraccan in the county of Meath, 






394 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

This elegant monument is of white marble, from which rifes a fhaft, on which 
is the arms of the deceafed. Piety, a whole length, holds a book in one hand, 
and reclines her head on the other, which leans on an urn. The whole is well 
conceived and executed by Scheemaker. 

Hie jacet 

Adam Cottrel, Jacob 3 . Cottrel, Richard s . Lawles et Walter'. Lawles cu ej». uxore 
Letitia Courcy, quSda burges s . ville Kilkenie ac domi de Talbot's inche. Q^ Walter , 
obiit 2 die mess. decbr s . a . d l 1550, quoru aiab s ppiciet. De s . ae. 

Hie jacet Richard 8 Lawles, fili 8 et hseres difti Walteri, q' obiit 6 die mes 5 O&ob. 
a dni 1506. 

Hie jacet Jacobus Lawles, frater et hasres Richardi Lawles, filii et hasredis 
Walteri Lawles, qui obiit ultimo die Julii A. D. 1562. cuj s ale ppiciet. Deus. 
ct Adam Lawles. qui obiit 20 die O&. 1600, et Lastitia Shee uxor ejus, quae 
obiit 5 die Oct. 1576. 

Credo qd rede r mes vivit, et i noviffi 

die de tra furrecl:ur s . fu, et 1 carne meo 

videbo Deu, falvatorem meum, que vifur 8 

fum ego ipfe, et non alius, et oculi mei 

•fpecturi fut. 

— <«> — 

Hie jacet 
Fijtricius Kerin, quodS ville Kilkenie burgefis, qui obiit 5 die mefis Feb. 1581. 
Et Joanna Nowlan uxor ej s quae obiit 5 die menfis Dec s . 1575. 



Hie jacet 
Petrus Graunt — canonicus, Oxoniae alumnus et vicaris de Balletarfne, q* obiit die 
23 menfis Februarii a d> 1509. Cuj s aiee piciet Deus, Amen. 

Hie jacet 
Jacobs Sentleger de Ballefennon, q 1 obiit primo die Feb. 1597, et Egidia Toben 
ejs uxor, q obiit 2 die, menfis Novembris 1570. Et Patricius Sentleger, h\i 3 
lecudus eorum, qui obiit 21 die menfis Feb. 1607, et Margaret Shee ej s uxor 
qua; obiit. . . die menfis 

I. II. S. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 

I. H. S. 

Hie jacet Thomas Power, qui obiit anno dm" 15 19, et Margeria Pynfon uxor ejus, 
et Johannes Power, Alius et heres difti Thomas, cu fua uxore Joanna Sawado-e* 
q> obierunt A. D. 1550. Ricardus Power, ej. Johals filius et heres, quondam 
burgenfis ville Hibernice Kilkenie, qui Ricardus obiit 27 die menfis Maii, A. D. 
1583. Et Ifabella Roth, uxor illius, que obiit . . . die . . . menfis' 
anno domini 15 

Here lyeth 
The body of cap. Robert Barton, late of the honourable col. Henry Harrifon's 
regiment, who departed this life the 5th, day of November, 1723, in the 6" 
year of his age. ° 

— «* — 
Hie fepultus eft 
Standifius Hartftonge, Armiger, filius natu tertius Standifii Hartftonge, baronetti, 
et Scaccarii regis baronis. In agro Norfolcienfi oriundus, qui in hac 'civitate re' 
cordatoris, et in palatinatu Tipparerienfi cuftodis rotulorum muneribus diu et 
prseclare functus, obiit primo calendarum Junii, anno MDCCIV. 

Chariflimo fratri pofuit Johannes epifcopus Oflbrienfis, fselicem et ipfe refur- 
reclionem fub hoc olim marmore expeclaturus. 

— «>. — 
Here lyeth 
The body of Mr. Richard Duigin, who departed this life April 4 th, 1708. 



Hie jacet 
Thomas Otway, Offorienfis epifcopus, qui obiit fexto die Martii 1622-3, ^atis 
fua; yy. He lies near the weft door. 

*B> 

Here lyeth 
The body Charles Sandford of Sandfordfcourt, efquire, who departed this life 
the 4th of Dec. 1701 . 

Hie jacet 
Johannes Maroh, quSdam civitatis Kilkenniae burgefis, qi obiit 23 die Decbris 16&1 
Et Margaretea Riane uxor ejus, que obiit 9 die Jan !i 1609. 



Cn 



III 



, 9J 5 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Qui.clari fuerant filii, fpefque alrna parentum 
Boucheri Carolus, Fredericufque Philippus. 
CiTa irr.matura fimul flebilis nunc continet urna, 
• Murte puer juvenis, virque fenexque cadit. 

Quorum alter obiit 17 die Septcmbris, 1574. 

Alter viii die Martii, a 1587. 

— <s> — 

Hie jacet Edmudus Purfell 



Capitaneus turbariaru. comtis Ormonie, q 1 obiit 4 die Novebris, ano Doni, 1505. 

Et Ellena Gras uxor ejus a dni 1500. 

— «» — 

Hie jacet 
Magr. JoheTCoughlande, quoda cancellarius Ofs s ecclie ; q> obiit 19 die mefis 
Martii, a Q dni 1508. Pro cujus anima cuilbet dicenti Pater et Ave, ceduntur a 
venerando patre, David, epifcopo Oflbrienfi, 40 dies Indulg. 
Quifquis eris qui tranfieris, fta, perlege, plora j 
Sum quod eris, fueramque quod es, pro me, precor ora. 

— <=> — 

. . . 1566, et Letitia Walche uxor ej 3 q obiit. . . die . . . mefis . . a , d'. 1560, 

..... aa 
Rofias Ruu, animse propicietur Ds. 

Here lyeth 
The body of the Rev. Henry Des Myniers, A.M. prebendary of Killamory, &c. 
who departed this life the 28th day of November, in the year of our Lord 1759, 
aged 68 years. 

Here lyeth 
The body of Richard Longe, who departed this life the 18th of April 1690. 

Edmond Brenan, Robert Rinighan, Edward Rinighan, 1615. 

— - <E? ■ 

Hie jacet 

Doms Willms Carleil qoda archidiacon 5 . Mid s . et reft or de Yochil, ac ecclefiar. 

Dubl. Cafs 9 . Ofs. Ferns. Clon s . et Corkag*. canonicus cujus ale ppicietur 

Deus. Amen, 

*h Hie 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 397 

-< « < < < « < < < .< < < < « < < < <<<< < ■<-<<<•< «<•< <•<•<■.<•< .<.<.<.. «+>..>. >..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..>..»..>. >..>>> >>■>>■ >.•>..>>. >. > > >• > >• ►■ > ->• ■>■ > > > •».. 

►{i Hie jacet 
Helena, filia Edvardi, cujus aise propicietur Deus in vitam aeternam. Amen. 



.... here lies 
John Sprice, burges, qui obiit die ... . and his wife Joane Kenede, quae obiit 
... die 

Hie jacet 
Petrus Butteler, Comes Ormonie et Ofs% q' obiit 26 die Augufli, A. D. 1539. 
Et Margareta Fitz-gerald, comitiffa, uxor.ej 3 q obiit 9 dio Augufli. 



Hie jacet 
Corpus Thoma: Hill, hujus ecclefiae decani, et S. S. theologise apud Cantabrigienfes 
doctoris. Obiit primo die Nov. 1673. 

>£< Hie jacet 
Dns. Simon Dunyng, quonda precentor iftius eccle. qui obiit in feflo beatae 
Maria Magdalene, ano dnim 1434. 

Here Iyeth William O Dowly. 

Hie jacet 

Thomas Pembrock, quoda. burges villa Kilkennie q' obiit 10 die Septembris A. D. 

.... brock filis. dicli. Thome, qui obiit 14 die 

octobris a. d. 1591. 
. . . . ck filius difti David una cum 
.... a Ragget et Catharina Archer 
.... omas obiit 25 januarii 161 6 
.... unus primorum vicecomitum 



. . . . unice Alicia Ragget q obiit 21 

.... 85 Katharina Archer obiit 
.... us filius dicti Thome Pembrock 

. . . . Joanna Ragget uxor didi 

5 1 D. O. M. 



I 



39 3 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

D. O.. M. 

Revdus Jacobus Shee, Gulielmi lenatoris in hac Kilkennienfi civitate, bene, pru- 
denter et feliciter defun&i, ter prsetoris officio, filius. Divini cultus et animarum 
zelo, reliquifque quae verum Dei facerdotenr decent, virtutibus confpicuus. Pree- 
bendarius de Tafcoffin, vicarius de Claragh, ecclefiae cafhedralis Sti Canici providus 
procurator et vicariorum communis aulas induftrius provifor : inter alia pietatis 
opera, monumentum hoc fibi, fuoque germano fratri R. D. Joanni Shee, prseben- 
dario de Mayne, parochias Sti Joannis evangeliftaa Kilkenniae vicario, fieri fecit. 

Obiit t>. Jacobus die 29 menfis Aprilis anno Dni 1648. Obiit etiam D. Joannes 
die . . . menfis . . . anno Dni 

iEternam illis requiem, ecclefiae Dei pacem, 

Et tranquillitatem precare, viator ! , 

Una parens faufta fratres quos protulit alvo, 

Una facerdotes continet urna duos. 

Hie jacet 
Jacob s Schortals dns de Balylarkan et de Balykif qi hac tuba fieri fecit a , dm. 1507-, 
et Katharina "Whyte uxor ej s p. q°. u. et paretum aibs cuilibet diccti oraoe 

dnic m . et fale age 'cedut. 80 dies idulg. 

■ - «» — 

# Hie jacet 

Honeflus ac difcretus vir dominus Nicholaus Motyng quondam cancellarius 
iftius ecclefise et reftor de Kilderienfi, qui obiit 13 die menfis februarii 1563. 
Cujus animae propitietur Deus, Amen Jefus. 



Hie jacet 
Gulielm 5 . Donoghou quoda burges ville de Irifhtowne juxta Kilkenia. q* obiit 13 
die novebiis a , d;. 1597. Et Catharina Moni ejs. uxor, q obiit 

Hie jacet 
IUuflris. & nobilis. Da. Ellana Butler, nobiliffimi Di Petri Butler, Ormonias comitis 
filia, et uxor quda pia clariffimi Domini Donaldi O Brien, Tumundiae comitis, *q 
obiit 2 die Julii, 1597. 

D. O. M. 
Patricius Murphy, civis, fenator, & quondam praetor Eilkenienfis : vir prudens, 
prcbus, pius : pauperum. et pupillorum merito parens; mortalitatis durn viveret 
memor. Sibi, chariflimae uxori fuas, Anaftatiae Phelan, matronse lectiflimas & opti- 
ma: : numerofas necnon erudites prolis inatri : filio ac hasredi fuo Ricardo Murphy, 

cm- 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 399 

omnibus multum charo, vicecomitis munere Kilkenias, fumma cum laude fun&o, 
setatis flore prserepto : ejus uxori Elifae Rothe, liberis ac pofteris monumentum hoc 
pofuit. Obiit Patrioius 3 die menfis Martii 1648. Anaftatiae 6 die Februarii, 
1646. Ricardus 8 die Junii, 1640. Elifa die menfis 

Exaltans humiles Deus, hie extolle fepultos, 

Qui fuerant humiles femper amore tui. 

Qui requiem, vitam, folamen, dona, falutem 

Pauperibus dederant : his miferere, Deus, Amen ! 
Epitaphium. 

Junxit amor vivos, uno mors jungit amantes 

Marmore, non moritur qui bene vixit amor. 

Chrifli verus, amor, poft mortem vivit et addit, 

iEternas vitae gaudia connubii. 

Requiefcant in pace 
Joannes Murphy; nlius praedi&i Ricardi, 16 Nov. A. D. 1690. Maria Tobin 
uxor Joannis 17 Jan. 1690-1. Barnabas Murphy filius Joannis, 28 Junii 1741* 
Maria Shee, ejus uxor obiit 3 Nov. 1737. 

D. O. M. 

Ad pietatis & mortalitatis memoriam clariflimus & nobiliffimus dominus D. Edmundus 
Blanchville, eques auratus, D. de Blanchvillflowne, Kilmodemucke, &c. ac nobilif- 
fima D. Elizabetha Butlera, uxor pientifllma, periluftri domino Giraldo Blanchville 
filio chariflimo primogenito, viro optimo, immatura morte praerepto, fibi, liberis 
pofterifque fuis monumentum hoc erexerunt, menfe Augufti, 1647. Giraldus obnt 

21 Feb. 1646. Edmundus Elizabetha .... 

Requiefcant in pace. Amen. 
Epitaphium. 

Qui patri in terris fuccedere debuit hasres^ 

In tumulo huic hasres cogitur efTe pater. 

Eft oriens primus, moriens poftremus et idem eft, 

Ortu pofterior, interituque prior. 

Mors haec mira facit, mutat quadrata rctundis, 

Mors fera quae ! quantum ! fie rapit ante patrern, 

F.t gnatuin virtute fenem, juvenemque diebus 

Gnatum Blanchveliae fpem columemque domus. 

Sed quoniam fera mors, vitam fine labe caducam 

Abftulit, seternum dat diadema Deus. 



400 

«■.<■■«■ 



>„>.*,.».>■♦.*• ♦.*.*.*.».%*».*.»<*■•< 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Edmud 8 Butler q j . . . . die mes Julii, A . Dni. . . . ej 3 uxor qobiit 10 . . . 

Wills Vale quoda . . . ecclefiae, qui obiit 21 die me 8 . . . ^~. 1571. 

Hie jacet 
Jacob 8 Purcell, filius Philippi de Fotikerath, q> obiit 11 die mefis o£b. a°. d,-. 11552. 
Et Joanna Shortals uxor ej s . que obiit . . die . . . mes. ao. d ! . 15, . , Quor* 
aiab s . ppicietur Deus. Ame. Jefu. 

Letatus fum in his quae dicta funt mihi, in domum Domini ibimus. 

Credo q d . redeptor meus vivit, et 1 noviflimo die de terra furre&ur 8 fii, et 1 carne 
mea videbo dtu, falvatore meu, que vifurus fu ego ipfe et no ali s , et oculi mei 
*fpecturi fut. Sufcepit deu Ifrael puerum fuum recordatus mifericordiae fuse. 

— o> 

Hie jacet 
Corpus Dianas Woodlefe, quae obiit 13 die Jan. A . D>. 1604. 

1 D. O. M. 

Et 

Memoriae Davidis epifcopi Oflbrienfis, qui 
hanc ecclefiam cathedralem Sto Canico 
facram " priftino decori reflituit, hserefim 
exinde vapulans*'* Anno Dni 1642. 
Ortus cun&a fuos repetunt, matremque requirunt, 
Et redit ad nihilum quod fuit ante nihil. 
This monument is near the confiftorial court, and was defaced through the ill- 
judged zeal of bifhop Parry, for fome words in the infeription reflecting on pro- 
teflantifm : the words are between inverted commas, and fupplied from tradition. 

The monument is of black marble ; a ledger, confifting of a cavetto and ovolo 
with their lifts, ferve for the bafe of the whole ; upon which is a frieze adorned with 
foliage. At each end is a plain field, defigned for coats of arms, but they are left 
blank. Over each end of the frieze fprings an abutment, upon which flood origi- 
nally two columns of the Corinthian order, but now taken away, and the entablature 
is at prefent fupported by two plain pilafters, which flood behind the columns. 
Between thefe pilafters are two imports, on which an arch refts in form of a gate, 
or flat niche, and that which reprefents the gate is the table, upon which is the 
infeription. 

Over 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 40 1 

Over the corner of the left impoft is cut the effigies of St. Kiaran, with a mitre 
on his head, a crozier in his hand and his name underneath. He is the principal 
patron of the diocefe of Oflbry, and its firfl bifhop, according to the legends. The 
pilafcers fupport an entablature, compofed of an architrave, frieze, and cornice : the 
frieze is adorned with rofes. Over the entablature is another table, on which is cu^ 
the reprefentation of our Saviour on the crofs, and on each fide a woman weepings 
From each fide of this table fprings a fcroll, which refls upon the extremities of the 
entablature, and over the table is a large ovolo, which ferves for a cornice to it : 
on each fide of the ovolo is a block or cube, adorned with flowers ; between which 
is another table archwife, and upon this is fixed the paternal coat of arms of the 
Roths, being a flag trippant gules, leaning againft a tree vert. Over this coat hangs 
a canopy wi;h firings pendant, terminating with fringed knots. Upon the top of 
the arch flands a fmall pedeflal, which crowns the whole monument, upon the die 
of which is — I. H. S. The arms and images fhew the remains of gilding and painting, 
and the whole was executed with uncommon abilities by an Italian ecclefiaflic, as 
tradition reports. 

' In piam 
Memoriam Johannis Bufhop quondam regiftri hujus disecefeos, avi fui, et Edvardi 
Bufhop, pr&bendarii de Killamery, patris fui, in haec ecclefia cathedrah" fibi fuifq : 
pofteris hoc pofuit "VValterus Bufhop, 12 Junii, 1677. 

— «^ — 

Hie jacet 

Nob us . d\ Edmund 8 Butler, vicecomes de Mountgarret, q 1 obiit zodieDec br 1571. 

— <s* 

2E. S. 
Reverendus Stephanus Vaughan, hujus ecclefise thefaurarius, in agro Avonenfi natulK 
Oxoniae educatuc, vitam hanc tranfitoriam Kilkenias finivit, 2 2°Apri]is lyn, uc 
gloriofam expe&ans refurreclionem, fubtus jacet tumultatus. 
Alicia Vaughan ab Lloyd, uxor ejus ehariffima pofuit. 

— «& — 
Here Iveth 

J 

The body cf Mrs. Frances Foulkes, alias White, daughter to Gryffth White oi 
Henllan in Ptmbrockemire, efquire ; who being twice married, firft to major Fran- 
cis Bolton, aftei wards to Bartholomew Foulkes, efq ; died the 15th day of Novem- 
ber 1685, in the year of her age 52. 

c k Here 



4 o2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Here lyeth 
The body of Mrs. Mary Stoughton, wife to Mr. Anthony Stoughton of the city of 
Dublin, gentleman, and daughter to the right worfhipful Henry Maynwaringe, of 
the city of Kilkenny, efquire, and one of the mailers of his majefty's high court of 
Chancery in Ireland ; who died in childbed of her third chiid, named Henry, the 
3d day of January, 1634, and are both here intombed together. 

Epitaph. 

A v'ertuous mother and her new-born fon, 

Parted here meet, and end where they begun. 

She from her bearing bed, he from the womb, 

Exchanged their living graves for this dead tomb. 

This pile and epitaph feem vainly fpent, 

Goodnefs rears her a furer monument. 

No curious hand can cut, no lab'ring head 

Bring more to praife her than the life fhe led. 

Bemoan that readeft, and live as well as fhe, 

So (halt thou want nor tomb nor elogy. 

Mole fub hac tegitur, le&or, dignifiima conjux, 
Dans proli vitam, perdidit ipfa fuum. 
Ouam fi forma, favor popult, flirps, res, fatis ampla, 
Si pudor, ingenium, fi juvenile decus, 
Si quid in humanis quanquam fervaret in sevum, 
Mortis ab incurfu, fofpes et ilia foret. 
. Parte tamen meliore fui famaque fuperftes, 
Cuia licet eeterno nomine viva viget. 

Venerabili viro 
Gulielmo Johnfon, decano ecclefiee Sti Canici, avo materno fuo et patri fuo Thomae 
Wale, ejufdem ecclefise thefaurario, necnon fibi fuifque pofteris, monumentum hoc 
pofuit Robertus Wale, thefaurarius. Oft. 14, A. D. 1624. 

Quae pigra cadavera pridem 
Tumulis putrefa&a jacebant, 
Volucres rapientur in auras, 
Animas comitata priores, 

Hinc 






->% 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 o 3 

« < . , ■.<(.<<,,,.<< <<<<•«•<•<•<<■<■<•<■<■■<•<•<••<•<■•<•<•<+>•>■>.■>■>••>>•>.>>.>.>.>..,.>.>.>.>.>..>..►..>.>.>,,,.>».,,. >> )>.>•>>>, 

Hinc maxima cura fepulchris 

lmpenditur, hinc refolutos 

Honor ultimus accepit artus, 

Et funeris ambitus ornat. 

Sint ut fua prcemia laudi ; 

Jonfoni gloria fplendet 

Omnem vutgata per orbem ; 

Candore nitentia claro. 

Prsetendere lintea, mos eft. 

Afperfa myrrha Sabaso, 

Corpus medicamine fervat. 

Quidnam tibi faxa cavata ? 

Quid pulchra volunt monumenta ? 

Res, quae, nifi creditur illis 

Non mortua fed data fomno. 

Jam fex luftra fubinde 

Prudens, gravis, integer sevo 

Divina volumina pandit. 
Gulielmus Johnfon, decanus ecclefias cathedralis Sti Canici Kilkenia, qui Wigornii 
natus, Cantabrigiae educatus, obiit Kilkenias ... die idus O&obris 1681. 
Hie pietate pares claufa conduntur in urna, 
Chrifticolas, Chrifti munere, forte pares : 
Sorte pari fie morte mori conceflit Jefus, 

Aftrigeroque polo vivere forte pari. 

Hie jacent 
Anton* Boue et Maria Gale, 



Hie jacet 
Gulielmus Kyvane r Roberti filius, quondam civitatis Kilkeniae, vir difcretus, qui 
fibi, chariflimas uxori fuae Elizabethas Bray, liberis ac pofteris hoc monumentum 
fieri fecit. 1647. Obiit Gulielmus ....... Obiit etiam uxor ejus El izabetha . . . 

die menfis .... anno .... 

. . . nie burge*. q\ obiit . . . die mes s . . . et Elina . ; . uxor ej 8 . "qT obiit 
30 die mefis marcii 1579. 



4 o 4 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

.•<<<■<<<<■< ■< •<<.<•<•<■.<■<■<■•<•<••< <»<"<-i-.< •<■<<••<■•<••<••<■•< •<■<•<••<■•< •<•■«•>• >••>•>■>•>■ >•■>••>••>■>• »>•>■ >•>••>■>••>■ >">•■>■■>■•>'»• >• >■ >• >■>■>• >•> >■ >• »• >■>•> >•■ 

.... ouli quod . mercator burgenfis ville Hibernicane Kilkenie q'. obiit 8 die . » . 

In obitutn 

Probse ac modeftee admodum mulieris Margaretse Wale, uxoris Johannis Namoy y 

Kelly, generofi Conachtenfis, obiit 2° Maii, a , d 1 . 1623. 

Ipfius mariti funebfe hexafticon. 

Grata Deo, dele&a toro, dile&a marito, 

Moribus et vita hie culta, fepulta jacet. 

Illius ingenium ingenuum, pietafque fidefque 

Dona fuere fuo dos fatis ampla viro. 

Qnianquam jure fuo fua corpora terra repofcat, 

Tanta vix digna eft hofpite terra tamen. 
■ <&> — 

*$* Hie jacet 

Johes Talbot, cuj 3 aise ppicet c Ds. 
— «. — 

Hie jacet 

Georgi* Savadge fili s Georgii Savadge, qd ville Kilkenie burges* qui obiit a°. d J . 

1500. Hie jacet Margareta Savadge. 

Eloquio clarus, virtute fideque Jac6bus, 
Gcelum mente habitans, hoc habet ofla folum. 
Jacobus Clarus. 

Protonotarius et reftor ecclefie D. Johannis, diaecefis Oflorienfis Vir 

bonus et benignus, verecundus vifu, moribus modeftus, eloquio decorus, a puero 
in virtutibus exercitus, Deo devotus, hominibus amabilis, et omnibus bonorum 
operum exemplis prseclarus. Obiit anno 1643, 14 Nov..fub auroram cum maximo 
piorum hominum luctu. 

Hie jacent 
Johannes Gras, miles ac baro de Courtiftown, et Onorina Brenach ux r ej s a , di. 
1568, die mes s . . . 

Hie jacet 
Reverend s pater Nicholaus Walfhe, quondam Ofs s epus, qui obiit die mes? Dec. 17, 
A°. D : . 1 $85. He is interred on the fouth fide of the grest aiie. 

Tunis 






IRISH TOWN AND KILKENNY 

~i-ii < . • s < . + < < l < • < < ■<■< < < < < < * ■» ■■«■ •< ■« < < < ■■< ■< < •<■<•< < <+>■>>.»>>■> >>>>>» > ► > >•> > ■.< W ; , ,- -» . , > » > < > > > > • . > > • 

Turris fortis mihi Deus. 

Spirltus amborum cceli veifatur in aula, 

Infra nunc quorum corpora terra capit : 
Hie jacet 
Gulielmus Kelly, quondam civitatis Kilkeniae burgenfis, qui obiit 27 menfis Mail, 
anno clom. 1644, Et uxor ejus chara Margareta Phelan, qua; obiit 2 die OcV. anno 
dom. 1635. 

Miferemini mei> miferemini mei, faltem 

vos amici, quia manus Domini tetigit 

me. Job. 19. 



*%i Hie jacet 
Petrus Bolger, qui obiit 8 die feptebr' 1601, et uxor ej s Joanna Walflie, qua= obiit 
29 die Januarii 1608. 

Hie jacet 
Ricardus Clovan quondam burgenfis ville Kilkenie, qui obiit 10. die Jan. 1609, et 
Elena Rothe, ejus uxor que obiit .... 

Hie jacet 
Gulielmus Hollechan de civitate Kilkenie burgenfis qui obiit 1 die Januarii 1609. 
Et Morona Macher ejus uxor que obiit .... 

Hie jacet 

Dns Johes de Karlell quondam cancellarius . . . Dublin ac ecclefiarum Fern 
. . . . canonicus. ' 



Hie jacet 
Richardus Deane, nuper epifcopus Oflbrienfis, qui obiit 20 die menfis Feb. anno 
domino 161 2. He lies near the bifliop's throne. 

— <s< 

Huic monumento 
Subtus adjacet quod venerabilium hujus ecclefise decani ac capituli beneficio reliquiis 
fui fuorumque inhumandis conditorium habet Nicholaus Cormicke Kilkennienfis, 
A. D. 1723. 

Beatam illis refurre&ionem, le&or, apprecare, 

5 l Hie 



4 o6 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

..< .<<■<•<<.<<<•<■■< < < < <••<<••« •<••<■•<••<••<••<<•■<••<•■<••< .<««••<••<••<-<••« ■<•< .<+>.»..>..>. >..>. >..»..>..»..>. >..,.>. >. >. >. >..>..>.».>..>,.>. >.»>..>. >• >■>•>>> >>■. 

Hie iacet 

J 

Thomas Karrone, q l obiit 26 die mes s Julii 1510, cujus 5 . aise propicietur Deus* 
Amen. 

Hie jacet 
Dionyfius Kely, cu uxore ej s Motina, a , dl. 151 1. 



'Hie jacet 

Thomas Savage, quod m burgenfis Nichola Schee . . . uxor ejus q 

obiit ... die menfis a Q . d'. 15 . . . 

Ricardus Cantwell. 

. . . Canici Kilkenise qui obiit 26 die mes s Sep. a , di. 151 2 cuj s . ale 
propicietur Deus. 

Hie requiefcit 
Elizabetha Barlow, Jonae Wheeler Oflbrienfis epifcopi filia, Radulphi Barlow, 
archidiaconi Midenfis conjux, qua: ex puerperio obiit 3 Decembris. 

Hie jacet 
Dons Johannes Cantwell, quda prentor iftius ecclie, q;. obiit 18 die mes*. 
novebris a , d'. 1531. Cuj 3 . ale ppicietur De\ amen. 

Hie jacet > 

Dns Johes Nele, thefaurari s . eccle. q'. obiit . . . Miio eps Ofs s . olbus dicetib*. 
orce dica et faluta aglica p aie pdifti pretoris tocies q° cies 'ceffit 49 dies 
idulgetie. 

— <s- — 

Hie jacet Donats Brin et Margareta Scerlock. 
— «►— 
Pray 
For John Brenan, carpenter, who dyeth the 8th day of Sber 1646, and his 
wife Anne ny Glanlow, dead the 

<S» / 

Omnibs orave d cl cu faluta5e Aglica p aiabs revedi patris David Dei gra epi 
Ofs 8 ac mri Thome Mychel utriufq } juris baccalarii otF . . . aris , . et Cafs«J. 

ecclefiar. 



/ 



-* 






407 



<<<<< < < <<♦<< < < < < 



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>. >■ >■■>■■>■ > 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 

ecclefiar. Canicd. qi. h\ jacet ac Thome Hakked bi"g^ s vHle Kilkenie,, dicjtibl 
tocie q°cies 400 dies idulgetias 'ceduf. 

Hie jacet Nicholaus Hakked brges*. ville Kilkenie fllk et heres pfati Thome 
Hakked q 1 '. obiit . . die mess. . . anno 1500. . . 

Et Margareta Archer uxor ejufde Nicholai q ! obiit 29 die aprilis a . D ; . 1528. 
q°ru albs ppropicier. De s . ame. 

— -» — 

The foregoing inferiptions are taken from a MS. drawn up for the ufe of Bifhoo 
Pococke, by John OThelan in 1763 ; it is now in the epifcopal palace, beino- de- 
poiited there by the Rev. Mervyn Archdall, rector of Attanagh and Agharney, for 
the ufe of the bifhops of Olfory in fucceflion. 

We mutt not omit the monument of Thomas, earl of Ormond and Olfory, former- 
ly in the cathedral, but deltroyed by the ufurpers, of which Mr. Walpole gives the 
following note from Vertue's MS. 

" In June 16 14, I bargained with Sir Walter Butler for to make a tomb for the 
earl of Ormond, and tofet it up in Ireland ; for the which I had well paid me 100/. 
in hand, and 300/. more when the work was fet up at Kilkenny." Extract from 
the pocket-book of Nicholas Stone, ftatuary. 

A monument lately erecled — 
Here lie interred, the remains of the Rev. Doctor Robert Mo.'Tbm, 
Of the univerfity of Trinity college, Dublin. Formerly fenior fellow, and divinity 
profefibr. Afterwards for the fpace of 46 years, of this cathedral, refident dean. 
A pattern of true piety to all mankind. He died a faithful fervant of Chriii, 
on the 8th day of Feb. O. S. 1747, aged 80. 

Here alfo lie the remains of his fon Thomas Moflbm, efq. 
Of the city of Kilkenny, alderman. He died univerfally acknowledged a Heady" 
friend and good man : on the 15th day of Aug. 1777, aged 56 years. This monu- 
ment is erecled by his executrix according to his directions'. 

Bi.Oiop Horsfall is buried in the church, with a monumental Hone laid flat on 
the floor. Bifliop Williams is interred on the fouth fide of the chancel. 
Bifliop Mapilton near St. Mary's chapel. BiiTiop St. Leger near Mapilton. Bilhop 
Ledred on the north fide of the high altar. Bifliop Hacket before the altar. 
Bifliop OTIedian in a chapel at the weft end of the cathedral. Bifliop Gafnev in 
a chapel on the north fide of the choir. 

On 



4o8 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



.•«••« <<<■»■<•<< <<<<-<<<< <(<<<< 



.>.>.>.>..►.>.>.*.>. ».>.>.>..>..>, *.)..» > 



On a vwrhlt 

For adorning the 

Pr. Fococke, bifnop of Offbry 

Dean and Chapter of St. Canice 

John Lewis, denn 

Dr. Pawfcn, chantor 

R. Cocking, chancellor 

J. Stannard, treafurer 

R. Stewart, preb. 

W. Connel, preb. 

Dr. Sandford, preb. 

Wm. Cockburn, preb. 

R. Watts, preb. 

). Alcock, preb. 

Farl ofOfibry 

Earl of Wandesford 

Lord Vifcount Mount-garret 

Lord Vifcount Charle-mount 
'Lord Vifcount Aflibrook 
Friendly Brothers, Kilkenny 
Sir William Evans Morres, Bart. 
Eland Moffom, efq. 
Thomas Waite, efq ; 

Clergy of the Biocefe. 
M. Vefey, A. M. 
Ralph Hawtry, A. M. 
J. Price, A. M. 
Mervyn Archdall, A. M. 
Arthur Webb, A. M. 
J. Millea, A. M. 
John Warring, A. M. 
W. Watts, A. M. 
W. Auflin, L. L. B. 
T. Collier, A. M. 



100 
252 

30 

*5 
10 

10 

10 

10 

*3 
20 

10 
10 
20 
12 
20 
14 
20 
10 
10 
10 
10 



tablet in the north tranfept. 
Benefactors 
cathedral of St. Canice, 1756. 

Guineas > 

R. Lloyd 

H. Candler, A". M. 

C. Jackfon, A. M. 
R. Connel, L. L. B. 

D. Cuffe, A. M. 
Dr. Fell 
T. Pack, A. M. 
P. Sone, A..M. 
J. Vefey, A. M. 
T. Candler, A. B. 

1 Patrick Wemys, efq. 

J. Agar, efq; Gowran 

Flercules Langrifhe, efq. 

T. A. efq; 

G. Bifhopp, efq. 

Ro. Vicars, efq ; 

C. Doyle, efq ; 

Redmond Morres, efq ; 

Tho. Tennifon, efq ; 

Mrs. Archbold 

Mrs. Pococke, fen. 

Mrs. Pococke, jun. 
10 Edw. Brereton, efq; 
10 Dr. Macaulay, vicar general 
10 R. Dawfon, efq; 
20 Dr. Hewetfon 
10 E. MofTom 
5 Anthony Blunt, efq ; 
10 N. Marten, A. M. 
9 T. Burton, A. M. 
5 Hugh Waring, efq ; 

5 



Guineat 

5 
10 

ia 

3 

5 
5 

5 

5 

5 

10 

10 

10 

5 
14 

5 

2 

5 

5 

- 5 
10 

5 

5 

5 
10 

10 

10 

10 

20 

20 

5 

The 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



409 



■<<■<■< < 1-4-4 < < 4 4 4 4 « 4 4 -4-4 4-4 



-•< <•<■•<.<■•< ■<■•<■■<■■< ■<+.- >•>>>■ 



The names of the bilhops of Offory, with the dates of their fucceflion. 

A.b. 



Donald O Fogarty facceeded 
Felix O Dullany 



Hugh Rufus 



Peter Manefin 
William of Killeny 
Walter de Brackell 

7 Geffry of Turvill 

8 Hugh de Mapilton 

9 Hugh 3d. 

io Geffry St. Ledger 
i r Rcger of Wexford 

12 Michael of Exeter 

13 William Faz John 

14 Richard Ledred 

15 John of Tatenale 

16 Alexander Balfcot 

17 Richard Northalis 

1 8 Thomas Peverell 

19 John Griffin 

20 John Waltham 

2 1 R oger of Appleby 

22 John Volcan 

23 Thomas Snell 

24 Patrick Ragged 

25 Dennis O Dea 

26 Thomas Barry 

27 David Hacket 

28 John O Hedian 



1178 
1202 
1218 
1229 
1232 
1244 
1251 

* 2 57 
1260 

1287 

1289 

1302 

1318 

1360 

*37 l 
1386 

1397 
1398 

*399 

1400 

1404 

1405 

1417 

1421 

1428 

1460 

1479 



29 Oliver Cantwell 

30 Milo Baron 

3 1 John Bale 

32 John Thonery 

33 Chriftopher Gafney 

34 Nicholas Walfh 

35 John Horsfall 
3.6 Richard Deane 

37 Jonas Wheeler 

38 Griffith Williams 

39 John Parry 

40 Benjamin Parjy 

41 Michael Ward 

42 Thomas Otway 

43 John Hanftonge 

44 Sir Thomas Vefey, Bart, 

45 Edward Tennifon 

46 Charles Efte 

47 Anthony Dopping 

48 Michael Cox 

49 Edward Maurice 

50 Richard Pococke 

5 1 Charles Dogfon 

52 William Newcome 

53 John Hotham 

54 William Beresford 

55 Thomas Lewis O'Beirne 

56 Hugh Hamilton 



A.D. 

1488 

1527 

1 S5 Z 

^65 

*577 
1586 
■ 1609 
1613 
1641; 
1672 
1677 
167$ 
1679 
1693 
1 7 14 
1731. 

l 735 
1741 

17 4« 

*754 

*7S& 
1765 

1775 

l 779 
1782 

*795 
1796 



For the honour of the fee of Oflbry we mull obferve, that two of its bifhops were 
lords Juftices ; four lords chancellors ; three lord treafurers } three tranflated to arch- 
bifhoprics ; one an ambaflador ; and one chancellor of the exchequer. 

The chapter of St. Canice is compofed of twelve members : the dean, chantor,, 
chancellor, treafurer, archdeacon, and the prebendaries of Blackrath, Aghour, Mayne,, 

5 wt Killamery,, 



39 S HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Killamery, Tafcoffin, Kihnanagh and Cloneamary ; one moiety of Tafcoffin belongs 
to the chantor, and the other to the archdeacon, by a definitive fentence of archbi- 
fhop Margetfon, the 19th day of Nov. 1662. 

The (28) dean for the time being, was anciently lord of the manor of the glebe, 
which contained all the inhabitants round the cathedral ; and before 1640, had a fe- 
nefchal who held courts leet and courts baron.. The deanery is at the S. E. fide of 
the cathedral. Dean Hill, about 1671, expended 160/. upon it ; but it becoming 
quite ruinous, dean Lewis rebuilt it and made it a neat and commodious habitation, 
with a handfome garden adjoining. In the houfe is a half length of the beautiful un- 
fortunate Mary, with this infcription : " Maria Scotorum regina setatis fuse, 18. 
Johannes Medina, eques, pinxit>" 

A head of cardinal Wolfely. 

The chantor had a manfe houfe and garden, ruined in the wars, on the fouth fide 
of the cathedral, mearing on the eafl with the dean's garden and houfe. 

The chancellor had formerly an houfe in Irifh-town, built on his orchard. The 
orchard mears on the W. with the ftreet leading to Troy's gate ; on the E. with 
the Nore ; on the N. with the lands of the vicar's choral, and on the S. with the 
lands of Tafcoffin and the river Bregagh, running by the city walls. A ftone tan- 
houfe by the Nore fide belonged to the chancellor, and James Toovey, malfler, pof- 
feffed part of the orchard, ruined in the wars. 

The treafurer's manfe houfe mears "on the W. with the river Nore, on the S. with 
tTie vicars choral's houfe, and the chancellor's tan-houfe on the E. with the ftreet 
leading from the Butts to Troy's gate, on the N. with the houfe that vyas alderman 
Connel's. 

The archdeacon's manfe houfe is S. of St- Canice, together with a fmall garden S. 
of the houfe, ruinous The archdeacon vifits the diocefe from the 30th Sept. to the 
3d Feb. 

The houfe of the prebendary of Killamery is now converted into an alms-houfe, 
on the W. of the cathedral, adjoining to the ancient fchool-houfe of the diocefe ; the 
garden to it ftill belongs to the prebendary. 

The manfe houfe of the prebendary of Tafcoffin meared on the E. with the chan- 
cellor's, orchard, on the W. with King-ftreet, on the N. with the chancellor's' 
orchard, and on the S. with the vicar's houfe. 

The 

(18) Prom bilhop Otway's viCtation book, MS. in the palace, dated 167a. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



41 I 



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•<•<<-••.+>.■>• >•■>■•>■•>.> >•>■■>■■>.->■>• 



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The dean and fix of the chapter make a quorum. Thus far from bifhop Otway's 
vifitation book. To this valuable document we are alfo indebted for the following 
account of the 

VICARS CHORAL. 

They are a very ancient corporation, by the ftyle of the vicars choral and perpe- 
tuals of the common hall, near the cathedral. They were liberally endowed by 
bilhop St. Leger, who gave them his manfe and lodging, the red hry of Kilcafh, and 
a revenue de manubrinnio or manubrennio, which feems to have been a portion ot 
ground corn, and one mark annually, payable by the abbot of Dou'fke, out of the 
lands of Scomberloway or Stromkerlavin. The manfe and lodging here mentioned 
were the common hall and dependant buildings, and the palace and place of refi- 
dence of the bifhops of OfTory before the palaces of Aghour and Dorogh were 
erected. Bifhop Hacket bellowed on them the church of Bailybur, and bifhop 
Cantwell that of St. Ma.1, and bifhop Thonery appointed four choirifters. 

In 1540, John Allen (29) lord chancellor, George Browne archbifhop of Dublin, 
and William Brabazon treafurer of Ireland, were nominated by Henry VIII. com- 
miffioners for ecclefiaftical caufes throughout the kingdom. Some differences having 
arifen between dean Cleere and the vicars, the commiffioners vifued the. houfe, 
when its ancient conftitution and rules were reviewed, and fome new regulations 
eflablifhed. From a perufal of the record we may obferve, that the inftitution was 
originally monaflic, or favoured very much of it. Their different cells or apartments 5 
their common hall ; their reading after meals 5 their filence at other times ; their 
not fuffering any man or maid fervant in the college ; their attending each other, 
with no mention of matrimony or families, are ftrong proofs of monkilh difcipline j 
nor did Henry's cotrjuiiffioners make alterations in thefe particulars; they are re- 
tained in the ancient ftatutes of our univerfity and other collegiate bodies, as belt 
calculated for feminaries of learning. 

Before the rebellion of 1641, the corporation of vicars confided of the dean's, 
chantor's, chancellor's, and treafurer's vicars, and the archdeacon's and prebendaries 
of Aghour, Mayne and Blackrath's ftipendiaHes, and four choirifters ; two of the 
latter were ftipendiaries of the dean and chapter, and two v/ere maintained by the 
houfe. 

On 



(*9) MS. Otvvay, fupra. Appendix VIII. 



4i2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

On a vacancy of a ftall in the common hall, the dignitaries and prebendaries 
made their prefentation to the dean of a perfon for the place. He was examined by 
the dean as to his life and morals, by the chantor as to his (kill in finging, and by 
the chancellor as to his learning ; and being approved of, he was inftituted by the 
dean or fub-dean as vicar choral. ■ None were the vicars of the hall before they were 
priefts, though they a&ually lived in the hall and were maintained by the houfe. 
On a vacancy, the fenior choirifter was prefented by the patron of the ftall, and 
was thereupon made and called, ftipendiary of fuch a ftall, until fit to be ordained 
prieft, and then he was inftalled vicar : but during his being ftipendiary, he had as 
large a ftipend as any of the vicars ; fo that the difference between a vicar and a 
ftipendiary was this ; the vicar was a prieft and was beneficed in the diocefe at large, 
but the ftipendiary was a layman, and had a fupport from the houfe. 

By the ancient foundation, the dean, bifhop and archbifhop, for juft caufes, 
might remove a vicar. The vicars were to attend the choir, and ferve the offices 
of the houfe alternately. The ceconomift wa$ to be chofen by the vicars, and to 
ftate his accounts to them weekly, and to the dean twice a year. _The church of 
Kilkefy was annexed to the treafurerfhip of the houfe. Whatever this parifh might 
have formerly produced, we (30) are told bifhop Tennifon left 40/. per annum to one 
Michael Stephenfon, a deacon, during his life, to catechife the children of papifts 
in that parifh, it being a wild and mountainous part of the diocefe of Oflbry. 

In 1630, the vicars and ftipendiaries had the following fums divided among them, 
as their annual ftipends 5 

/. s. d. 

Dean's vicar - - 3 1 3! 

Chantor's vicar - - 3 6 74 

Chancellor's vicar - 340 

Treafurer's vicar - 3 3° 

Archdeacon's ftipendiary 3 2> 7i 

Prebendary's of Blackrath 218 o 

— — — of Aghour 3 o 6\ 

______ of Mayne - 3 o 



'as 



£•24 17 4f 



Befides 



(30) Ware's Bifliops, pag. 435. 



IRJSHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 4IJ 

Befides the foregoing, they had 65L 2s. expended by their purveyor for their 
table j and they kept for their own ufe, the tythe corn of the parifh of St. Canice, 
which amounted to 297 barrels. From this Mate of their revenue, with their other 
endowments, we may judge how well able they were to keep hofpitality ; but the 
enfuing troubles deprived them of their income, and left but a fcanty fupport for 
three vicars. In 1677, the duke of Ormond took from them the town and- lands 
of Park, as part of his forty-nine arrears ; and which in 1 679, were worth 40/. 
per annum. His grace alfo withheld the chiefries of many houfes in and about Kil- 
kenny, their property ; and in the town of Callan, they had houfes worth 67. js.. 
a year. Bifhop Parry patted paetnts for the lands of Racanigan and St. Maui's, part 
of their eftate, and worth annually 8/. referving to them only fifteen millings. 

THE LIBRARY 

Is fituated at the N. W. end of the church-yard. The following account of it, and 
of bifhop Williams's alms houfe is extracted from a memorial of the dean and chapter 
of St. Canice, prefented to Dr. King, archbifhop of Dublin, and Dr. Hartftonge, 
bifhop of Oflbry, 31ft May 1712, and is in MS, in the palace. 

•* We, the dean and chapter, being appointed by your lordfhips' order and the 
confent of the Rev. Mr. W. to infpeft the cafe of the widows' alms-houfe, founded 
by bifhop Williams, as alfo the cafe of the library founded by bifhop Williams, and 
to receive and examine the furviving executors' accounts, and to report what was 
necefTary to be done to preferve thefe charities and benefactions, from bein°- intirelv 
funk and defeated, do reprefent the following ftate of fads. 

" Bifhop Williams, by his will, left the lands of Fermoy, then fet to colonel 
Wheeler for 40/. per annum, for the maintenance of eight poor widows in an alms- 
houfe that he had built in his life time. He made Mr. W. and archdeacon Dryfdale 
his executors, who fold faid land to Jonah Wheeler of Grenan, Efq; for 400/. 
which is now worth 100/. per ami. though they had, in our opinion, no power fo 
to do. The faid 400/. is fo far from being fecured, that there is great hazard of 
its being loft. Mr. W. endeavours to clear himfelf by faying, that Mr. Dryfdale 
fold the land without his knowledge, and that bifhop Williams promifed colonel 
Oliver Wheeler, father of Jonah, on the payment of .400/. to make over the fee 
fimple of the eftate to him. To this we anfwer, that Mr. W. cannot be ignorant 
of the tranfaction, unjuftly afcribed as the fole act of Mr. Dryfdale, as Mr. W. has 
200/. of the money in his hands ; and if the bifhop confidered himfelf as under 

5 n obligation 



4 !4 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

-.«■.««-< ■«<••<••<-« f-< < < •<<<..< <.<.<< .< .<..<..<..<..< .<.*.<■.< .<..<..<..<■.<..<■•«••<■<*>■•>•>■•>•>■ >■ >■ >•■>>• >>>• >■>->• >..>..>■.>.•>..».•». >.>>•> >..>■ >■>. >. >• >->. >. >. > > >•• 

obligation to col. Wheeler, he never would have made an abfolute devife to the poor 
widows. 

" Bifhop Otway, by his "will, made Dr. Ryder, bifhop of Killaloe, and faid Mr. 
W. his executors, and left all his effe&s, except 947/. in legacies, to be difpofed of 
in charitable ufes, and particularly makes this bequeft and devife : — " Item, I give 
my books and 200/. in money, and more if needful, for the beginning a library 
for the cathedral church of St. Ganice, for the ufe of the clergy about it ; defiring 
the dean and chapter of St. Canice to grant for that ufe, the upper ftory of the old 
fchool-houfe, joining the alms-houfe throughout, for the flooring of which with 
fubftantial timber and boards ; roofing and Hating it ; for defks and ihelves and 
chains for every particular book ; for windows, window (huts, doors, and chimney 
to be built in it, I appoint 100/. owing me by bill by Agmond. Cuffe of Caftleinch, 
Efq; as likewife 97/. ioj. of Spanifh and other foreign gold, be it more or lefs, now 
in the hands of George Thornton, as by his notes now in my cuftody appeareth. 
And if the two faid fums (hall riot be fufficient to the aforefaid purpofes, that the 
executor fhall take fo much of the cafh in his hands, as fhall finifh it. This I 
would have done as foon as poflible after my deceafe. Item, I will that the fum 
of 100/. be laid out to purchafe 10/. a year in houfes or lands : 5/. thereof fhall be 
for the library-keeper, whom I would have to be one of the vicars of St. Canice, (but 
always chofen by the prefent bifhop,) and the other 5/. to be laid out in coals for 
weekly fires to be made in the library to preferve the books.'* 

" We find that the executors built the library as it now (lands, with an upper and 
lower ftory, whereas they were obliged to build only an upper ftory, but having a 
difcretionary power in difpofing of the bifhop's effe&s to public benefactions, and 
pious ufes, they found it convenient fo to do ; in order that the lower ftory fhould 
be a convenient habitation for the library-keeper, and a chamber for the preaching 
dignitaries and prebendaries to lodge in, in the week of their attendance in the 
cathedral: nor can Mr. W. apply the reft of the bifhop's effecls, as he gives out 
he will, to his private ufe, as he is but under executor, and can reap no benefit but 
by his legacy of 50/. 

" We obferve further, that Mr. W. hath not yet chained the books, nor made 
the purchafe of 10/. nor hath he paid the library -keeper, who was at great expences, 
as appears by the following award : — 

" Whereas there did arife feveral controversies and differences between the 'Rev. 
Gyles Clarke and the Rev. Mr. W. on which there is a fuit now depending in the 

chancery 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 i 5 

chancery of her majefty's court of exchequer commenced by faid Clarke againfl 
faid W. as furviving executor of the late bifhop of Offbry. And whereas by mutual 
confent of both parties, all the matters and claims in difpute are referred to the final 
arbitrement of Richard Connel of the -city of Kilkenny, Efq; on behalf of Clarke, 
and to Richard Uniacke, of the fame, Efq; on behalf of W. and that John Waring 
mould be umpire. Said Connel and Uniacke not agreeing, now I, John Waring, 
as umpire, do order faid W. by the firft of February next, to pay faid Clarke the 
iura of 45/. for nine years' falary, due from the 26th of July 1694. I do further 
order the faid W. to pay the faid Clarke the fum of 30/. for fix years' coals. 1 do 
order the faid W. to pay the faid Clarke the fum of 10/. annually, the firft pay- 
ment to be made the 26th of July, 1703 ; and I do order 100/. to be placed in the 
hands of John, lord bifhop of OlTory, in truft, to purchafe 10/. per annum." 

' Mr. W. denied complying, becaufe the umpirage was not made according to 
the niceties of law-. The dean and chapter fet forth, that at the triennial vifitation, 
17th July, 1706, he promiled the archbifhop to account on oath, which however 
he did not." 

What further was done, the writer, at prefent, knows not. The room is hand- 
lome, and the books are in prefles and on fhelves, and under it is a comfortable 
dwelling for the librarian. 

Bifhop Maurice, by his will, dated the 6th of January, 1756, makes the following 
bequefts : — 

1 I leave my printed books to the library founded by bifhop Otway, at Kilkenny j 
all that are now at Dunmore, as well as thofe that are now at Kilkenny, together 
wich ten double cafes of one form, made of Dantzick oak, now in my library at 
Dunmore. Provided a fair catalogue be made of the books, and fecurity given by 
the librarian to exhibit them once a year, or oftener if occafion, to two perfons 
appointed by the bifhop, in his own prefence if convenient. Provided likewife, 
that an oath be taken by the librarian, not to embezzle, deface, or lend any book 
out of the library, but to give due attendance to fuch clergymen and gentlemen as 
may be difpofed to read there, from fix o'clock in the morning to the tolling of the 
bell for morning prayers at the cathedral of St. Canice, Kilkenny. 

' And for his attendance and care of thofe books, I bequeath to the librarian 
and his fucceffors, appointed by the bifhop, 20/. a year to be paid out of my eftate 
at Miltown in the county of Kilkenny. And if it fhall happen that this legacy fhall 
be found not to anfwer the purpofe intended, I impower the bifhop of Ouory for 

4 the 



4i 6 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



the time being, with the confent of the dean and chapter of St. Canice, to fell the 
books, and apply their price together with the faid falary of the librarian towards 
raifmg or adorning the imperfect fteeple of their cathedral. And whereas a know- 
ledge and practice of books is requifite to range them fo as they may be readily found, 
I defire my good friend, doctor Lawfcn, fenior fellow and firft librarian of Trinity 
college near Dublin, to lend his hand, to tranfport, lodge and place them to advan- 
tage : for which trouble I bequeath to him the filver candleflick, now in my ftudy, 
and 20I. to buy him a mourning ring." They were accordingly placed in the libra- 
ry : but their utility is very little, if any, as there is no catalogue at prefent. 

The following reflections on the origin of public and diocefan libraries may, per- 
haps, amufe the reader, after the foregoing tedious details : they are connected 
with the fubject now under confideration, and have therefore fome claim to the 
reader's indulgence. 

The refinement of manners : the progrefs of literature, and the mod interefting 
tircumftances in the rife and fall of empires are intimately united with an inquiry 
into the antiquity and ufe of public libraries. Scarcely had a nation emerged from 
baibarifm and joined in civil fociety, but letters became neceffary. The rudiments 
of pofitive laws were to be collected ; alliances with neighbouring powers to be ascer- 
tained, and the experience, the improvements and tranfactions of every year to be 
recorded. In collections of national archieves are to be traced the earlierr. veftiges of 
public libraries. 

The fculptured rock and rude fong ferved the erratic inhabitants of the forefr. to 
keep alive the remembrance of their atchievements ; to urge them to heroic deeds 
and animate them in the conflict : to define the limits of their property, and the ex- 
tent of their conquefts. But, in more cultivated periods, tradition was found a pre- 
carious arbiter of human affairs : authentic documents were to be recurred to : public 
treaties were to be produced, and war or peace awaited their evidence. 

If learning had not been of divine origin, it was confecrated by the hands that firfr. 
polifhed and improved it. The facerdotal order (31) among the Jews, the Chal- 
deans and Egyptians devoted their time to its cultivation, it was the employment of 
their lives. Precluded by public munificence from every attention to fecular con- 
cerns, it was then their indefpenfable duty : their labours abundantly recompenfed 
their fellow-citizens, and did, honour to themfelves. The Babylonians erected the 

nobleft 

(31) JoTefh. contra Apion. Malach, chap, x, 7. Deut. 31, a6.. X Mace, ii. 13. 1 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



41; 



< < -<•■< •< < 



« •< * < < < ■< ■ 



■ >■>•>• >• >■ >>•>••»• >->■>•>•■>• ►■+•+•■►•■>■ >>•>■>■ > 



nobleft monument the world ever faw, in a (32) body of celeftial obfervations for 
700 years. With fuch matured geniuffes, and with fuch aftonifhing perfeverance, to 
what perfection mud they not have brought every other fcience ; and what ad- 
mirable trcafures of eaflern wifdom mull not their libraries have contained ? Thefc 
are the ages called fabulous and heroic : — heroic they certainly were, if the nobleft 
productions of the human understanding merit that epithet : and they are no farther 
fabulous, than being involved in the dark veil of antiquity, and (33) rendered con- 
temptible by the abortive fuperfetations of numerous Greek fciolills. It was at the 
period of their greateft glory and empire that thofe exertions of genius and of induf- 
•try are recorded. 

" When (34) the arts and fciences, fays an elegant writer, come to perfection in 
any ftate, from that moment they naturally, or rather necetlarily decline." At this 
moment of perfection, public libraries were eftablifhed in Egypt, in Greece and 
Rome. The obfervation is, perhaps, new ; the fad is indifputable and the de- 
tail curious. 

Read the account of the fepulchre of Ofmandyas, king of Egypt, which for defign, 
magnificence and execution, required, in the opinion of an excellent (35) judge, 
the combined efforts of human ingenuity : and yet its principle ornament was the ia- 
cred library contiguous to it. We may eftimate the progrefs of the Egyptians in 
literature as well as in mechanics and the fine arts, from the infcription on this li- 
brary, which was (36; 

•-*— > ~¥vyr,<; Yargaov • 

Medicatorium animse 

From (yy) thence Thales, Pythagoras, Plato and Herodotus derived thofe rich 
flreams which fertilized and highly improved Grecian philolbphy and Grecian 
hiftory. 

5 o Pififhatus, 



(31) Plin. lib. 7. car<. 5<f, 

(33) Seethe learned Bryant's analyfis of ancient mythology, paff. 

(34) Hume's Effays, vol. I. p. 3 1. 

(35) ' c was an aftonifhing building, as defcribed by Diodorus Siculus. lib. 1. and required more extenCve abilities to 
complete than the pyramids. Si paulo penitius confidero, fays Kircher, auGm fan<5te afhrmare, hofce fumnii ingenii homi- 
nes, uti nihil eos humanarum fcientiarum latuit, ita earum ope humanis quoque operibus majora prasftitiffe, cum vel in una 
fabrics efformanda oamts artes ct fcicntias phyficam et mathematkam confpiraffe videam. In Turr. Babel, lib. «. fee. 
3. cap. 3. 

($6) Diodor. Sic. fupra. St. Bafil alludes to this, when he fays :— Tc» -x^o^o^n wpisKtt r» afpuin/^art tpafftxHov. And 
Philemon : — 'Vsvx.is t&rpov x,a.ru.nxvt ra yfaftfiava, 
(37) Laftant. de fapient. ver. lib. 4. cap. 2. 



#'■ 



I 






%*> 



418 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

<« ■«•« ■<•« *■«■« <<< ■«■<■< •<<•■<«<■< < <<-.<•<■•< « <•■<<•<•<•<••<<•<•■<■<+>••>■■>•»■>•■>••>.■>.>•>.■>..►..>.>.>.>.>..>.■'>•.>■ >.>■>■■>■.>•>.>.>> >■>■>>■>>■> > »■ > > 

Pififtratus, notwithftanding the dark (hade thrown over his character by turbulent 
demagogues and prejudiced writers, was an amiable and accomplished (38J prince, 
His love of learning was confpicuous, in collecting Homer's poems and erecting the 
firft library in (39) Greece. Solon, his kinfman, had perfected the Athenian legifla- 
tion : the city of Athens was extenfive and beautiful, and the Itrength of the (late fo 
confiderable, as enabled it, in a few years after, to cope with the united force of the 
Perfian empire. 

The tafte for collecting books was not confined to Athens alone ; it was extended 
over Greece, as we learn from (40) Athengeus ; who mentions the libraries of Poly- 
crates the Samian ; Nicocrates the Cyprian ; Euclides the Athenian ; Euripides the 
poet, and Ariftotle the philofopher. (41J Like the bee that refts upon and examines 
every flower, but extracts thofe fweets alone that are proper for honey, fo is the man 
in i'earch of erudition amid a number of books : this comparifon of Ifocrates very fully 
conveys an idea of the multiplicity of books in Athens at this time, and is the fined 
eulogium on their admirers. 

Attaius and Ptolemy Philadelphus founded their libraries at Pergamus and Alexan- 
dria in the moft flouriming Situation of their affairs. It was not until after the conqueft 
of Macedon by iEmilius Paulus, and the Pontic expedition of Lucullus, that thofe 
conquerors, worthy the virtuous days of the republick, eftabliihed collections of 
books at Rome. As yet there was no publick library in that capital : Auguftus 
completed one in imitation of the Egyptian. Ovid tells us, that below was a portico, 
in which was the temple of Juno : and above it the books were depofited, and conti- 
guous to it was the theatre of Marcellus. 

We now fee, if any thing can mark decifively the flourifhing eras ofantient em- 
pires, it is the erection of public libraries. In the infancy of learning, books were 
few. In Greece, the Subjects of poetry, oratory and the abftracted fciences were 
monopolized by Homer, Sophocles, Demofthenes, Euclid and Ariftotle (42) Des- 
pairing to equal them, fubfequent writers contented themfelves with reducing that 
into an art, which before had been the offspring of genius and of nature. New com- 

pofitions 

i\«) So I call him itiftcad of tyrant, his afual addition, Gatakeri Cinn. pag. 8. 
(,;v) A'.iLGlU Nod. Acric. lb. 6. cap. iy. 

(40) Deipnotoph. lib. 1. 

(41) ' Cl<s"w yag vm fU>.i<rrav Iqa/ttt, &c. a moft beautiful fimile, comparing; the afliiuity and feledtion of a mail of 
learning, to the lame qualities in the bee Orat. ad. Demon, fob, finem. 

(42) Anvwig other line obl't-rvations of Velleius Partcculus this is to our purpofe : " Et ut pritno ad confequendos, quos 
piiorc* ducimus, accendimiir > iia, ubi aut pra;tciiii, aut sequari eos pofle defperavimus, ftudium cum ipe feneicit ; et 
quod ulTcuui non prottO, I'rtjui ^efjnit, et, vcl occupatain relinquens materiain, qu.trit novum." Lib. 1 



fc 



IRISH TOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 , Q 



««<< < < < < < < < < <■<■<•<•<■<•<•<■<<.<■<.<.<.<.<.<.<.<<.«..+,.>..>.>>..>.,.>. 



*■».».! v i > 



(4,;) Lib. 6. cap. .3. (44) See thefe antiquities before, p. 362. 

(4.) By the confutations of Vslentmian ai;d Theodofitis it is very plain, that Rome was the- chief uniwerfity of the 

God. Theodos. lib. 14. tit. 19. 1. 1. A. D. 370. , 

(46; Hift. Etc. lib. 6. cap >o. Pamphilus founded a library in the church of Gsfarea in Palefline ; colle<5Ud all 
the ecclcfiaftical wrhtr?, and trai 'rribed with his own hand the works of Origen : it was there Jerotn found his extetris 
on the twelve prophets. Di Scriptor. cap. 75. This was in 204. Cavii hift, litcrar, pag. 76, See more in Bing- 
actiquities of the Cbiifiian church. Buok 8. chap. 7. 






pofitions appeared, which depended on penetration, on induftvy, much reading ma- 
ture reflection and practical obfervations : each a fruitful fource for multiplying books 
and furnifhing libraries. By this time the tafte of the nation was fixed ; its manners 
polilhed ; its civilization perfect, and its power at the height. At this period Vitru- 
vius (43) directs public libraries to be built, as contributing to national fpendour 
and magnificence : but they ferved other important purpofes : they arreiled learning 
in its flight, and ftemmed the incroaching torrents of ignorance and barbarifm. 

From the faint glimmerings of hiftory we find they had this effect in Chaldea and 
Egypt: for thofe nations, even when Grecian literature was at its fummit, preferved 
the reputation of their former wifdom. The fame is obfervable of Greece, which not- 
withstanding its being defpoiled of its libraries by the Romans, could not be totally' 
deprived of books ; they were too numerous to fuller the people to fall into grofs igno- 
rance. A genera! diffufion of learning gave them a fuperiority over their conquerors 
and made them in their mot depreiTed (late their equals in fcience.. (44) Ireland 
exhibited the fame ftriking fact. 

The Roman genius did not produce books with the rapidity of the Grecian ; nor 
do we read of libraries in their colonies and fettlerrients ; they were moftly (45) con- 
fined to the capital : lb that when the inundations of barbarians overturned the em- 
pire, and Rome was taken and her liberties defhoyed, learning, almolt inftantly, be- 
came extinct. 

It was before obferved. that the mod facred places were the repofitories of books. 
Thus Mofes, when the book of ihe law was perfected^ ordered it to be placed bv the 
fide of the ark of the covenant:, and Judas Maccabeus, imitating the example of Ne- 
hemiah, built a library in the temple, and collected there the books of the prophets 
and the epiltles of the Kings. The Chriftians followed fuch patterns. In the third 
century, Alexander bifhep of Jerufalem founded a library in that city : it was for 
the ufe of the clergy: out of this library fays (46) Eufebius,. we ourfelves have ga- * 

thered matter for the fubject now in hand ; that is, for his ecclefiaitical hiftory. And 
St. AuguRin bequeathed his collection of books to his church of Hippo. 

Such 



t 



. 



; 



4 2o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Such then is the origin of Diocefan libraries : an inflitution, which, if properly 
conducted, would preferve to the clergy that pre-eminence in literature, by which, 
in all ages they have claimed refpecl, and frequently admiration. Ignorance in tfie 
facred order is a fure prognoftic of the decay of religion and the corruption of mo- 
rality. " My (47) people are deflroyed for lack of knowledge : becaufe thou halt 
rejected knowledge, I will alfo rejedt thee, that thou Ihalt be no pried to me. The 

(48) prie It's lips mould keep knowledge, and the people mould feek the law at 
his mouth." 

Want of books is a fore evil, not only to ftudious men, but it damps the warmth 
of the bed difpofed and mod eager after information. A {lender fupport and remote 
fettlement too frequently induce a langour, fatal to a profeflion, which requires every 
aid. Thofe pious and good men who have formed Diocefan libraries did all in their 

(49) power to obviate thofe complaints. Yet the following catalogue evinces how 
little has been done in this way, and, from the principle before laid down , demon- 
ftrates how far removed we are from perfection in the arts and fciences. 

In 1692 Bifhop Otway founded a library at St. Canice, Kilkenny. 

1698 Archbifhop Marfhat St. Sepulchre's, Dublin. 

1720 Bifhop Browne at Cork. 

1726 Archbifhop King at Perry. 

1737 Bifhop Fofter at Raphoe. 

j£nd primate Robinfon formed a noble foundation at Armagh. 

tf there are more, they have not come to the writer's knowledge. The anecdotes 
ef the OfTorian library will warn us to avoid a capital error in fuch eftablifhments, that 
of making them poflhumous works. "When they are not begun and finifhed. in the 
founder's life time, their defign is fruflrated, and this difappcintment is attended with 
fraud, perjury and injuftice, Archbifhop Marfh and primate Robinfon effectually 
prevented fuch confequences, by regulating whilfl living every master relative to 
their noble foundations, and confirming it by parliamentary fanclion. 

Tie 

(47) Hofea, iv. 6. 

(48) Malachi, ii. 7. The I.evitical prieflhood was hound to inflrucl the people in the law. Deut- xxxiii. 10. Levit. s. 
;i, and the citieb of the I.evitei were colleges dilpcHed among the tribes. Stillingfleet's Eccles. cafes, pag. 77. edit 8vo. 

(49) Godwin fpoaking of archbifhop Matthew, who eredfed a public library at Briftol, fays : — " Opus, hercle, egregi- 
um, quodque plures utitiam imitirentur, cum, prs librorum inopia. plurima tenuioris fortis miniliri tanquam faLibusde:ti« 
ruti, a f-gete Dominica demetenda fjBpenumero detineaiHur," De PrAful. Angl. pag. 90. edit. ada. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



42r 



«•€•«■« < < ■<<■<< < < < < < < 4 ■<-•<■■< •<••<■■< < < 



< ■<■•< .<•.<.<■■ 



The appointment of a perfon to the office of librarian is often not well confidered. 
In the ancient Roman church he was called (50) chancellor, and his (5i)ftation was 
mod important and refpectable. On the erection of cathedrals he was the 
firfl: or fecond dignitary of the chapter: examined the candidates for orders : took 
care of the library, the" fervice books, and did all the literary bufinefs of his body. 
The ftatutes of the churches of Litchfield and London, in the (52) monaRicon, are 
full to thefe points. We may afcend to much earlier times, and mention men of 
the higheft accomplifhments, who were librarians : (53) as Demetrius Phalereus 
Callimachus, Apollonius and Yarro. An ignorant librarian is a contradiction in 
terms : he mould be a perfon of abilities, who could direct the younger clergy in 
their ftudies, and aflift potfibly the more mature : he would be beloved as a parent 
and reverenced as a mafter : the timidity of infant genius would receive coun- 
tenance and aid from him, and the moft polimed productions would be improved 
by his perufal. 

It would exceed the limits oT this little excursion to be more minute : the 
creating a fund by a fmall annual fubfeription for purchafing books : the lending 
books under certain regulations, and the exciting emulation among the clergy, 
were objects which engaged the attention of the bifhop and clergy of Offory, when 
this was written, but from want of vigour and perfeverance produced no good 
effects. 

We (hall now proceed with a lift of the deans of St. Canice, and the dates of 
their fucceflion. 

DEANS. 



Henry Pembroke 
Roger de Wexford 
Adam Trillock 
Thomas Archer 
John Strange 
Edmund Comerford 
James Cleere 



8 Thomas Lancafter (54) 



A. D. 




A. D. 


1245 


9 William Johnfon 


»559 


1269 


10 David Cleere 


1582 


I347 


1 1 Richard Deane 


1603 


I469 


1 2 John Tod 


161 


1472 


13 Abfalom Gethinge 


1616 


1502 


14 Jenkin Mayos 


1620 


I504 


1 5 Barnabas Boulger 


- 


*S5° 


16 Edward Warren 


1630 


5 


p 


17 Thomas 



(50) Du Cange, in voce. 

(51) Ur xlx vel bonum judicetur, quod Romani cancellarii prius non fuerit examination judicio, moderatum coiifiiia> 
Audio roboratum et confirmatum ajurorio. St. Btrnardi epill. 313. 

($i) Tom. 3. fag. 14. 339. (53) Hottinger. Biblioth. quodripart. pag 79. 

(54) He held this deanery with the fee of Kildace. 



* 



% 



422 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

•■« .«.<■«•< •<••<■<■•< •< < < < <•< < ■<■<■< < < •< < < < < < < < < < < < ■< ■■< •<■•<■•<*>••>•■>..>..>..>..>.>•>.■>..>.■>..>>■>■■>■■>■>•>•>..>•>.»..>.>. V >•>>>•>• >■ >. > >.;>.>. > >■ >.. 



23 Robert MofTom, D. D. - 1702 

24 Robert Watts, D. D. - 1747 

25 John Lewis, A. M. 

26 Thomas Pack, A. M. 1784 

27 Jofeph Bourke, A. M. 1796 



17 Thomas Ledfhame - 1661 

18 Daniel Neylan, D. D. "- 1666 

19 Jofeph Teate - - 1667 

20 Thomas Hill - - 1670 

21 Benjamin Parry - - 1673 

22 John Pooley - - 1675 

ROUND TOWER. 

There is a beautiful one and of great height {landing at the fouth fide of the 
cathedral. Thefe curious ftrudtures have before been confidered. 

SCHOOL HOUSE. 

" In the wefte of the church-yard of the late, (5$) fays Stanihurft, has been 
founded a gramrnar-fchoole by the right honorable Peirce or Peter Butler, erle of 
Ormond and Offorie, and by his wife the counteffe of Ormond, the lady Margaret 
Fitz Gerald, fitter to Gerald Fitz Gerald, the erle of Kildare that la ft was. 

Out of which fchoole have fprouted fuch proper impes, through the painfull 
diligence and labourfome induftrie of that famous lettered man, Mr. Peter White, 
fometime fellow of Oriel college in Oxford, and fchoolemafter in Kilkennie as 
generallie the whole weale publicke of Ireland, and efpeciailie the fouthcrn parts of 
that ifland, are greatly thereby furthered. 

This gentleman's method of training up youth was rare and Angular ; framing 
the education according to the fcholar's veine : if he found him free, he would 
bridle him like a wife liberates from his booke ; if he perceived him to be dull, he 
would fpur him forward ; if he understood he was the worfe for beating, he would 
win him with rewards. Finallie, by interiafing (ludie with recreation, forrow with 
mirth, pain with pleafure, fowernefle with fweetneffe, roughnefle with miidneffe, he 
had fo good fucceffe in fchooling his pupils, as in good footh, I may boldlie bide 
by it, that in the realme of Ireland was no grammar fchool fo good, in England, 
I am aflured, none better. And becaufe it was my happie hap (God and my 
parents be thanked) to have been one of his crue, I take it to itande with inv dutie, 

fith 

(5$) Apnd Hollingfbed, fupra. In another work lie fays : Ext3t in hoc oppido fchola extru<51a opibu? rlariflimi viri, 
Petri Butleri, Ormondis- et Oilbrije comitis, ct uxoris ejus qua; Margarita Giralda vocabatur. F<eniina fuit fpetftattffima ; 
non modo fumtna generis nohilitate, quinpe comitis Kildare filia, i'ed return etiam prudentia fupra muliebrem capumi, 
. pvsedita. Hie ludum aperuit no fir a atate, Peirns Whims, cujus in totani rempuhiicam fumnia conftaut nierita. Ex 
ylhjs eciani fchola,, tanqnani ex equo I'roj'JBo, homines literatillimi rdtfub/liciB in lucem prodierunt, Quos eg* hie 
Wbiteos, quos Q^uemerlbrdos, quos Walfheos, qvos WadingMSj quos DorowPOS, qnos Shetbos^ quos Garveos*, qtms 
Butlcrof, quos Ari'heroh, .quos Stroi^o, quos I.unihardos, excelleiites iuj'enio ct doiiriiu viros, commemorate po- 
ll.. 'lUm. : qui priuth rerapoiibus *iati» in ejus difciplitiam fe traditeranu Stnnihurft; de icb. in Hib. gtfiis, pag; 2j. 



^ 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



42; 



.< < < ■< < < < •< < ■< ■<■■< < < < •<■■<■ <-.<-•< ><■■* ■<■■<■•<•■<■■< .<<•.<■.<.<..<.<■.<-<■. <--<-<«fr>.>->-. 



fith I may not ftretch mine abllitie in requiting his good turns, yet to manifeft my 
good will in remembering his pains. And certes, I will acknowledge myfelf fo 
much bound, and beholden to him and his, as for his fake I reverence the meaneft 
(tone cemented in the walls of that famous fchoole." 

In 1670, Dr. Edward Jones, afterwards bifhop of Cloyne, was mafter of this 
fchool ; as was Dr. Henry Ryder in 1680, who was promoted to the fee of Killaloe. 

The 18th of March, 1684, the duke of Ormond granted a new charter to the 
college in Kilkenny, of a certain houfe in John's ftreet, with the adjacent park, for 
a fchool-houfe : and the rectories and tythes of Donoghmore, Kells, Wcllengrange, 
Jerppint and Kilmocar, in the county of Kilkenny ; and the parifhes of Bruor and 
Templemore, and Relifhmurry in the county of 1 ipperary. Thefe were given in 
truft to Richard Coote, Efq. and Sir Henry Wemyes, knt. to pay the mafter 
140/. per annum. The following are the ltatutes from the original record in the 
college. 

" Statutes, orders and conftitutions made, appointed and ordained by the right 
noble James duke, marquis and earl of Ormond, earl of Ofibry and Brecknock, 
baron of Arklow and Lanthony, lord of the lordfhip and liberties of Tipperary, 
chancellor of the univerfities of Oxford and Dublin, chief butler of Ireland, lord 
lieutenant general and general governor of Ireland, lord lieutenant of the counties 
of Somerfet, the cities of Bath, Briftol and Wells, one of the lords of his majefty's 
kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland, fteward of his majefty's houfehold, 
and Weftminifter, and knight of the raoft noble order of the garter, founder of the 
grammar fchool at Kilkenny in the kingdom of Ireland, for the due government, 
managing and improvement of the faid fchool; March the ibth, in the year of 
our Lord, 1684. 

Imprimis, it is conftituted and ordained, that there fhall be for ever a mafter 
refident, who fhall be at leaft a mafter of arts here in Ireland, or of one the univer- 
fities in England : alfo of good life and reputation, well (killed in humanity and 
grammar learning; loyal and orthodox; who fhall take the oaths of allegiance and 
fupremacy, and conform to the doctrine and difcipline of the church of Ireland, as 
it is by law, now eftablifhed ; and that Edward Hinton, doctor in divinity, be 
hereby confirmed in the place and office of mafter of the faid fchool. 

II. That the mafter fhall be nominated and chofen by the duke of Ormond, his 
grace, patron and governor, and the heirs male of his body that fhall i'ucceffively 
be dukes of Ormond, patrons and governors of the faid fchool, within the fpace 

of 



m 



424 HISTORT AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

... .. < < < < < < « < < < <•<..<..<.<..<..<..< <..<.<..i .<..<.<..<..< .<..< .< < .<•<•<••<< <<+>• >•>->>■>. >..>..>..>..>. >.>..>. >. >..>..>..». >.>..>..>..>,.>. t. ,..>. >..,..>.>.>..>..>. >. >..►. >. ».• 
of three months next after every vacancy : who by writing under the hand and 
feal of the refpedtive governor, being recommended to the vifitors, and by them 
examined and approved, as able and fufficient both for religion, learning and man- 
ners ; upon certificate of fuch examination and approbation of the vifitors to the 
governor mown, the faid perfon fo approved, fhall by a deed under the hand and 
feal of the governor be fettled and confirmed as matter of the fchool. But if the 
governor fhall neglect to nominate according to the time prefixed, or fhall chufe fuch 
as are not qualified fuitably to thefe ftatutes, that then it fhall be lawful for the 
vifitors, after notice firft given to the governor, and no redrefs within three months 
after fuch no. ice, to elect and prefent pro ilia vice, any other perfon, whom in their 
conferences, they fhall judge to be well qualified for the place. And alfo that upon 
failure of itiue male of the body of the faid James duke of Ormond, the provoft, 
fellows and fcholars of Trinity college Dublin, and their fucceffors fhall from 
thenceforth for ever afterwards be patrons and governors of the faid fchool. 

III. That the matter fhall conftantly inhabit and refide at the houfe belonging to 
the faid fchool, and in perfon attend the duties of his place : which are to inftruft 
the fcholars in reLigion, virtue and learning : in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew 
languages; as alfo in oratory and poetry ; according to the beft method which he 
and the vifitors fhall judge mott effectual to promote knowledge and learning : 
and that being in health he fhall never be abfent for above thirty fchool days in one 
whole year, which -fhall begin on the 25th of March ; nor above a fortnight at any- 
one time, unlefs upon emergencies the vifitors fhall give him leave, being firft 
fatisned, that his place fhall be well and fufticiently difcharged in his abfence. 

IV. That there fhall always be an ufher belonging to the faid fchool, to be 
nominated, chofen and removed by the matter: who fhall have his diet, lodging 
and maintenance in the fehool-houfe, at his allowance. A fingle man well-fkilled in 
grammar learning, of good credit for parts and manners, a batchelor of arts at 
the leatt in one of the univerfities of England or Ireland : and he fhall conftantly 
attend and affift in the duties of the fchool, in fuch manner and method, as the 
matter fhall appoint. 

V. That neither matter' nor ufher fhall take upon them any other charge, office 
or employment, which the vifitors fhall judge inconfittent with, or prejudicial to the 
due managing and improvement of the faid fchool : but fhall conftantly attend and 
difcharge their refpeclive duties, and never be both of them out of the fchool 
at fchool times. 

VI. That 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 425 

VI. That the fcholars to be admitted into the faid fchool mail be plainly and 
decently habited, and fuch as mail have firft read their accidence, and are fit to 
enter upon grammar learning ; and mail fubmit to the order, method and correc- 
tion of the faid fchool. 

VII. That the children of all fuch as are attending in the fervice of the duke of 
Ormond, mail at all times be admitted to the privileges and benefits of faid fchool 
gratis. 

VIII. That if any well-difpofed perfons mail out of chanty pay for the tabling 
of fuch ingenious and orderly lads, as (hall by the vifitors be recommended to the 
mafter, as objects of charity, he mail admit, and as they continue modefl and 
diligent, teach them gratis. 

IX. That if his grace the duke, or any other pious benefactors mail here- 
after make any grants or allowances for the maintenance of any number of fcholars, 
they fhall be taught and entered afterwards in Trinity college, Dublin, if they 
prove fit. The mafter fhall then be exprefsly obliged to teach thofe under the 
name of Ormond fcholars, according to his beft fkill and induftry, gratis. 

X. That it fhall be lawful for the mafter to demand and receive of all other 
fcholars according to the rates and ufages of the molt remarkable fchools in Dublin, 
for boarding and fchooling ; thofe children excepted, whofe parents are, or at 
the time of their birth were inhabitants of the city of Kilkenny, or in the liberties 
thereof ; who fhall pay but half price. 

XI. That if the mafter knows any of the fcholars to be under any infectious or 
offenfive difeafe or diftemper : or that any infectious difeafe be in the houfe where 
they table, he fhall, for fecurity of the reft, difcharge fuch from fchool till the 
danger be over. 

XII. That every ftubborn and refractory lad, who (hall refufe to fubmit to the 
orders and correction of the faid fchool, fhall by the mafter be forthwith difmifled. 
from the faid fchool, not to be re-admitted without due fubmtflion to exemplary 
punifhment : and upon his fecond offence of the fame kind, to be difcharged and 
expelled for ever. And in this number are reckoned fuch as fhall offer to fhut cut 
the mafter or uflier : but the mafter fhall give them leave to break up eight days 
before Chriftmas, and three days before Eafter and Whitfuntide. 

XIII. That the mafter fhall make dHigent inquiry after fuch as fhall break, cut, 
deface or any way abufe the defks, forms, walls and windows of the fchool ; or 

5 0- any 



426 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

any parts of the houfe, or trees in the meadows, and mail always inflict open and 
exemplary punifhment on all fuch offenders. 

XIV. That from the beginning of March to the middle of September, the fcholars 
mall be and continue in fchool from fix of the clock in the morning till eleven, 
and all the reft of the year from feven, or as foon as the gates of the city are open : 
and in the afternoon from one to five: the afternoons of Thurfdays and Saturdays 
excepted, which mall be always allowed for recreation : and that the mafter fhall 
grant no play days, except to fuch as fhall pay down ten millings into the mafter's 
hands, to be by him immediately difpofed of to the mod indigent and deferving lads 
of his fchool. 

XV. That the mafter fhall take fpecial care of the fcholars of his own family, to 
inftruct them by his good example at all times, as well as by occafional directions : 
and fhall have the prayers of the church of England and Ireland read to them both 
morning and evening in fome convenient place of the houfe: and in the fchool, the 
prayers feen and approved by the lord bifhop of OfTory, fhall conftantly and duly 
be ufed in the fame manner and form, as they are at the date of thefe prefents. 

XVI. That from the beginning of March to the middje of September, all the 
fcholars fhall be in the fchool upon Sundays, by eight in the morning, to be inftrudt- 
ed in the Church Catechifm ; and afterwards mall attend the mafter and ufher to 
the church, in a comely and decent manner. And from the middle of September to 
March, they fhall ftay at fchool until half an hour paft eleven upon Saturdays, th.it 
they may be taught the fame Catechifm. 

XVII. That Tdward Hinton, mafter of the faid fchool, and the mafter for the 
time being, fhall inhabit, poffefs, and enjoy to his own proper ufe and emolument, 
the fchool-houfe, with the court, out-houfes, and gardens thereunto belonging ; 
as alfo the meadow adjoining, commonly called the pigeon-houfe meadow : provided 
the fcholars be allowed at leifure times to take their recreation therein ; and that 
the trees in faid meadow be carefully preferved and improved. 

XVill. That the mafter fhalJ provide a large regifter, wherein the names, quali- 
ties, and ages of all fuch children as fhall, from time to time, be admitted into the 
faid fchool, fhall be registered and entered : as alfo the time of their departure ; 
what clafs they were in, and to what place or employment they go. Likewife a ca- 
talogue of all fuch goods, ftandards, and utenfils, as do or fhall belong to the faid 
fchool-houfe, out-houfes, garden, and meadow. 

XIX. That 






1RISHT0WN AND KILKENNY. 42 ; 



.•4 -< < •<<•■<•<■« ■< <-<■«■•< < I < < <<<<<<<<<<<<< <<..<■<■<■<■<•<•<■•+>>•>■>•>■>■>>■ > > 



XIX. That the mafler fhall receive for his falary the fum of 140/. per annum, of 
good and lawful money of and in England, by even and equal portions ; one moiety 
of it at the 25th, of March, and the other September the 29th, or within a fort- 
night of each of thefe fea'.ts ; to be paid conftantly in the fchool-houfe, without 
any defalcation, out of tythes fettled by the faid duke for payment thereof: except 
his grace or his heirs (hall fettle fome particular lands for the payment of the faid 
falary, and which fhall be of a full value to difcharge it yearly. And upon the 
mailer's death, or removal, his falary pro rata fhall become due to him to be paid 
till that very day. 

XX. That the mafler fhall keep and maintain the fchool-houfe, fchool, and out- 
offices in conflant good and fufficient repair : nor fhall it be lawful to make any 
alterations therein without the approbation of the vifitors. 

XXI. That Thomas, lord bifnop of OfTory, Narciffus, lord bifhop of Leighlin 
and Ferns, and R.obert Huntingdon, D. D. provofl of Trinity College, Dublin, 
while they live in this kingdom ; and the bifhops of OfTory, Leighlin and Ferns, 
and the provofl of the College for the time being, be nominated and appointed 
vifitors of the faid fchool : and that they, or the majority of them (for it is the 
greater number of them ftill that are meant by the vifitors) fhall yearly at, or upon 
the lafl Thurfday in June or oftener if they fhall fee occafion, publicly vifit faid 
fchool, between the hours of eight and twelve in the morning : where and when 
they fhall firfl caufe the flatutes to be read, audibly and diftincYly by one of the 
fcholars ; and afterwards proceed to examine the proficiency of the fcholars, and 
inquire after any breach of the flatutes, and after the behaviour of the mafler j the 
fufficiency and ijianners of the ufher ; the authors that are read ; the methods, 
ufages, and cufloms of the fchool ; and if they fhall judge any alterations or amend- 
ments requifite in any of thefe, they fhall exprefs it to the mafler under their hands 
and feals : who by virtue of thefe flatutes is required to comply with their advice, 
for the better improvement of the faid fchool. And when rhere fhall be foundation 
fcholars, they fhall by the vifitors, be chofen, according to their merits for the 
univerfity. 

XXII. That on the faid vifitation day after dinner, which the mafler is to pro* 
vide foberly and decently, and towards it fhall have freely given him a fat buck 
Yearly out of his grace's next park : the vifitors then prefent, fhall take a view of 
the fchool-houfe and out-houfes, the garden, meadow, and trees therein ; and if 
they find occafion, fhall fpecify in writing all thofe repairs and amendments, with 

the 



428 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



..>..>..>..>..>..>..»..>..>..>..>..>. >.. 



the manner how, and the time when they judge them expedient to be made. If 
the matter fhall be negligent herein, the vifitors fhall fignify the fame to the gover- 
nor of the faid fchool, who forthwith fhall order thofe things to be done by able 
workmen, and that they be paid out of the falary next due to the mafter. 

XXIII. That if it fhall appear to the vifitors, that the ufher is inefficient or fcan- 
dalous, and fo is fignified to the mailer under their hands and feals, if the mafter 
fhall refufe to remove the faid ufher, and chufe another ftatutably qualified : or if 
the mafter fhall neglect fuch alterations and amendments as the vifitors fhall have 
judged fit to be made, either in the manners of himfelf or his ufher, the authors 
to be read, or the method, cuftoms, or management of the faid fchool : or if th€ 
mafter fhould forbear to difcharge himfelf or his ufher from fuch offices or employ- 
ments, as the vifitors have judged inconfiftent or prejudicial to the due management 
of the faid fchool : or fhall alter their houfe without their confent ; the vifitors 
fhall, under their hands and feals, admonifh the mafter a fecond time of his faid 
neglects : and if for the fpace of three months after fuch fecond admonition the 
mafter fhall be convicted, either by notoriety of the fa ft, or the teftimony of two of 
the mod credible witnefles of fuch obftinate negleft, upon information thereof by 
the vifitors, under their hands and feals given to the patron or governor, he fhall 
expel and remove the faid mafter from all duties and benefits of the faid fchool, 
fchool-houfe, &c. and fhall nominate and chufe another in his ftead, according to 
the qualifications aforefaid. 

XXIV. That if any doubt or objection fhall happen concerning the true purport 
intent, and meaning of thefe ftatutes, or any thing in them contained, fuch inter- 
pretation as the vifitors fhall agree in, and fignify under their hands and feals, fhall 
be binding and decifive to all parties concerned. 

Laftly, in teftimony that all and fingular the above ftatutes, orders, and confti- 
tutions were ratified, eftabliihed, and confirmed to commence and be in force from 
the 25th day of March in the year of our Lord, 1685, the faid James, duke of 
Ormond the founder of the faid fchool, has this-prefent 1 8th of March, in the year 
of our Lord, 1684, hereto fet his hand and feal at his majefty's caftle of Dublin. '* 

But this foundation foon went to decay for the reafons contained in the following 
account of the college of Kilkenny, extracted from Mr. Harris's (56) life of king 
William. 

" King 

(56) Pag- 2 22- " 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 429 

.-< < < <•<< < < < ■< -< «<<■< < < < < ■<■< < .< .«..«..<..< .< .<..< .<<■<•<<••<■<+»■ >• >•> •>.>..>..>.>..>. >..>. >..>..>. >..>. >..>..>..>„>. >. >. >.♦..»•>■ >..>. >..>..>. >..>..>..>.>. > >.»■>• >,. 

" King James, after his arrival in Dublin, profecuted his fcheme (the eftablifh- 
ment of popery) to a fuller effect. An inflance of which may be given in his pro- 
ceedings in relation to the public fchool of Kilkenny, founded and endowed by the 
piety of the firft duke of Ormond ; who fettled there a proteftant fchool-mafter, 
Dr. Edward Hinton, a learned and confcientious Englishman, who officiated in it 
with great induftry and fuccefs : which I mention with gratitude, becaufe to him I 
am indebted for my early education. 

4 ' As the apprehenfions of Tyrconnel's fevere government had driven numbers of 
protellants out of the kingdom, fo Dr. Hinton, among the reft, fled for fafety to 
his native country. King James laid hold of the. opportunity to pervert that fchool 
from its primitive inftitution. The grand-Con and heir of the founder had early 
joined king William, and was attainted in the parliament held this year in Dublin, 
and confequently the eftate among others, out of which the revenues of this fchool 
iflued, was declared forfeited. The fchool-mafter was gone, and though not men- 
tioned in the act of attainder, yet one fcratch of the attorney-general's (Nangle) 
pen fupplied that defect, and in the charter declared him attainted. 

" King James therefore by a charter dated the 21ft of February, 1689, upon the 
ruins of this fchool erected and endowed a royal college ; confifting of a rector, 
eight profellbrs, and two fcholars in the name of more ; to be called the royal col- 
lege of St. Canice, Kilkenny, of the foundation of king James. 

" It appears by the charter, that William Daton, D. D. and others in conjunction 
with him, had for feveral years, taught fchool in Kilkenny, with great diligence ; 
for it was the policy of Tyrconnel to erect fchools of Jefuits, as was done through 
England, in oppofition to the protectant legal fchool-mafters, whom by affronts and 
ill-ufage, and under the countenance of a cruel adminiftration, they foon drave 
away. And this was the caufe of Dr. Hinton's abdication, which king James now 
laid hold on to erect his royal college ; and it was done as the faid charter alleges, 
a: the petition of the faid Daton and his fellow labourers, of the catholic bifhop of 
OiTory, and all the clergy of that diocefe, as well as of the mayor,, aldermen, and 
Imrgeffes of the faid city. After Dr. Hinton was driven away, Tyrconnel-co averted 
ihj fchool-houfe into an hofpital ; and fo it continued until the new foundation." 
■- This account given by Mr. Harris is very well illuftrated by Mr. Laffan's valuable 
papers. One of them contains ; " Articles conclus du confentement unanime d^s 
(regents des ecoles de Kilkenny, fous le protection de I'illuftrifliaie et reverendiihhnc 
I'evefque d'Olforv :" and figned 

5 r " Edvardus 



43 o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

■•»•<< < < ■< ■< <■<•« <•<•<■<•<< .<<•« •« .<<•<•<•<•■< ■<•■<•< <■<■<••<■«■•<<■< •<■<•<+>•>■>■■>••>■>••>■>. >• >. >>•>.>■>.>.>•>•>■>■ >.>. >.>..>. >•>•>• > >• >• >• >•>>. >■ >. >• > »■■ 
" Edvardus Tonnery, philofophise profeffor. 
Jacobus Geary, rhetorices profeffor. 
Guilielmus Felan, lit. human, profeffor. 
Fran. Barnwall, tertii ordinis profeffor. 
Johannes Meagher, quarts claffis profeffor." 
The catholic bifhop of Offory, at this time, was doctor James Phelan, who gave 
the following rules to this college. 

" Rules to be obferved by the pvofeffors of my lord biihop of Offory's college, 
in Kilkenny : given by his lordihip. 

The teachers of colleges are to know, that piety is the chief thing they ought 
to teach ; and all other things that are taught are nothing but means to attain that 
end j and therefore piety is to be taught by word and example on all occafions in 
general, and particularly in the following exercifes. 

I. The teachers are to get up half an hour, at leaft, before the boarders ; and 
fpend at lead half an hour in mental prayer together in the room where the boarders 
come to vocal prayer; and to remain there until the boarders come, that they may- 
fee fo good an exan:ple to imitate. This being very eafy and beneficial no one 
ought to forego it, or be cold or negligent to appear with the reft, if he were not 
very fick. And to be notably rernifs in this exercife is a fault whereof the ordinary 
is to be informed. When the boarders come, thofe that have not the breviarv to 
fay, ought to fay the prayers with the fcholars ; and give them good example, by 
often going to confeflion and communion. The mental prayer may be omitted the 
play-days, and made an hour later on holydays and Sundays. 

II. The teachers are to fhew all exa&nefs and regularity in their exercifes ; going 
exactly to their feveral fchoois at the fame moment ; and alfo precifely together from 
fchool : to be gentle and courteous to the fcholars ; efpecially when they propofe 
any difficulties : but they are to keep always their diftance ; never fhewing any weak- 
nefs, lightnefs, paffion, fcurrility, or any incivility that the fcholars may take notice 
of. To affecl: gravity before them, more than if the teachers were apart ; for there 
they may give themfelves full latitude ; but never to make them their comrades by 
familiarity that denotes equality and makes fellows, as laughing, chatting, playing 
together, and fuch other familiarities wherein the fcholars may difcover any weak- 
nefs in the mailers, or diminifh their efteem for them : no man being fitter to teach 
and perfuade than he who is well poffeffed of his auditors' efteem. 

III. Thofe 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



43i 



-4 < < • <■•<■•< ■< < ■<<•<< < < ■< •< < < < < •< < < < •< < ■< ■■<■ 



.<•■<•<-•< -<^>>- >■> >•■>••>• >• >.■>..>. 



..>..>..>..>.*..>. >. >..>.>. »..>..>..,. >..>..>. >. >.>. >..>•>• 



III. Thofe that prefide at the fcholars' ftudies, are to be careful and exact therein, 
left the fcholars mould lofe their time. If any of the matters be obliged to abfent 
himfelf when his turn is to be prefent, he muft pray fome other teacher to fupply 
his place : for no teacher ought to pretend to be exempt, upon the account of having 
much to ftudy, from what is common to all the teachers : whereas there is none 
but may take that pretext ; and if the fcholars be neglected but one hour a day, it 
will give them an occafion of idlenefs, and taking of liberty. 

IV. As for the teachers' converfation, it ought to be very fraternal and lovely ; 
confulting and adviiiiig one another : and though we think fit, that for the equality 
of the pains and endeavours of the teachers, the profit alfo ought to be equally 
participated ; yet we think it moft expedient that the younger teachers mould be 
very fubmiftive to the elder ones, efpecially to the Prefect, who reprefents our perfon 
there in the curate's abfence ; for it were very imprudent, that every teacher mould 
be mafter of every thing, and no order or fubordination obferved contrary to the 
repeated cuftom in all colleges in the world, where there are feveral degrees of 
dignity, or at lead, one that rules all the reft. Neither ought the Prefecl: to be 
over imperious to the teachers, but advife fraternally with them, and ftrive to pleafe 
them, as far as reafon and the common good fuffer it. To be impartial in any com- 
peiition or difference that may arife among the teachers themfelves, or amongft them 
and the fcholars : and to accommodate without noife all thofe liitle debates, with 
prudence and juftice ; ftriving always publicly to turn the blame on the fcholars ; 
but blaming with authority, and advifing privately any of the teachers that may do 
anifs. 

Neither ought any teacher to take it ill, or pretend, or give out that he will not. 
fuffer fuch reprimands upon account of all the ttachers being equal for matter of 
gain : for that is another matter. Nay, it is not to be expected but there may be 
lome teachers, who in procefs of time, though not now, that may deferve not only 
to be kept in fubmiffion, but alfo to be turned out for litigious humours, cabals, 
or extravagant fcandalous ways ; which may bring more prejudice to the place, than 
their prefence can bring profit. And the Prefect's confeience, as alio the other 
members, who tender God's fervice and the good of the College, are refponfible 
before God for fuch diforders, if they ftrive not to hinder them by their own autho- 
rity, or if need be, by giving us timely notice. So every one ought to to be watch- 
ful en all occafions of the fcholars, fervants, and houfehold affairs, &c, -when they 

fee 



v]2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

... t-< < < < < < < < <<■<<'<■<"<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<•<<<•<■<<*>.>■>•■>•>>.>>..>.>..>.>.>.>>.>>.>.>.>>>>>■>> > > > >•> > >•>•>>>•>■ 

fee any thing amifs, or that may be reformed, to give notice thereof to him, whofe 
charge it is to look after it." 

But the glorious victory of the Boyne difperfed thofe vain conceits and reinftated 
every thing. 

By the attainder of the duke of Ormond, the 24th of June 1715, the right of pre- 
fentation to the fchoojl lapfcd to the provofl and fellows of Trinity college, Dublin; 
and is ftill verted in them. 

This fchool has had a fucceffion of eminent matters ; has produced men of great 
learning, and is juflly eltecmed the firft fchool for the education of youth in this 
kingdom.. 

Bv a return of the fchool-mafter, Mr. Lewis, November the 16th, 1716, thetythes 
;•• -.propria'ed to the fchool were fet and produced as follows : 
Parifhes of Bruor and Templemore fet to Mr. John Garden for 
Pariihes of Kells, Donoghmore and Kilmocar, co. Kilkenny, to Mr. 

Richard Power for 
Parim of Kells to Mr. Patrick Walflr, Mr. William Belcher, Toby 

Den, James Archdekin, Arthur Izard, Thomas Dyer and William 

T acker, for - ... 

Parifh of Donoghmore to Toby Purcell, for 
Parim of Kilmacor to Mark Rudkins, for 

In M arm's library; Dublin, was a book of poems, intitled Sacri Lufus, by the 
young gentlemen of the college of Kilkenny : but not now to be found these, 
In the fame library were, " ConfHtutions made in a provincial meeting at Kilken- 
ny, A. D. 1 61 4." This MS. alfo is ftolen from its place. 



7 6 








72 


- 





23 





6 


»7 


10 





18 


10 






KILKENNY. 



k 
1 



THE following fratement of the population of Kilkenny is given by Tigbe, in 
his ftatiilical account of this County. 

"The city of Kilkenny including St. Canice or IiHhtown, extends from north to 
fouth, as far as there is any continuation of houfes, »about 1500 yards; from caft 
to weft by John's bridge about 1470 yards, by Green's bridge about 1000 yards : 

including 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



i33 



< < < < < < 



< < / < < < < <-<■•<•< < < 



•<<■< ■< •< < -< •< <•< <-<+>..>. >• 



• >■ >■ > > > ■■> > > >■•>■>■ >• > >■ >■> >• >■ 



■including between thefe extremities an irregular fquare of about 1852500 fquare yards, 
or 235 acres, one rood plantation meafure, of which about two thirds is cultivated 
ground. It contains 2870 inhabited houfes : of thefe there are 404 of three (lories 
high and upwards, at 8 per houfe are 3232 inhabitants: 431 one of two dories, at 
6 per houfe, are 2586, and 2035 cabins at 4^ per houfe are 9157 fouls. Houfes 
2870, inhabitants 14975. Of thefe the corporation of St. Canice contains 26 houfes 
of three dories, 80 of two and 909 Cabins, total 1015. Four hundred and four 
houfes in Kilkenny, and 50 in St. Canice paid hearth-money in 1799. Three hun- 
dred and fixty-eight in Kilkenny and 51 in St. Canice in 1800, and 2,5i m Kilken- 
ny, and 46 in St. Canice paid window-tax in 1800. 

The population of the cabins was e ft i mated from that of 306 taken down in. differ- 
ent quarters of the City, producing 1409, or little more than 4^ to each : houfes of 
two dories are fuppoled, with the addition of one fervant to each, and lodgers to 
fome, to amount to fix each : thofe three (lories high and upwards, to have eight 
per houfe. The number of houfes in 1788 was 2689, increafe fince that time 181. 
In 1689, Kilkenny contained but 507 houfes, and in 1777 the number was 
2174. 

The corporation of Kilkenny are poffefTed of a large property : their rental in 1688 
was 313/. 1 8j. 8.7. in 1794 it was 1567/. taking the tolls and cuftoms at an average 
of 500/. Of this 700/. a year is paid in falaries to its officers : 300/. in paving, and 
300/. in penfions and other purpofes. 

It is afferted in the (1) life of Hugh Rufus, fecond bifhop of Offory, that he grant- 
ed a great part of the city of Kilkenny to William Earl Marflial, referving to hiinfelf 
and his fucceffors a chiefry of an ounce of gold. Notwithftanding the authority now 
cited, there are certainly fome miftakes in this account. It fuppolcs two things ; ei- 
ther that the bifhop had a paramount right to the foil prior to the Englifh invafion 
which however does not appear, or there was fome diftinct exemption in his favour 
when thofe conquerors feized and colonized the country ; which is equally deftitute 
of foundation. 

For Richard Strongbow had all his acquifitions in Leinfter given in (2) perpetuity 
to him by Henry II. with the refervation of the maritime towns. Thefe grants of 
his father were confirmed bv king Tohn to William Earl Marflial, who married Ifa- 
bella, Strongbow's daughter. Both held Leinfter in capite, inverted with, and exer- 

5 s citing 



(I) Ware's Biflrps, pag. 403., 



(a) Davis's hiftorical Relation!, pag. 61. 



4 



434 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



<■<<•< ■<■•< ./■<•..•(.,.>>.>..>..>. >. >..>..>. >.>.>. >>>. >.>>■>.».>■>. >>.»>>> >.>. >■ >. > >. >. >..> » ■*• 



citing abfolute regal jurifdicuon and prerogative. Was he not enfeoffed himfelf 
in this ample manner, William could nevjer make the grants he did to St. John's pri- 
ory ; the (3) tenor of which exprefles a fuperiority but little favouring of epifcopa! 
derivation. Stanihurft indeed has fomething which feems to countenance what is 
here contefled : " The highe towne w^s builded by the Englifh after the concmeff , 
and had a parcel of the Irilhtowne thereto united by the bilhop his grant, made unto 
the founders upon their earned requeft." From the inaccurate and unfupported 
manner in which this tradition (for it 'is no more) is expreffed, we may rank it with 
thofe numerous monkifh flexions, which aim at exalting the fpiritual above the civil" 
power. 

The original charter of incorporation given by William Earl Marlhal probably does 
not exift : Cox (4) fays it was granted in 1 223 ; but an amplification of it appears in 
an infpeximus of the 3 Edw. III. A. D. 1328. It (5) recites, that the earl who 
was lord of all Leinfter, had in his life time granted to the fovereign, burgeffes and 
commonalty of Kilkenny, for the time being, various liberties and immunities, 
which they were to enjoy for ever throughout Leinfter, as well as in the town. 
Particularly, that they mould be free from toll, laftage, or payment for weighing 
goods, from pontage, and all other cuftoms whatfoever. Thefe exemptions were 
powerful inducements for people to fettle in a city fo much favoured ; and the earl by 
shus depriving himfelf of confiderable revenues, evinced his wifhes to aggrandize it. 
No wonder if we fhall find it increafing rapidly in extent, in population and riches ; 
and fele&ed by the great aflemblies of the nation, above any other place, for its hap- 
py temperature, it$ ample conveniences and undifturbed fecurity, and as the propereft 

place 

(3) Habeant et teneant omnes donationes, conccflioncs et confirmationes prtediiSlas, in liberam, puram et perpetuam 
elymofinam. Appendix I. 

(4) Hid. of Ireland. Hanmer fays it was dated the fmh of April, and witneffed by Thoma« Fitz Antony, Waller 
Purcell, William Grace, Haman Grace, Amnar Grace and others. Chronicle, pag. 173. The Waifhes and Cantwells 
came over with Fitz Stephen, and fettled about Kilkenny. 

(5) Edvardus Dei gratia, rex Anglia?, Dominus Hibernias, dux Aquitania:, omnibus ballivls et miniflris omnium villarum 
et villatorum Lagcflias, et ca;teris quibufcunque de iifdem partibus, faluttm Sup'plicavit nobis fuperior et communita* de 
Kilkenny, quod cum V/illielmus, nuper conies marefcallus et Pembrochi?e (tempore quo idem comes extircrat dominus totius 
terra Lageniai) concefferit burgenfibus et communitati yillx pracdicla;, qui pro tempoic fuerint, divcrfas libertates, inter 
iruas, videlicit, quo ipfo in perpetuum per totam Lageniam terram et proteltarem (uam, tarn in villa quam alibi, effent qui- 
« ti de theulonio, lafagio, pontagio, et de omnibus aliis confuetudinibus quibufcunque; quam quidem chartam infieximus, 
&c. tefte Joh»nne Darcy, jufticiano noflro Hiberniae, apud Kilkenny, 8 die Julii, anuoqu* regni nottn tettio. Per billani 
iffiu8 jufticiarii. Hanmer fupra. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



435 



..< •< ■< <<<<«<<< ■ < < < «■ < < 4 < •<••<■<■<< ■< ■<■ 



■ > >■ v > -v- >• > >>>>>■ > > k v > > 



place for holding their meetings. This excellent nobleman, equally accomplished 
in the arts of peace and war, Redburn (6) thus characterizes, in his epitaph ; 
$um quern Saturwmjibi jenfa Hibernia, Solem 
Anglia^ Mercuriiim Normannia, Gallia Martcnu 

In 1 195, a fpacious.and noble cattle was begun in Kilkenny on the fite of that de[- 
troyed by the Irifh in 1 173. The fituation, in a military view was mod eligible ; the 
ground was originally a conoid ; the elliptical fide abrupt and precipitous, with the 
rapid Nore running at ils bafe ; there the natural rampart was faced with a wall of 
folid mafonry, forty feet high ; the other parts were defended by baftions, courtins, 
towers and out-works ; and on the fummit the caftle was erected.. The area thus 
inclofed, befides furnifhing accomodations for the earl and his domeftics, contained 
cafems for a ftrong garrifon with their equipments. The earl, in his charter to St. 
John's priory, provides, that if he be abfent the monks of that houfe mail ferve his 
caftle-chapel, and receive the emoluments from thence arifing ; but if he be refident, 
then his own domeftic chaplains fhall attend. In the fame record, his barns lying, 
beyond the bridge, are mentioned, with every other circumftance indicating a regu- 
lar houfliold and court. 

Gilbert Clare, earl of Glocefter and Hereford, marrying Ifabella, one of the 
daughters and coheirefles of William, earl marfhal, received as her dower the county 
of Kilkenny. He extended the privileges of the corporation by the following charter 
recited (7) by Hanmer. "To our fenefchal of Kilkenny, and to our treafurer of 
the fame, greeting. Know ye, that for the common profit of the town of Kilkenny, 
of our fpecial favour, we have granted to our loving burgefies of the faid town, that 
none (hall fell victuals there, but fuch as (hall be prized by the officers of faid town*. 
&c." Prifage, by (8) Blackftone,. is mentioned as equivalent to butlerage, or a duty 
on wine ; befides this, it had a more general acceptation, and meant thofe duties 
which every Caftellan had a right to receive for commodities brought for fale to fairs 
and markets within the precin&s of his caftle. Of this our ancient regal charters, 
our old hiftorians and the monaflicon fupply many proofs. Thefe dudes the earl 
of Glocefter transferred to the citizens. 

By marriage, Kilkenny came into the ancient and noble family of Le Defpencer • 
Hugh Le Defpencer marrying Eleanor, filler and coheir of Gilbert, earl of Glocefter. 
Hugh le Defpenfer, a defcendant of the preceding, pofTeffed great properties in dif- 
ferent 



(6) Camden, in Pembrokefhire. 

(?) i >a g- I 7^- ( 8 ) Commentaries, toI. i. fag. 314, 



•■>■■>•■>■>•■>■•>■>•■>•• 



436 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

ferent counties in England, conferred on his anceftor by the conqueror, immediately- 
after the battle of Raftings. This Hugh (9) by deeds dated the fourth and twelfth of 
September, 1391, being the 15 Rich. II. conveyed the caftle of Kilkenny and its 
(10') dependencies to James, earl of Ormond ; which earl, in 1386, had built the 
caftle of Dunfert, now called Danesfort. 

Among the families attached to the earl marfhal, and early planted in Kilkenny, 
that of Grace feems to have been very refpecTable. William, Hamen and Amnar 
Grace fubfcribe as witneifes to his charter to the city ; and three years before, Wil- 
liam and Haman a ! teft his charter to St. John's. William erected a cattle in the 
city ; this old building, fome years ago, was pulled down, and a court-houfe and 
prifon erected on its fite at the expence of the county ; here are held the afilzes and 
feiTions for the county ; it is in Coal-market, and dill called Grace's old caflle. The 
carl gave them large poflTeilions, and an extenfive tract of country, known by the 
name of Grace's parifh. Haman Grace'e poiterity fettled in the county (1 ij of Wex- 
ford, and other branches (12) at Ballylinch, at Carney and Leighan in the county 
of Tipperary. In 1560, one of them was baron of Courtiftown, and lies interred in 
the cathedral. 

The internal police of Kilkenny being fixed on a folid bafis by the preceding grants 
and charters, and the profperity of its citizens fecured and extended by many privi- 
leges and immunities, it foon attained a prime eminence among the central towns of 
the kingdom. In 1294, Richard, (13; earl of Uliter was taken prifoner by lord 
John Fitz Thomas, and kept in hold until the feaft of pope Gregory ; he was then fet 
at liberty by the king's council affembled in parlianent at Kilkenny. The jealoufies 
and competitions among the Iriffi nobility perpetually excited violent feuds and do- 
medic difientions. The ruling power of government was weak, and inadequate to 
reflrain their enormities and excefles. Lord Fitz Thomas Fitz Gerald laying claim 
to fome lands belonging to the earl of Ulfter in Conaught, endeavoured to poiTtfs 
himfelf of them by an armed force : the earl oppofed him, but with ill fuccefs, for 

he 

(9) Carte's life of Ormond, introduction, pag. 36. 

(rJ>) Thefe comprehended; the cattle of Kilkenny, with the mills; the borough of Rofbnrgon, with the mill; , the 
manors af Dunfert and Kildermoy j the ferjeancy of Overk ; all his tenements in Kallen le Hill ; 33/. ijj. S J. in Killin 
and the advow!"t). of the church ; with all the lands, tenements, adVow'foris and knight's fees in NiH'eik, Rofbarn-on, 
Jt/Oghcran. Killagh, Rofinan, Illid, Kno&ofre, the ne«v town of Jerpoint, Killamery, Arderefron, Lyfdoufy, Kilfcckamailuff 
and Thollenabroge. Cartefup'a. 

(ti) Annals at the end of Camden, under the year 1305 (\ L ) Hibern. Dominie, png, ^70. 

(13) Annuls fupra. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



43/ 



<(<<<< .< .«. < « < < .< .< < t < .< < < .«..<..«..<..«.. 



■•<+>■■>••>•>•■>■•>•■>■ >•>•■>■•>■■>•■>">••>••>• >■•>->■ >> > >•> >■ > < >.>'. > > i » ■■>■■>■ » . »..»• »■. 



he was taken and imprifoned, as above hinted, in the baron's flrong cattle of Ley, on 
the banks of the Barrow, in the Queen's county. 

Mr. Selden and Mr. Pryne affert that parliaments did not exift at the time here 
mentioned, but the contrary feems well eftablifhed from (14) what others have col- 
lected on this fubject. They were, as to conftituent members, not numerous ; be- 
caufe the great lords were enfeoffed of the whole kingdom ; alienations were then 
unknown, and the boroughs but few, fo that the reprefentatives were neceffarily con- 
fined to a fmall number ; and fuch affemblies were in reality rather Polilh diets than 
Britim parliaments. Multitudes of retainers followed their lords to thofe meetings ; 
turbulence and fadtion diiturbed their deliberations, and the public were rather amu- 
fed than benefited by them ; however, the magnificence, prodigality and numbers 
difplayed on thofe occafions could not but very much enrich the inhabitants of 
Kilkenny. 

The next parliament held in Kilkenny was in the 3 Edw. II. 1309 ; its a&s are to 
be found in the feveral (15) editions of our itatutes ; but there are others ft ill ex- 
tant in the black book of Chrift church, Dublin, and given to the public by (16) Dr. 
Lelartd. One claufe ordains, li that the Englifii here (half conform in garb and in 
the cut of their hair to the fafliion of their countrymen in England ; whoever 
affected that of the Irifh was to be treated as fuch ; their lands and chatties to be 
feized and their perfons imprifoned." Here is clearly difclofed the beginning de- 
generacy of the Britifh colonies. Unreftrained by the whojfome feverity of wife 
laws, and plunged in a perpetual round of violence and rapine, they foon loft that 
manlinefs of fentiment and propriety of conduct which they brought with them into 
the ifland ; they infenfibly contracted a familiarity with, and a fondnefs for the 
diflipated manners of the natives ; they adopted their vices, and degenerated fo far 
as to aflume their drefs, and looked on the long glibbs of this uncivilized people as 
their boafl: and ornament. 

Sir John Wogan, a Welfhman, animated with a love of ancient Britifh virtue, 
beheld with grief and indignation the falling off of his countrymen, and exerted his 
utmofl efforts to prevent the contagion from fpreading. To give the higheft fanftion 
to thefe laws, and to imprefs them on the people, Maurice Maccarwell, archbifhop 

5 t '-of 



(14) Ware's Ar.tiqu'ties by Harris, vol, I, pag. 79, et feq. 

(ij) Statutes of Ireland by Bolton, Dublin 16x1. Vefey's Statutes. Harris's MSS. penei Societ. Dublin, vol.. a. 
pag. 31a. 

(16) Hift. of Ireland, vol. 1. pag. 2j3, S54. Compare Ware's Bifliops, pag. 476. where we may obferve great 
inaccuracy in dates. 



438 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



.<..<..<.<<..<..< <..<<..<..<.<.<.<..<..<..< ,<..«.. ^. <„<..< ,<..<..<..<..<.<<..< .<..<.<+>.>.>.>.>.>.>>. >..>. >.>.>. >>..>> > >. >.>..> >. > > > > > > > > 



>■ > ■>■ > > >. 



of Camel, affifted by other prelates, denounced anathemas againft the infringers of 
them in the cathedral church of St. Canice, in the prefence of Wogan, and many 
of the nobility. In 13 17, lord Roger Mortimer, judiciary of Ireland, and the Irifh 
nobility met at Kilkenny to confider how they might oppofe Edward Bruce. 

The annals before quoted, under the year 1326, tell us of a parliament held in 
Kilkenny at Whitfontide, at which the earl of Ulfler and other lords aflifted, who 
were fumptuoufly entertained by the faid earl ; but that he foon after died. Cox 
(ij) fays it doth not appear what was then done, except ordering five thoufand 
quarters of wheat into Aquitain for the king's ufe. To throw fome light on the ob- 
fcurity of the annalilt we may obferve, that Edward Bruce, towards the end of Edward 
the Second's reign, headed the Scottifh invafion of this kingdom, and fpread terror 
and defolation wherever he came ; the northern and middle counties were over-ran, 
and he penetrated through (18) OfTory in his way to Munfter ; private animofities 
were forgotten in the general diftrefs, and the rancour of rivalry gave way to the 
more imminent terrors of public danger ; foreign enemies and domeftic infurrections 
called for unanimity and vigorous exertions. A fubjugation to Scottifh power or 
Iriih tyranny was equally alarming to, and dreaded by the Englifh ; if the latter 
fucceeded, difpofTeffion and expulfion were the gentled treatment to be expected ; if 
the former, every thing was to be dreaded from the cruelty of ferocious conquerors. 
Connected by one common interefl, and eager to make one effort to check the career 
of a triumphant enejuy, an army of thirty thoufand men was collected, and a 
prodigious number of irregulars, who cluflered together on the general alarm. The 
earl of Ulfter, though married to the fitter of Robert, king of Scotland, faw 
the danger that awaited him if his relation was victorious ; and therefore came to 
the parliament ; was the foremoft in urging vigorous meafures, and made his hofpi- 
taliry the inflrument of his patriotifm. 

The next year, 1327, prefents us with relations of broils among the nobility. 
Lord Arnold Poer, lord Maurice Fitz Thomas and lord Maurice Butler, with armed 
forces, plundered and Wafted each others lands. The earl of Kildare, the lord juftice, 
and others of the king's council, at a parliament in Kilkenny, appointed a day for 
all parties to anfwer thefe outrages. Butler and Fitz Thomas demanded the 
king*s charter of" peace, and the council took until the month of Eafter to confider 
of it. 

The 

(17) Hid. of Ireland, vol. i. 

(18) Some veftiges of this inv.ifion yet remain. Near Aghaboe is an old fortification, vulgarly called Scotfrath, but 
properly Scottifwaith, or the Scots walls or fortrefs. 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 439 



•< < <<■<■< ■<<••<■<••< <■<-•<•<•-< <■«•< ■<■•< ■<..<..<■.<■<•.<■•<-.<■■<..< <•<+>..>..>..>. ...>.. 



••>>• >••►• >• >• >■■>• >■>■>• >■■>•.>-». 



The following year (19) gives us a frightful picture of the effects of fuperftition 
and ecclefiaftical tyranny. Take the narration in the words of the author : 
" Richard Ledrede, bifliop of Offory, cited dame Alice Ketyll to anfwer for her 
heretical opinions, and forced her to appear in perfon before him ; and being ex- 
amined for forcery, it was found, that (he had ufed it. Among other inftances this 
was difcovered, that a certain fpirit (Daemon Incubus) called Robin ArtylTon, lay 
with her, and that me offered nine red cocks at a certain ftone bridge where four 
highways met ; alfo, that fhe fwept the flreets of Kilkenny with beefoms, between 
complin and corfew ; and in fweeping the filth towards the houfe of William Utlaw 
her fon, fhe was hear to wifh by way of conjuring — Let all the wealth of Kilkenny 
flow to this houfe. 

" The accomplices of this Alice, in wretched practices, were Penel of Meth, 
and Bafilia the daughter of this Penel. Alice was found guilty, and fined by 
the bifhop, and forced to abjure her forcery and witchcraft ; but being again con- 
victed of the fame practices, fhe made her efcape with tht laid Bafilia ; but Penel 
was burnt at Kilkenny, and at her death declared, that William abovefaid deferved 
death as well as Ihe, and that for a year and a day he wore the devil's girdle about 
his bare body. 

" Hereupon the faid bifhop ordered William to be apprehended and imprifoned 
in the caftle of Kilkenny for eight or nine weeks ; and gave orders, that two men, , 
fhould attend him, but that they fhould not eat or drink with him, and that they 
fhould not fpeak to him above once a day. At length he was fet at liberty by the 
lord Arnold Poer, fenefchal of the county of Kilkenny ; and' he gave a great fum 
of money to the faid Arnold to imprifon the bifhop ; accordingly he kept the bifhop 
in prifon about three months. 

" Among the goods of Alice, they found a wafer (hoflia) with the devil's name 
upon it, and a certain box of ointment, with which fhe ufed to daub a certain 
piece of wood, called a cowltree, after which fhe and her accomplices rid upon it 
round the world, without hurt or hindrance. Thefe things being notorious, Alice 
was cited again to appear at Dublin before the dean of St. Patrick's, hav- 
ing fome hopes of favour given her. She made her appearance and demanded a 
day to anfwer, having given fufhcient bail as was thought ; but me appeared not, 
for by the advice of her fon and others unknown, fhe hid herfelf in a certain 
village until the wind would ferve for England, and then fhe failed over ; but it is 

not known whither fhe went. 

" William 

(19) Camden fays it was in 1323, but Prynne in 1328. 



44 o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

< ..«■< < < < <•■<•*■<■•<■« «« ■<■■«■•<■•€••<•■«■•€ ■«■■<•■»■;<••« ■« **<*»■> 

" William Utlaw being found on the trial and confeffion of Penel (who was 
condemned to be burnt) to. have been confenting to his mother in her forcery and 
witchcrafts, the bifhop caufed liim to be arrefled by the king's writ, and put m 
prifon ; yet he was fet at liberty again by the interceffion of the lords, upon con- 
dition, that he mould cover St. Mary's church in Kilkenny with lead, and do 
other acts of charity within a certain day ; and that if he did not perform them 
punctually, he mould be in the fame ftate as when firft taken by the king's writ." 
Further particulars may be feen in Ware's life of bifhop Ledred. 

A. D. 1329. (20) The lord Thomas Botiller marched from Kilkenny with a 
great army into the country of (21) Ardnorwith ; where he fought with the lord 
Thomas and William Mageoghagan, and was there killed, to the great lofs of 
Ireland and with him the lord John de Ledewich, Roger and Thomas Ledewich. 

In 1330, Roger Utlaw, prior of Kilmainham, and lieutenant of the kingdom 
under Darcy, held a parliament in Kilkenny, in which were prefent Alexander 
archbiihop of Dublin, James earl of Ormond, Walter Bermingham and Walter 
de Burgo. An army was collected, and it marched to drive Brien O'Brien out of 
UrkufFs near Cafhel. This O'Brien was chieftain of Thomond, and was ap- 
pointed leader of a violent infurrection of the natives at this time. 

Anthony Lucy (22) in 1331, appointed a parliament to meet at Dublin on the 
Utas of St. John the baptift. Many of the principal nobility abfented themfelves ; 
a pra&ice but too common. The paucity of members obliged Lucy to adjourn to 
Kilkenny. In the interim, Lucy had either threatened the abfentees on the fcore of 
their allegiance, or had abfolutely taken fome iteps to vindicate his own and his 
mailer's authority ; for we find that the lord Thomas Fitz Maurice and the earl cf 
Kildare appeared, and fubmitted to the king's grace and mercy ; they were par- 
doned, but the lad was obliged to fwear on the holy evangeliits and the relics of the 
faints to obferve his allegiance and to keep the peace. Defmond, Mandeville, 
Walter de Burgo and his brother, William and Walter Bermingham were feized, 
and W T illiam Bermingham executed for fecretly favouring the Iriih rebels. 

The 

(20) Camden's Annals, Luitwick, Luitwich, Lutwyche, Lutwidge, Ledwith, Ledewich, and Ledwich, fuch is- the 
various orthography of the name in ancient writings, was a German family, originally fettled in the hundred of Munflow 
in Shropfhire. They removed to Chefhire and came over with de Burgo in iioo who gave them large poffeffions in 
lonoford and Weftmearh, and created them Palatinate Barons, as in the text. They intermarried with the de Burgos, 
Ni uv-nts, Lacies, &c. From this family the writer of thele pages is dsfcended. 

(2:) Ardnurcher in the county of Weilmeath. (22) Cox, pag is. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



44* 



-4 *•* < '. < < 4 < <■ < < < < •< •< < -4 ■< ■<•.<•<.. 



■ >■>'->• >••>■ >■•> > ■> >■ 



■■>••>■■> ••>•>■ »-V > •■>■> > ■> »■ V 



>-> ►■•>■ > >■ 



The city, in 1334, had certain (23) toils granted it, for pavage, for feven years. 

The annals of Ireland, under the year 1341, inform us of the precarious ftate 
of the kingdom, and the danger of its being diffeVered from England. The 
king (24) revoked all thofe gifts and grants that by him or his father had been con- 
ferred, by any means, upon any perfons whatsoever in Ireland, were they liberties 
lands or other goods. For which revocation great difcontent and difpleafure arofe 
in the land of Ireland, which was at the point to be loft for ever out of the king of 
England's hands. Hereupon, by the king's council, there was ordained a general 
parliament in the month of October ; before which time there never was known fo 
notable a divifion between thofe that were Englifh by birth and Englifh by blood. 

The mayors of the king's cities in the fame land, together with all the better fort 
of the nobility and gentry, with one confent, upon mature deliberation and council 
had, among other their conclufions, decreed and appointed a common parliament at 
Kilkenny in November, to the utility and profit of both the king and the land, with- 
out afking any council at all of Sir John Morris, the lord juftice, or the king's 
onicers aforefaid in that behalf ; neither the lord juftice or the king's minifters in any 
wife prefumed to come to the fame parliament in Kilkenny. 

The elders therefore of the land, together with the ancients and mayors of the 
cities agreed and ordained, as touching folemn ambaffadors to be fent with all fpeed 
to the king of England, and to complain of his minifters in Ireland; as touching 
their unequal and unjufl regiment of the fame; and and that from thenceforth they 
neither could, nor would endure the realm of Ireland to be ruled by his minifters, 
as it had wont to be ; and particularly they made complaint of the aforefaid minifters 
by way of thefe quefiions. 

Imprimis, how a land full of wars could be governed by him that was unfkilful 
in war ? 

Secondly, how a minifter or officer of the king mould in a fhort time grow 
to fo much wealth ? 

Thirdly, how it came to pafs, that the king was never the richer for Ireland ? 

The title of thefe petitions, with the king's anfwer, appears thus in a clofe roll of 
the x6 Edw. Ill : 

" Les peticions, quenfeunt feurent baillez a noftre feigneur le roy de France et' 
Dengleterre, par frere Johan Larch, priour del hofpital feint Johan de Jerufalem 
enlrlande, et Mons. Thomas Wogan envoiez au roy en meffage, par les prelatz, 

5 u countes, 



(43) Appendix IV. 



(44) Prynne o» the 4th inftitute. 



442 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

countes, barons et la commune de la terre Dirlaunde, ove autres articles queur le 
roy par lavifement de fon confeil ad ordeine; Que les peticions feurent diligealment 
examined et refpondus par le confeil de roy, et les refponfes eicriptes feveralment 
apres chefcun petition. Et puis le roy oyz et etendutz les dites peticions et refponfes 
fi facorda, et commanda que les diies refponfes ove les dites articles feifent tenus et 
meintenuz en touz pointz fur les peines contenuz en yceiles." 

The petitioners complained of the mal-adminiftration of the governors and other 
officers ; but the capital grievance was the refumption of their lands. The kina' s 
anfwers were mild and fatisfaftory, and a ftorm, that portended the convulfion 
and difunion of the kingdom, blew over, without any material injury but the 
alarm it created. 

At a C25) parliament held in Kilkenny in 13475 it was agreed to grant a fubfidy 
for the Irifli wars, of two ihillings for every carrucate of land, and of two fhillings 
in the pound to be paid by every perfon whofe fortune amounted to fix pounds. 
Ralph Kelly, (26) archbifhop of Cafhel, conceiving this to be aninfrigement of the 
immunities of the church, fummoned his fufTragans and clergy to meet at Tipperary 
to deliberate on this new law ; when they decreed it unlawful as to them ; that 
every beneficed clergyman fubmitting to it, and contributing to the fubfidy, mould 
be rendered incapable of promotion within the province. This act did not go un- 
noticed ; an information, at the fuit of the king, was exhibited againft the 
archbifhop, and he was mulcted in the fum of a thoufand pounds. 

In (27) 1349? the county of Kilkenny raifed twelve horfes and men, both 
completely covered with mail, thefe were heavy cavalry, at twelve pence a day : 
fixty hobellers, or light horfe, at four pence a day ; and two hundred infantry at 
three farthings a day, amounting in the whole to two hundred and feventy-two men. 
For fupport of thefe a fubfidy was, granted and levied. 

In 1356, Sir Thomas Rokeby, (28) lord juflice, convened a parliament to Kil- 
kenny, wherein many good laws pafled for fettling the internal government , of the 
kingdom, and reclaiming the degenerate Englifh. And in 1367, the celebrated 
ftatute of Kilkenny was enacted by a parliament in that city, held before Lionel 
duke of Clarence. This affembly was the mofl fplendid and numerous that ever 
before met here on fuch an occafion. (29) Befides domeflic legulations, the principal 

object 

(05) Leland, vol. i. pag. 310. (a6) Ware's Bifhops, pag. 478. 

(47) Cox, pag. 114. (afi) Appendix IV. 

(n;) Leland, fupra, gives a fummary of this ftatute, to which we refer the reader. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 443 

object of this famous law was, to prevent the Englilh from degenerating into Irifn ; 
and therefore every intercourse between them was interdifted ; the Brehon law was 
forbidden, and that of England alone allowed. It is remarkable, that this ftatute an- 
nexes thebigheft (30' penalties to the adoption of the Iriih apparel, which certainly 
was an interior fpecies of criminality, and could arife only from an inordinate predi- 
lection of the Englifh in favour of their own drefs, which is thus described : (31) " The 
commons were befotted in excefs of apparel, in wide furconts reaching to their loins ; 
fome in a garment reaching to their heels, clofe before and ftrutting out on the fides, 
fo thiit on thi back they make men feem women, and this they call by a ridiculous; 
name, gown; their hoods are little, tied under the chin, and buttoned like the wo- 
men's ; their lirripipes reach to their heels, all jagged ; they have another weed of 
fiik which they call a paltock ; their hofe are pied, or of two colours or more, with 
iatchets, which they call harlots, and tie to their paltocks without any breeches ; 
th^ir girdles art of gold and fdver, fome worth twenty marks ; their fnoes and pattens 
are fnouted and peeked more than a finger long, crooking upwards, which they 
call crackowes, refembling the devil's claws, which are fattened to the knees with 
chains of gold and fdver." 

Thus gaudily attired, we need not wonder if the Englifh beheld the Irifh mantles, 
their irowfer?, gibbs, crommeals, their barreds and brogues, not only with contempt 
but abhorrence ; but when they conlidered the fourteen yards of yellow linen worn by 
the naiives, by way of fhirts and fmocks, they execrated fuch anti-chriftian cufloms, 
and conceived it impoflible for a (ingle good quality to fubfift under fuch clo- 
thing. 

A. D. 1365. By (32) a deed dated the 40 Edw. III. Adam Cantwell grants to 
Robert le Marchid and Ifabella Cantwell his wife, all his rneffuages, rents and tene- 
ments in his holdings in Irefton (Irifhtown), in the Green near Kilkenny. The 
witneffes are Thomas Lynan, provofl of Irifhtown, and others. 

At a parliament held in (33- Kilkenny in 1370, a fubfidy of three thoufand pounds 
was granted for the Irihh wars, and in a fubfequent feflion two thoufand more. On 
the fourth of May, 1374 (34)5 Sir William Windfor, lord lieutenant, was fworn 
into the government, in Kilkenny. He undertook the charge of the kingdom for 

i the 

(30) The bifhops of Dublin, Cafhel, Tuam, Lifmore, Waterford, Oflbry, Kiilaloe, Leighiin and Cloync were prefeat, 
and fulminated anathemas againft the tranfgreffors of this law. 

3 1) The author of Eulogium apud Camden 'g remains, pag. 40. See this extrad explained in Strutt's Antiquities, val. 
a. pag. 14. &c. 

(32J King's Collect, pag. an. (33) Clauf. 47 Edw. 111. memb. 3. (34} Cos, p»g. 131. 



444 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



the annual fum ofjT.ns2i3 6s. 8d. and obtained an order from the king and coun- 
cil, that abfentees fhould repair home, or find fufficient men in their room to defend 
their eflates. 

The next parliament in Kilkenny was in the year 1376, for the purpofe of granting 
the king a fubfidy for his foreign wars ; but this not proving effectual, writs were if- 
fued in the 49th and 50th of Edw. III. for fending reprefentatives to England, from 
each county and town. That to the county of Kilkenny is thus : (35) ** Ccnfimile 
breve dirigitur fenefcailo libertatis Kilkennise et vicecomiti croceas ibidem, fubeadem 
data. Tenor retorni brevis praedi&i fequitur in haec verba : Alexander epifcopus 
Offorienfis, et Galfridas Forilal, electi funt per fenefcallum libertatis Kilkennise et 
vicecomitem croceae ibidem, ac magnates et communes ejufdem comitates." But 
this return being of one ecclefiaftical perfon, contrary to the Icing's orders, and the 
county giving no powers to affent to a fubfidy, or the impofition of taxes, a new 
writ was fent, and William Cotterell of Kenlis or Kells was joined with Forflal. 
Here the fenefchal of the county and the fheriff of. the crofs or church-lands made the 
return ; who thefe officers were will beft appear from the words of Sir John Davis. 
" Thefe abfolute palatines (fpeaking of the nobility) who had whole counties, made 
barons and knights* did exercife high juftice in all points within their territories^ 
erected courts for criminal and civil caufes and for their own revenues, in the fame 
form as the king's courts were eftablifhed in Dublin ; made their own judges, fenef- 
chals, fheriffs, coroners and efcheators. So the king's writ did not run in thofe 
counties, but only in the church-lands belonging to the fame, which were called the 
Crofs, wherein the king made a fheriff ; and fo in each of thefe counties palatines 
there were two fheriffs, one of the Liberty and another of the Crofs." 

Let us now attend the writ to the ci:y : ** Ccnfimile breve dirigitur fuperiori et 
prsepofito villas de Kilkenny, &c. And the return wss : Robertus Flode et Johannes 
Ledred elefti funt per fuperiorem, prsepofitum et burgenfis villse Kiikennise, ad tranf- 
fretandum verfus dominum regem in Anglia, &c." 

Here the wvit exprefsly mentions the officers of the corporation to be the fovereign 
and provoft. The powers of each were anciently dillincl ; the firfl (36) was judge, 
in the laft refort, of matters within his jurifdidion ; he defended the rights of the 
city and its inhabitants, and executed other official afts. The provoft was an inferi- 
or judge j he infpeded the markets and farmed the tolls. Kilkenny, in this record is 

called 

(35) Le'and, vol. I. appendix. (36) Du Cange, voce pra?pofitus. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 445 



< < < < * ■* < ■< < < < < < < ■< < < < < < < < < <■■<■•« •< •< < < < ■< ■<-< -<■•< ■•< ■■<<■>■ >. >..>..>..>..>.. 



..>..>>. >. >.,>. >..>>,.>..> >. >. >. > >..>,. 



called villa, a town ; at this time, 1376, there were but four cities in Ireland, Dublin, 
Witerford, Cork, and Limerick ; and five towns, Drogheda, Kilkenny, Rofs, Wex- 
ford, and Yough'all j nor doth it appear from this document, that the reprefentatives 
exceeded one hundred, which, confidering the narrownefs of the pale, were fufficient 
for the Englifh colonifts. 

The year before, that is in i$75> (37) letters patent iflued, granting to the cor- 
poration, for the fpace of feven years, very confiderable tolls, for the repairs of the 
Is, bridges and pavements belonging to it; they were drawn up in Kilkenny, as 
the date of them proves ; and as they feem to include the whole trade of the city at 
this time, it may be pkafing to the inquifitive to take notice of a few curious particu- 
lars. We (hall arrange them under the following heads : 

MEASURES and WEIGHTS. 
The Cranocus, or (30) Cronnog in Irifh, was a bafket. or hamper for holding 
corn, lined with the (kin of a bead, and fuppofed to hold the produce of feventeen 
(heaver, of corn, and to be equal to a Bridol barrel. This was a remnant of remote 
ages, and an effort of unpolifhed fociety towards a jud determination of their rights. 
A ftandard for meafuring different kinds of grain, and thereby eftimating their value 
in permutation, would naturally be among the firft contrivances of mankind, and a 
bafket of twigs lined with a (kin was the mod obvious and ready expedient for this 
purpofe. -Such is the attachment of rude people to their ancient cufioms and manners, 
that ii is after a long lapfe of years they can be induced to lay them afide, and adopt 
thofe that are more convenient and ufeful. From what is now faid, we are not to 
conclude, that the citizens of Kilkenny were in a more uncivilized date than their 
cotemporaries ; they were equal to any of them in the luxuries of living and 
drefs. 

The dolium, chane and lagena were uncertain meafiires, and the weights ufed 
were pounds and (tones* 

Summagium, or fagmegium, or fauma (39) feems to have been a car or cart 
load, and in this record is contradiliinguiihed from onus, wnich was an horle 
load. 

GRAIN. 
Mod fpecies are enumerated, as wheat, malt, corcyr, coir or oats, and fymal,, 

femalum, feagol or rye. 

5 x MEAT a 

( -") Apper.dix. . (38) Ware's Antiq. pag. 113. 

(39J Du CV.ige in voce. Kennet's parochical Antiquities, gloiTary. 



446 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

MEAT, FISH, &c. 
Good living and an attention to perfonal ornaments were the prevailing ppffibns of 
this reign. A law (40) was made to prohibit fervants from eating flefli meat and 
fifh but once a day ; nor was any man, under one hundred pounds a year, to wear 
gold, filver or filk in his clothes. In a place abounding with all the luxuries and fu- 
perfluities of life, and unawed by fumptuary reftriftions, the inhabitants of Kilkenny, 
no doubt, indulged themfelves to the utmoft of their defires. Accordingly the tolls 
on fheep, goats, pigs and bacon are low ; and thofe on herrings, fea-fifh, falmon and 
lampreys but a farthing. Leek feed and onions are rated as articles of confiderablc 
confumption ; the Norman families had not forgotten the porre&a, porree, or leek 
foup of their countrymen, nor did they want fpecies, or fpices to improve it. No 
place in Europe affords accommodations for the table fuperior to Kilkenny at this day. 
Wooden dimes and plates are mentioned ; it is extraordinary if any others were ufed 
that they were not fet down. A toll was paid on ore and copper ; the former 
mull have been pewter, and both were, not improbably, for making domeflic 
utenfils. 

HOUSES 
In Kilkenny belonging to people of better fafhion were mingled and clap-boarded, as 
is now the cafe in America and the Weft-Indies ; both forts of covering are fpecified. 
The windows were fitted up with coloured or white glafs ; the glafs was in fmall panes, 
as they are here eftimated by the hundred ; ftaining glafs was an art long known and 
prattifed, as was glazing with (41) lead; with this glafs bifiiop Ledred, about fixty 
years before, adorned the eaft window of the cathedral. The common people ufed 
rufh candles, but others had lamps, as the oil for them is here mentioned. Tapif- 
try (42) or chaluns adorned their rooms. 

DRESS, 
As we before obferved, was ftudioufly cultivated in thofe times. It here confifts of 
various articles. The gentry had their Englifh, or foreign linens. The quantity 
fuffjcient for an Irifh fhirt or fmock, by the record, was twenty ells, or twenty five 
yards ; this feems incredible, and yet no facl; is better afcertained. Fynes Moryfon, 
who (43) writ in 1588, fays : " Their fhirts in our memory, before the laft rebellion, 

were 

(40) 37Edw„I!I. Englilh ftatute. 

(41) Fenestras — fimul plumbo ac vitro compadlis tftululii f«rroqi# connexi* inclufit. Lto. Ofliens. lib. 3. £ap. 27. 
He writ about 1115. 

(41) Du Cange, in tocc. (43) Itinerary, fol, p, I To. 



IRI5HTOWN AND KILKENNY. 447 



•<<<»<<•<<<<-<<•<< ■« <■* ««■< < < « < > » < < < < « < < < < < < < <+>>>>>>• >. >. >. 



were made of fome twenty or thirty ells, folded in wrinkles, and coloured with 
iaffron." To the fame purpofe (44) Campion : " Linen fhirts the rich do wear for 
wantonnefs and bravery, with wide hanging fleeves plaited ; thirty yards are little 
enough for one them :" and the 28 Hen. VIII. forbids above feven yards of cloth to 
be in any mirt or fmock. 

There is a warm difpute in the red book (45) of Kilkenny, in the 6 Hen. VII. 
between the glovers and ihoemakers, about the right of making girdles and all 
manner of girdles ; which is at once a collateral proof of the loofe garments 
worn in this age, and how profitable in confequence was the employment here 
contended for. The rich had alfo their whole cloth, extremely fine, that had paf- 
fed the alnage ; for lb pannum integrum de Aflifa may be interpreted ; alfo their 
cloth of gold, their bodkins or tiflues, their filks and taffeties. 

Very few would expect to find, even in this century, fuch mercery in an Irifh 
town, it being more fuited to fome regal city or the imperial refidence. We are 
not to forget, that the frequent concourfe of the nobility to this place, befides the 
tafte of the times, was the obvious caufe for introducing thefe commodities. The 
poorer fort had their Irifh duffs, called falewyche and wyrfted, their canvas linen, 
their phallangs and mantles ; felt caps are alfo mentioned. This detail would have 
been fuller, and the reader mould have been prefented with a tranflation of the 
record itlelf, were there not fome articles which the writer did not understand, 
nor were they to be found in any glciTary he had any opportunity of confulting. 

In 1365, Lionel duke of Clarence landed in Ireland. During his government a 
parliament was held at Kilkenny, where the ancient Brehon laws, are faid to have 
been annulled. (46) 

We have remarked, that about 1390, the earl of Ormond purchafed the caftle of 
Kilkenny from the heirs of Earl Marihal, from which time he moftly refided in it. 
In the reign of Richard II. being lord juftice, he and the council made in Kilkenny 
an order for the repair and ward of caitles by their owners ; the neglect of which 
was among the other reafons that induced the Irifh to revolt, and brought many 
inconveniencies and dangers on the Englifh. 

In 1 399, king Richard made an expedition into Ireland ; he was attended by a 
powerful army, and a numerous body of the Britifh nobility. He landed at Wa- 
terford, and marched to Kilkenny, where he halted for fourteen days. 

« In 

(44) Hift. pag. I*- (45) Apud Lafiin's MSS. (46) Col'eflanea, Vol. 2. pag. 4*. 



44 3 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

.«..<_<..< «-4-< <-4-4-4 -4 •<•<•<■■<■<.<•<■•<<<■< •<••<•< <-4-4-4-4-4-4-4-4.4-<"4-4 + >->-v»»>>. ►.».>..>.>.>.■►.»->.>■.>->.>..►.>.>">.>..>•>..>.>..>..»..►..». )..►.►,.>.> >.. 

*' In the yere 1400, (fays Stanihurft,) Robert Talbot, a worthie gentleman inclofed 
with walls the better part of the towne, by which it was greatly fortified." This 
fhort notice, with the year (47) of his death, 141 5, is all that is handed down of 
this eminent benefactor to the city -, neither his motives for fuch an expenfive un- 
dertaking, nor the particular inducements for fo well-judged a liberality are hinted 
at. The following remarks may perhaps tend to elucidate this tranfacYion. 

Petronilla, filter of James the fecond earl of Ormond, in 1340 married Gilbert 
Talbot, anceftor to 4he earl of Shrewfbury. This Gilbert and his fon Richard 
remarkably fignalized themfelves in the wars of Edward III. Richard (48) feeing 
how open and defencelefs Kilkenny was on every fide, and willing to fhew his refpecl: 
for his uncle, who a few years before had purchafed it, and the more to attach the 
townfmen to the family, furrounded the city with a ftrong wall. It began (49) at 
the earl's old (tables, not far from the caflle gate, and making a femicircular fweep, 
or nearly fo, ran acrofs the end of Coal market, and took in the Francifcan abbey; 
the Nore fecured it to the northward, fo that the, new town was quite inclofed. 

Thomas earl of Lancafter in 1408, after the feaffc of St. Hilary, fummoned (50) a 
parliament to Kilkenny, in order to have a tallage granted. 

A.D. 1419- The citizens were granted tolls for murage, pavage, &c. 

In 1420, the clergy of (51) Offory paid afubfidy of 2/. os. nd. and the commcns' 
of Kilkenny 18/. 5/i nd. 

During the unhappy feuds between the houfes of York and Lancafter, the Or- 
mond family fuffered very feverely ; in ,1462, an earl of this houfe was executed 
for being a Yorkift, and Kilkenny was fhortly after taken and plundered by Defmond 
who efpoufed the other party. 

Tirlagh O'Brien, (52) lord of Thomond had, in 1499, £ reat contefts with Sir 
Piers Butler about preys and the bounds of kinds, which according to the cuftom 
of the times ended in a battle. The inhabitants of Kilkenny marched out in aid of 
the Butlers, but they were defeated and their fovereign llain. 

Ware, under the year 1528, mentions a baron of Kilkenny, who he was we have 
not difcovered ; the great palatines granted this and inferior dignities, but they 
conferred none of the privileges of the peerage. 

A.D. 

(47) A. D. 1415. Obiit Rob. Talbot nebilis qui fubttrt ias Kilhcrmi.T! rmiro circr.r.nkdit. Ex Hot. turr. Ecrmingham. 

(48) lie is called Richard by Burke, Hibern. Dominic, pag. 305, and hot Robert, as by Staoihurft. Camden fall* 
into the fame miftalce. 

(40) Carte, fupra. 

(50) Annals, f'..pra. Appendix, where liberty is allowed the ciiizuis to trade with the re', els. 

(51) Appendix. {$■) to&. 



miSHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



449 



<■< < 4 <-<<«•« « < < < < < <•« ■; 



■< < < .<-.<■.<-<.<■■ 



■<•■<■■< ■<4* *■■>■■>••>• >•■>■ 



A. D. 1536, the lord deputy Grey came (53) to Kilkenny, and the next d^y the 
parliament fat there ; from thence it adjourned to Cafhel. 

Piers or Peter, earl of Ormond, who died the twenty-fixth of Augufl 1539, 
married (54) Margaret, Fitz Gerald, daughter of the earl of Kildare, a lady of moft 
amiable qualities ; this ncble and excellent pair endeavoured to enrich Kilkenny by 
introducing manufactures into it. For this purpofe, they brought out of Flanders 
and the neighbouring provinces, artificers whom they employed'and encouraged at- 1 
Kilkenny, (55) in working tapeflry, diaper, turkey carpets, cumions^ &c. fome of 
which, for many years, remained in the family ; nor is it improbable, but that the 
tapellry at prefent in the caftle may be the work of thofe Flemings. If the ftory 
of Decius be theirs, we muft conceive very highly of their ingenuity, tafte, and 
execution. But the times were too unfettled, and the nation not civilized enough 
to give encouragement to the elegant arts and works of fancy., 

This earl, (56) every year for the laft fortnight in Lent, retired to a chamber m 
St. Canice's church-yard, called (57) Paradife, and there devoted himfelf to prayer, 
and almfgiving, and returned to his own houfe on Eafter eve. He was not afhamed 
of the duties of religion ; he was conicious that from the practice of them new 
fplendour was derived to his family and high rank. 

A. D. 1540. Sir William Brereton, marfhal of Ireland, died at Kilkenny, as; 
Cox tells us. 

In 1552, (58) John Bale, the celebrated catalogue Writer, was bilhop of Gffory ; 
he ccmpofed many religious dramatic pieces ; two of which, a tragedy called God's 
promifes, and a comedy, intitled the preaching of John Baptifl, were acted by young 
men at the Market-crofs in Kilkenny, on a Sunday. 

Baron Finglas, reporting the ftate of Ireland in his Breviate, at this time, bears 
honourable teftimony of the cultivated manners of the county of Kilkenny : " The 
counties of Kilkenny and Tipperary, (fays he) wear the Englim habit, and keep the 
Engliih order and rule, and the king's laws were obeyed here within thefe fifty-one 

5 y years j 



(53) Cox, pag. 195. (54) Cos, pag. 147. 

(55) Carte, fapra. Ware fays, the earl by his conntefs's advice hired and placed the polymitary, and other fkilful 
artificers in Kilkenny, Annals 1539. Polymita, veftis multis vaiiifque coloribus filis et liciis contexta et variegata. Do 
Carge in voce. 

(56) Carte, fupra. 

(57) Atrium ante ecclefiam, quod nos, Romana confuetudine, Paradifum dicimus. Leo. Marfic. lib. 3, cap. o,6 3 . 
apud Lindcnbrog. Cod. leg. anting, et Du Cange in voce. 

(58; Biographia Britannica, Article Bale. 



450 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

years ; and there dwelled divers knights, efquires, and gentlemen, who ufe the 
Englifh habit." 

The Butlers and Defmonds, offended at fome proceedings of the deputy, Sir Henry- 
Sydney flew to arms in 1568, and committed many outrages. Sir Peter Carew was 
feat to oppofe them, which he did with fuccefs, and poffeiTed himfelf of Kilkenny, 
Fitzmaurice, brother to Defmond, inverted the town, but the fpirited conduct of 
the garrifon and citizens foon obliged him to withdraw; however (59) in refentment 
he plundered the lmaller towns and villages, and particularly robbed old Fulco 
Quiverford (Comerford) of Callan of 2000/. in money, plate, houfhold fluff, corn, 
and cattle ; Quiverford had been fervant to three earls of Ormond. 

Rory Oge O More, in 1576, made his fubmiflion in the church of Kilkenny, 
before the lord deputy and the earl of Ormond. 

The following year the lord deputy (60) held a feffions in Kilkenny, when feveral 
perfons, both of the city and county, were difcovered to be abetters of Rory Oge, 
but the popith juries could not be induced to find the bills of indi&ment, although 
the parties confeffed the fad ; they were therefore bound in recognizance to appear 
in the caftle chamber in Dublin, to anfwer the contempt. 

Sir William Drury, lord prefident of Munfler, came to the deputy at Kilkenny, 
and complained, that Defmond kept together an unruly rabble, and being fent for, 
refufed to attend the prefident. Defmond, being cited before the deputy, immediately 
appeared, and excufed his not waiting on the prefident, becaufe he was his inveterate 
enemy. Thirty-fix criminals were executed in Kilkenny this year. 

In 1579, Sir William Pelham, lord juftice, made his progrefs towards Munfter, 
and coming to Kilkenny he there kept feffions, and ordered (61) Edmond Mac Nial, 
an arch-traitor and other malefactors to be executed j after which he reconciled 
the earl of Ormond and the lord of Upper Offory, each giving bonds for the refti- 
tution of preys. 

Fynes Moryfon, writing about the year 1588, fays ; " Kilkenny, giving name to 
a county, is a pleafant town, the chief of the towns within land, memorable for 
the civility of the inhabitants, for the hufbandman's labour and the pleafant (62) 
orchards." Camden, in the old edition of 1590, repeats part of this account: 
" Municipium ell nitidum, elegans, copiofum, et inter mediterranea hujus inlulae 
facile primum. Dividitur in oppidum Hibernicum et Anglicum." What he fays 

of 

(cy) Coy, pag. 334. (60) Cox, pag. 351. (61) Ware's Annals. Cox, pag. 360. 

(61) The account of the city's ellate, in l6»8, futfy confirms this lad. 



IRISUTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



451 



€- 1 < < t < t «••«"« ■«■.«•■< < •< -<-.< < < ■< ■<■< ■ 



■ i < •< < < ■< ■< <<<■<*!•>->•>• >■■>->•>■ >• >.->■>■•>■•>••>■.>•>• >■>■>■■>•> *••* >->■>.» >. ». > ».>.><->•»- 



of its name from St. Canice, of the Englim town bei*g conftrucled by Ralph, the 
third earl of Chefter, and its cattle by the Butlers, are, as we have feen, affertions 
without proof and contradicted by hiftory. 

Queen Elizabeth, in the fixteenth year of her reign, A. D, 157 - 1 , granted a char- 
ter to Kilkenny, which as it and that of her iucceflbr king James are in the hands 
of many perions, I fhall but touch on. 

By this the ftyle of the corporation is, 

The Sovereign, Burgesses, and (Commonalty. 

All their ancient privileges are confirmed. 

They may have a merchant gild and other gilds. 

The burgelfes are permitted to difpofe of their tenements or alter their fituation. 

The fovereign took cognizance of breaches of the peace, and the (63) provofi: 
prcfided in the hundred court, and tried civil actions. 

To draw a fword, or lkein, (cultellum) in a quarrel, was punifliable by the fine 
of half a mark. 

There was to be a pillory (collifhigium) and tumbrel, for the puuifhment of 
oOenders. 

The burgefles were exempted from military duty, and free from cuftoms through- 
out the Queen's dominions, as the burgefles of Gloucefter were. 

Thof'e who fuitered their tenements to go to decay in the town, were to be dif- 
trained until they rebuilt or repaired them. 

A clerk was to be chofen from the burgefles ; he was to receive of the lord of 
Kilkenny twenty (hillings, and of the town ten millings. The laudable and faithful 
i'ervices of the citizens, and thofe lately performed are mentioned as juft reafons for 
particular favours. This alludes to their conduct under Sir Peter Carew in 1568. 

They were to have a common feal, and the fovereign to be a juflice of peace, 
coroner and efcheator in the town, in the fame ample manner as the fovereign of 
Roflpont, or New Rofs. 

A. D. 1594, on St. George's day, there was a great cavalcade in Kilkenny, when 
the lords rode in their places, as Cox informs us. 

A. D. 1600. The earl of Ormond forced the great rebel Redmond Burk and 
his followers into the Nore, where feventy of them were drowned, and particularly 
John Burk. Redmond was foon after taken and executed (64) at Kilkenny. 

Mr. 



(63) This will explain page 444, before. 



(64) Cox, pag. 433. 



45 2 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

.., .< .<..<..<..<.<•.<-«..<■.«•.<.•<••<■•<■<■•<■•<■■<•■<•■< .«..<..<..«..<..« .<..,..<••<■<■■<••<•■< .<■■<-<+>..>..>..>.>..>..>..>. >■>..>.•>..>..>..>..>..>.>..>..»..>..>.>,.»..*. >..». *..>. »• >. »•♦■•>• >•>•»•>• »">•. 

Mr. Nicholas Langton wa« appointed by the city their agent to folicit a new 
charter in Dublin, (6$) in 4608. 

The charter of James I. was made in 1609. It recites that Kilkenny was well 
fituated to repel the Irifh rebels, and had performed eminent fervices in this refpecT:, 
and therefore he creates it a CITY by the ftyle of the 

Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, &c. 
The Mayor to be chofen yearly, on the Monday after the feaft of St. John the 
Baptift ; and Thomas Ley to be firfl: Mayor. 

The Aldermen not to exceed eighteen, and Robert Rothe, afterwards 
Sir Robert Rothe, Luke Shee, Thomas Ley, 

Arthur Shee, Edward Rothe, David Rothe, 

Richard Ragget, John Rothe Fitz Pierce, Walter Archer, 

Elias Shee, Nicholas Langton, Michael Cowley, 

Thomas Archer, Edward Shee, Thomas Shee, and 

Patrick Archer, Walter Lawlefs, William Shee, 

to be the firfl: Aldermen, and Robert Rothe to be Recorder. 
The burgefles and commons of Kilkenny to be accounted as citizens, and to 
admit others to their freedom. 

Two citizens to be meriffs, Walter Ryan and Thomas Pembrock, the firfl ; thefe 
to be annually chofen the Monday next after Midfummer ; their election to be certi- 
fied into the Exchequer, and they to hold courts. 

Four or five ferjeants are allowed, and a fword permitted to be borne before the 
mayor. 

The mayor and recorder may have deputies, who are to be juflices of the peace, 
and clerks of the market. 

Half the forfeitures of treafons and felonies is given to the city y they were 
allowed three fairs annually, and three markets weekly. 

The gild permitted to be eftablifhed in Kilkenny receives fome illuftration from 
Mr. Laffan's papers, from whence we mail extract fome curious particulars ; previ- 
oufly observing, that gilds or fraternities were very early eftablifhed in corporate 
towns for the advantage of the citizens. They were to purchafe every foreign com- 
modity from the maker and importer at an under rate, and their own they were to 
fell at the higheft prices. Each perfon was confined to his own trade, and heavy 

penalties 

(65) Laffau'i MSS. ' 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 45 6 

••<-■<< « •< < ■< < <-<<<■<•»•< ■<•< •<■< <■■< < ■■< <■•«■•<■•« < -< •< <■<■<< .<..<.<+»■ >. >->■ >. >..>.>..>..>.>..>. >..>..>. >..>. >..>..>..>..>. >. >. >, >..>. ,. >..>. >.>. >. >.>•>..>•.>. >■>..>. >. ,.. 

penalties were annexed to the violation of thefe rules. The red and gild books, 
wherever extant, are full of thefe impolitic reftrictions ; a few inftances may 
fuffice : 
i. Whoever fhall buy goods for foreign merchants, or employ foreigners' money for 

little cr no gain, fhall be fined 5/. currency, toties quoties. 
2. No fhange merchant to open any ware in any houfe within the franchife.s, 
und< pain of 40J. 

No inhabitant or frjeeman to receive any money beforehand, to buy hides, fells, 
lantles, or wool, under the penalty of 3/. 

4. A ^owterer of Briftol permitted, on paying five millings, to fell his pewter to free- 
men of Kilkenny, he having made the gild the firft offer. 

5. 1 he fame to a glafs-bottle man. 

Thefe and numberlefs other examples (hew us, what narrow views men then enter- 
tained of traffic, and how imperfectly the principles of it were underftood. Were the 
nobleft rivers confined to their native dreams, and precluded from admixture witk 
other water?, we fhould be deprived of all the ufeful and ornamental advantages at- 
tendant on fuch conjunctions. In like manner a free and difencumbered commerce 
carries with it wealth wherever it flows, but clogged with reftriclions, is of little 
importance. 

Befides the foregoing, the gild of merchants had monopolized the providing for fu- 
nerals, as appears by the report of John Gernon, of the city of Kilkenny, alderman'-; 
John Archdekin fenior, and James Roane of the faid city, merchants, and freemen 
of the merchant-gild, appointed to regulate, the future difpofal of the wax tapers, black 
hangings, and hearfe cloth belonging to faid gild. 

1. They find that in former times when the gild wanted wax, two ofthebodf 
were nominated by the hall to affefs on the members, as equally as they could, what 
funis were neceffary ; two collectors were impowered to diftrain defaiiters : the mo- 
ney, when levied, was laid out in the purchafe of wax for the ufe of the gild. 

2. One or two of the gild were affigned to be keeper or keepers of the tapers, wax., 
candlefticks, hearfe cloth and hangings ; thefe were not to be given out without the 
co'i'ent of the mailer, or three or four members of the gild. 

3. That at the funeral of every alderman, or mafter of the gild, there was fpent ufu- 
ally three pounds; the fame when any alderman's or mailer's wife died ; on every 
freeman, two pounds ten millings ; what was expended over and above was to be re- 
turned in wax, and payment for making the tapers. 

5 z 4. Whoever 



454 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



■< < ■<■.«•■< •«••<< ■< ■•« <■•<■•<•<•■<■< •<■<■•<+>•>.•>••>■>•>•>•>• >>>►>>> >..>>.>.>■ ►..>. >>..>>>•> > >..>. >. >■ >. >. > > >. > >.. 



4. Whoever got the tapers, hearfe cloth, candlefticks or hangings were to leave 
fuScient pledges until they, were reftored, and payment made for the tapers, and 
for the overplus wax confumed. 

5. From fuch as were not free of the gild, the keepers were to receive fatif- 
faction for tapers, &c. as in their difcretion they thought fit; a regular account 
was to be kept ; the receipts to be flated thrice annually, and three pounds per 
centum to be deducted for making faid tapers. 

From thefe particulars we may conclude, that funeral obfequies were performed 
mo Illy in the night. It was certainly the practice of the early (66) Chriftians to 
prepare entertainments before the interment of the deceafed, and to conduct the 
corpfe to the grave with wax tapers; it is Hill retained in Roman Catholic coun- 
tries. 

In 1 60 1, Kilkenny (6y) was the refidence of the lord prefident Mountjoy. On 
(68) the acceffion of the elder James, the Roman catholics rofe every where, and 
endeavoured to fhake off thole coercive laws with which parliament had thought pro- 
per to Ihackle (69) them. In 1603, the religious of this communion were not lefs 
& precipitate and violent in Kilkenny than their brethren in other places. Edmond 

% Raughter, a Dominican, headed a fedition in that city ; broke open the Black Abbey, 

which had for fome time been ufed as a court-houfe ; pulled down the feats, eredted 
an altar, forced the keys of his houfe from one Mr. Bifhop, who lived in part of the 
abbey, and gave poffemon of the whole to the friars ; though by acl of parliament it 
was turned to a lay-fee, and by legal conveyances became the property of other men ; 
but thofe difturbances were foon quelled by the activity of lord Mountjoy, who writ 
the following letter to the chief magillrate of Kilkenny. It is preferved in Fynes 
Moryfon. 

"To 

(66) Tranflata ell epifcoporum manibus, et cervicern feretro fubj icentflius, cum alii pontifices lampades cereo'que pras- 
fcrrent. Hicron. epifl. ad. Euftach. For feaits en thole occafions, fee AuguQin. de luxur. et avar cap. 6. Ambroa. dc 
Wjun. cap. 17. They carried tapers in the day j moles cereorum, fole fulgente, accendi. Rieron. advers. Vigilant. 

(67) Cox, pag. 442. 

(68) Secutoveluti interregno per mortem Elizabeths, cum nondum fatis conftaret defuccefibri* mente quoad rehgionem, 
uonnull* civitatese: oppida, quafl poltliniinio, vendicant ecclefias uluj catholico. Et in his Canicopolitani menafterium or- 
dinis Prxdicatcruni e tribunali rcftituunt in iacrarium. Quo torumfufio, otduies regni ofifcnduntur, cofque perfe^ttonts. 
Analedt. de reb. Hib. pag. 527. 

(,Co) Cox, pag. 17. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



455 



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" To the Sovereign of Kilkenny." 

" After my hearty commendations ; I have received your letters of the 25th 
and 26th of this month, and am glad to underftand thereby, that you are fomewhut 
conformable to my directions ; -being willing to have caufe to interpret your actions 
to the bed. But though I mean not to fearch into your confeiences, yet I mud needs 
take knowledge of the public breach of his majefty's laws 5 and whereas you let me 
Uliderftand, that the inhabitants are willing to withdraw themfelves for their fpiritual 
exercile to privity, contented only with the ufe of the Minors (theFrancifcan) abbey : . 
That being a public place, I cannot but take notice thereof, and marvel ho,/ yrtu 
dare prefume to difpofe at your pleasure of the abbey, or any thing belonging to 
his onajefty ; and therefore again charge you upon your allegiance to forbear any pub- 
lic exercife of that religion, prohibited by the laws of this realm ; and fully to reform 
thefe diforders, according to my directions, upon your extreme peril. 
From Dublin, this 27th of April, 1603." 

The (70) Rent charge of the ancient common revenue of the city of Kilkenny 

by the year. A. D. 1628. 
Mr. Richard Lawlefs, for the room over the High Town gate, three 

millings Irifh - - 

The cattle over the Freren (Friars) gate 
Edmond Archer, for the vault over Kilberry tower 
Robert Archer, for the rooms over St. James's gate 
Mr. David Roth, for the rooms over Walkin's gate 
Mr. Richard Roth for the rooms over St. Patrick's gats 
Mr. William Shee, for the caftlenear Caftle gate 
James Brinn, for the rooms over the ead gate of St. John's 
Mr. Micha-1 Archer, for two bayes near the faid Eaft gate 
Edmond Loghnan's aiTigns for two ba es there 
"Walter Cantwell, affignee to Stephen Daniel, for four bayes 
J ohn Shee, for four bayes 
Walter Ryan's affigns, for two bayes there 



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Mr. 


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(-c) Laffan's MSS. This curious document will point ouf the extent of the city at this time, and the Gcuation of 
aiauy buildings now to mere. 



455 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

••>■ >■ >■ K >•>•>•>■>■ ► 

£. s. d. 



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The incroachment upon the town ditch at St. John's, and 
the rent due for the fame. 
Robert Courfey's affigns, for an incroachment upon the town ditch in 

his garden ..--»_- 

Walter Leix, for ditto - 

Mr. Michael Cowley, for a houfe, late Edmond Daniel's 
Walter Leix, for a flip over the water near his hcufe - - 

The heirs of Edmond Grace, for a houfe in St. John's-ftreet 
Robert Langton's afligns, for a houfe - 

Michael Archer, for the rooms over St. John's caftle 
Patrick. Shee, for the rooms over St. John's flip 
Peter Roth Fitz John, for a houfe and garden near the great orchard 

in the Eaft fide thereof .... 

Mr. Patrick Archer, for the kill houfe and garden by the Caftle gate o 
Peirce Archer, for the corner houfe at Caftle ftreet 
The faid Peirce for the next houfe to the fame 
Henry Archer for a houfe at Crocker's crofs 
Mic. Archer, affignee to John Brenan, for four cooples, parcel of 

David Pembrock's farm in Walkin ftreet 
Beale Barkly, for a meffuage north fide Walkin ftreet ' 
Patrick Sychan, his affigns, for four cooples 
John Dene2gh, his affigns, for a coople 
William Fitz Thomas, his affigns, for two cooples 
Tho. St. Leger, affignee to Walter Ragget, for four cooples 
Kate Fitzharries affigns, for two cooples 
. Richard Roth, for two cooples 

Thomas Archer's affigns, for a meiTuage in Walkin ftreet 
Walter Cantwell, for Geoffry Roth's houfe 
William Kelly, for a (hop under the Thofel 

John Racket, for a ftone houfe at the tntry of St. James's ftreet 
Edward Cleer, for a meiTuage at the Arkwell 
Peter Shee, for the corner mop 

James Shee's affigns, for the flip at John Barry's new houfe 
Thomas Archer's affigns, for land at the north end of the old Tholfel • 



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IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



457' 



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Richard Roth, for the rooms over the flip in his houfe 

William Shee, for his houfe in Low lane 

Richard Brophy's afligns, for a meffuage near Jenkin's mill 

To the mafler and company of fhoe-makers, for licence for tanning 

Patrick Archer, for half the tythes of Querryboy 

Thomas Archer, for half the tythes of Querryboy 

R : chard Troy, for a garden near the Green 

Thomas Archer's afligns, for the Standart Garden 

Walter Shee, for Downing's Inch 

Michael Marfhall, for a garden at the Lake 

J.imes Archer, for a garden at Mill ftreet 

John Bvrn's afligns, for an acre of land 

Patrick Synnott, for Gibb's Inch 

John Roth Fitz Edward, for four acres of land near Lbughboy 

Thomas Ley's afligns, for the North caftle at the Magdalens 

Thomas Archer's afligns, for the next houfe to the faid caftle 

Edward Roth's afligns, for a houfe next the fame, a parcel of the town 

ditch, and an acre of land 
John Cullen, for a houfe and acre of land, rent free during his life 
Edrnond Tehan, for the next houfe 

Edward Langton's afligns, for a void place near the Poor-houfe 
Adam Shee's afligns, for a void room near the Poor-houfe 
Thomas Ley's afligns, for a houfe and land near the fame 
Walter Cleer and James Cker's children, for a houfe and land 
David Mery, for a meffuage and land in the Magdalens 
Patrick Morres, for a meffuage and land where Patrick Lannon dwelt 
Lucas Shee's afligns, for the next meffuage 

Edward Shee's afligns, for a meffuage next the Port, and for land 
Lucas Shee's afligns, for the Black caftle of the Magdalens 
Edward Shee's afligns, for the next farm, formerly Seix's 
Gillopairick Sychan, for -the next houfe and land 
Nicholas Langton, for the next farm and land 

ick Gormell's afligns, for a meffuage and land 

6 \ 



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Jf 5 8 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Patrick Fitz James's affigns, for Patrick Mery and William Reardon's 

mefluage - - - 078 

Edward Langton's affigns, for two acres of the Magdalen's land - 030 
Nicholas Langton, for Ann Walfh's mefluage - 080 

Patrick Synnot, for the fhop under the Old tholfel - 0100 

Affigns of Patrick Murphy and John Archer, for licence for tanning 068 

Richard Roth, for licence for tanning - - 014 

James Shee, for licence for tanning - - 014 

Jafper Shee's affigns, for a garden near the houfe - 050 

The bailiff, receiver of the revenues belonging to St. John's Abbey, his charge. 
James Langton's heirs, for a mefluage near St. John's bridge - 0160 

Heirs of Walter Daniel, for the next houfe and garden - o *6 o 

James Shee, for the next houfe and garden - 0160 

Executors of Pat. Fitz James, for the next houfe and garden » 0134 

Walter Shee, for two mefluages and two gardens there - 154 

Tho. Shee Fitz Edmond, for next houfe and garden at Tomyn hill 010 o 

John Hoen, for a houfe next the hofpital, and garden of the common, 

without St. John's gate - - 168 

Edmond Ryan, for the prior's chambers - 020 

Peirce Roth Fitz Edward, for the vault, the great kitchen and garden 068 
Nicholas Aftekin, for two chambers in the cloyiter of St. John's, and 

an orchard near the cloyfler ■- - 100 

Nicholas Wall's affigns, for Sir David's orchard - o 18 o 

William Shee, for a houfe in John fireet, formerly David Kearney's 210 o 

Walter Cleer, for the cart gate, caftle, and out flail in St. John's cloyiter 020 
Pat. Fitz James's affigns, for two mefluages next the hofpital - 000 

George Langton's affigns, for the bake-houfe at St. John's and the Prior's 

fires - - - 020 

The faid affigns, for the chapter-houfe within the cloyfler - 070 

The rooms from the entry of St. John's Abbey towards the outer St. John's gate. 
John Hoen, for the corner fhop near the entry, and four other cooples 010 o 
Wat. Cantwell, affignee to Stephen Daniel, for four bayes there - o 10 o 

Edmond 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 45g 

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£. X. d. 

Edmond Laghnan, for two bayes there - . o c o 

Walter Ryan, affignee, for two bayes there . . 3 6 

Michael Archer, for a houfe, turret and clofe in St. John's flreet - o 13 4 

The fouth fide of the Abbey. 

Affigns of James Birne, for a houfe and garden _ 168 

Edmond Ryan, for a houfe - . . 0114 

Nicholas Aitekin, for his houfe in St. John's - 010 

Affigns of Patrick Fitz James, for a meffuage - o 16 o 

Simon Seix, for a meffuage and garden - . o 16 o 
Thomas Shee, aflignee of Sir Richard Shee, for a houfe in St. John flreet 200 

Houfes in the High Town. 

Thomas Ley's affigns, for a houfe near the Old tholfel - 060 

Thomas St. Leger's executors, for his houfe - o 12 o 

James Archer Fitz Martin, for his houfe - - 070 

Edmond Ryan, for the Prior's orchard - - 160 

George Shee, for the upper orchard - - 0140 
The gardens beginning at St, Michael's gate, and thence to Tomyn's 
hill round to St. John's gate. 

Robert Shee, for the clover houfe and garden 068 

"Walter Cleer, for the great croft - - 0138 

Pat. Morchan's affigns, for a garden north of the fame - 040 

Geoffry Rot:! 1 .- . for a garden - * o 16 o 

Edm. Ryan, lor a garden at Tomyn hill ' - . 040 

Pat. Morchan's affigns, for two gardens - - • 040 

John Scix, for the comer in the S. W. end of St. John's gate 068 

George Comerford's affigns, for the corner - 010 

Nie. Aflekin, for a garden called Syrman's hayes - 0160 

The quarter South the way leading from St. John's gate to the Green. 

Nicholas Loghr.an's affigns, for a garden - - 028 

Owner Mc. Donaghoe's affigns, for a garden - 068 

Patrick Mory, for David Kearney's garden - - 020 

John Roch Fitz John, for a garden - . - 038 

From the Magdalen's to St. John's gate. 

Tho. Ley's affigns for the Magdalen's mills - - 600 

Richard 



« 



4 6o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Rich. Langton, for a garden befide the mills - 030 

The infirmary garden, being 13J. 4<f. allowed by the corporation to 

the hcfpital, Richard Troy tenant 
Pat. Morchan's affigns, for the next garden 
Edmond Archer, for three gardens in the High hayes 
Said Edmond, for Sinnet's church yard, garden, and croft 
Henry Shee's affigns, for two gardens 
Edward Cleer, for a garden at the Black mill 
Walter Daniel, for a garden » 
Richard Lawlefs, for the fweet pond 
Chriftopher Shee, for the Prior's meadow 
Edm. Archer, for the third part of the demefne of St. John 
Robert Cleer, for a quarter of faid demefne 
William Shee, for a third part of the demefnes 
Geo. Langton's affigns, for the Prior's wood, Roaihferian, Bannagh- 

carragh, and the cherry croft 
James Kivan, for the parfon's manfe land of Comer 
Michael Cowley, for his third part of Brownftown 
Michael Ragget, for two acre8 of land at Ardfkreddan 
Mr. David Roth, for three parts of Drakeland 
John Roth Fitz Edward, for the fourth part of Drakeland 
David Roth, for the round meadow 
Richard Cleer, for a meadow befide Robert's hill 
Simon Whyte's affigns, for the lands of Tromer, county Wexford 
Walter Talbot, for the lands of Brittas, Polring alias Melring, Bal- 

lygarum, and five acres in Ballyfampfon 
Nicholas Roth's affigns, for a mefiuage in Rofs 
lames Fitzharries, for the parfonage of Rofs 
Marcus Shee, for land in Cottrell's boly 
Patrick Murphy, for the parfon's part of Moycully 
Thomas Garret, for the parfon's part of the manfe land of Skirk 
John Dooley and Robert Murphy, for the manfe land of Jerpoint 
George St. Leger, for the parfon's part of the manfe land of Tabbrit 

Edward 






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IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY, 4 6i 



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£• s. d. 

Edward Langton's afllgns, for the Levyacre - 1 o o 

Robert Hacket, for a garden near St. John's gate - o i 6 

Couifey's heirs, for the houfe next the end of St. John's bridge 040 

John Bafkerville, for the parfonage of Skirk, except the manfe land 22 3 4 

David Roth, for Rathleigh - - 168 

John Kivan, for the manfe land of Dunfart - 068 

John Seix, for the parfonage of Jenkinftown - - 368 

Richard Langton, for a part of the demefnes - o 16 o 

The charge of the Fryer-bailiff for Michaelmas 1633, and Eafter 1634, Robert 
Shee, Efq; mayor, Edmond Mc. Ireyne, bailiff, beginning at the Black freren gate, 
and about the precinct of the Black fryars. 

Patrick Murphy, for the orchard near the Black freren gate 068 
Henry Manywaring, for the room in the north fide of the Black 

freren fteeple, and the upper rooms of the fteeple 034 
Ditto, for the houfe called the king's chamber, the cloyfter, the 

kill-houle, Sir Richard CantwelPs chamber, &c. - 244 

Ditto, for the room near the chop-houle - - 030 
Edward Clinton's affigns to Mr. Lucas Shee, for an orchard within 

the Freren, and a meffuage and garden in the old Freren flreet 017 o 
Ditto, aflignee to Anne Walfh, for a houfe and garden in the Fre- 
ren flreet - - - o 13 4 
Pat. Dowly, for a meffuage, garden, and orchard near the wall 012 o 
Richard Roth, for four bayes of a houfe, eaft fide of Freren ftreet 016 o 
Peter Roth, for the kill-houfe and garden near the choir 016 8 
Edward Clinton, for the two next houfes - 080 

The inner Freren flreet. 

John Loghnan, for his houfe - - 1 1 o 

John Loghnan, the houfe next the bridge - 0100 

James Dobbin, for his houfe . - - 060 
Peter Roth, for a room in Freren flreet and moiety of the garden at 

Black freren gate - - - 0100 

Edmond Treny, for a houfe, inner Freren flreet - -080 

Oliver Roth, for half an orchard and half a meffuage there o . 13 o 

6 b • Robert 






462 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



..< .< .< .< .< .< .< .< <n .«..< .<..< , <( .< .,, .<..<,.<..,„«..< .<..<..,..<„,..<..<..<.,.<..<.,< ,< .<..<.<.£>.. >..>..>..>. 



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Robert Roth, for the fame 

Patrick Gaffney, for half a meffuage S. fide of Freren flreet 

Peter Roth, for a houfe and garden there 

Mic. Power, for a houfe on the north fide 

John Hoen Fitz Robert, for a houfe and garden next to Troy's gate 

Redmond Savadge, for the corner houfe before Troy's gate 

William Kelly, for a houfe fouth fide 

Robert Murpy, for two meffuages next the fame 

Pat. Gaffney, for a houfe and garden near the High Town gate 

Within the High Town gate. 
Walter Shee, for the houfe next the High Town gate on the weft fide 
Richard Lawlefs, his houfe k 

Jenkin Roth, for a houfe in a lane leading to the Gray Friars 
Patrick Gaffney, for a meffuage 

Peter Roth, for a void room in the Gray Freren park 
Richard Roth, for a chamber and void room in the cloifter there 
Peter Roth, for the kill-houfe and meffuage next the choir 
Patrick Murphy, for a houfe in the Gray Freren park 
Patrick Murphy, for a ftone houfe near the Freren gate 
Robert Archer, for the rooms over the chapter houfe, ffeeple, and 

body of the abbey there 
Margaret Murphy, for the Gray Freren park 
Henry Archer, for a houfe and orchard W. St. Francis's wall 
Richard Savadge, his houfe 
George Shee, his houfe 

Thomas Ley, for the houfe and flip near the New Quay 
Robert Archer, for a houfe and garden N, of St. James's ftreet 
Thomas Shee Fitz Michael, for a houfe at the Market Crofs 
David Roth, for two houfes near our Lady's church yard ftile 
Joan Power, for a houfe and garden in Bowce's lane 
William Archer, for a houfe at Crocker's crofs, weft of Patrick ftreet 
Heirs of Lettice Walfli, for a houfe E. fide of Patrick ftreet 
Richard Fitz Nicholas, for a meffuage 
Thomas Ragget, for a meffuage there 



£ 


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13 





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1 








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16 





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Gardens 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



4^3 



..<. ,.,,«<.<<<<<<• < ■•« < < <•< < ■< < * « « < < < . < .. <<!<><< + >>• > > >■ >■ > >• t > > > ■■>. > >•■>.»■■> > ►• ■> > > >->■ >• >• > ■■>■ > > > •■>• > > >• >' 



Gardens and Outlands. 
George Shee, for a parcel of land called Bifhop's lane 
Said Shee, for a garden called Hay-hill 
Peter Roth, for the Gray Freren Inches 
Peter Roth Fitz Edward, for gardens near Black Freren gate 
Said Roth, for two or three gardens 
Henry Maynwaring, for a garden at Killberry tower 
Sir Cyprian Horsfal, for a parcel of meadow near St. Canice's well 
Edmond Grace's afligns, for a garden, corner St. Roch's churchyard 
Robert Murphy, aflignee to Thomas Geat, for a garden 
Peter Roth, aflignee to William Roth, for a garden 
Daniel Martin, aflignee to Clement Shee, for a garden 
Phillip Roth, for a garden there 

Walter Ryan's afligns,- for three acres of furze at the Booths 
John Hoyne, for two acres of land and two acres of meadow at 

Kildrifle 
Richard Roth, for a meadow at Coulrifli 
John Shee, for Farren-brock, Chepple, and Lifnafunfy 
Robert Shee, for the moity of Ardragh 
Henry Archer, for the moity 
James Shortal, for Ballynolan 

Robert Shee, for two acres of meadow at Aldernwood 
James Aftekin, for two acres of meadow at Coolboycan 
Richard Roth, for an acre of wood and certain lands at Keatingftown 
The rent iiiuing out of Boothftown 
Nicholas Aftekin, for a meadow at Coolifhill 



£. s. d. 



o 


8 


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The total of the City's annual revenue 



£-~l l l 7 



1 1 



IN 1 619, bifhop Wheeler prefented a ftate of the bidioprick of OfTory to the king, 
in which he fets forth, that the manor and lordfhip of Kilkenny was before and at 
the conquefl belonging to the bifhops of OfTory, with large liberties both of freedoms 

and 



4 6 4 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



.+> >. >. >■>->. >•>■>•> >..»..>. >••>. >•>>■>•>■>■> >■>•>• >..».>• >■ >•>■»■•>•■>■ k- V- k- ►■»■*)■ 



and other privileges thereunto belonging, all which in the ficknefs of the late bi- 
Shop were by a new charter granted unto Kilkenny (whereby it was incorporated a 
city; united and made of the county of the faid city, to the great prejudice of the 
prefent and future bifhops. (71) 

In 1636, the lord deputy Wentworth, afterwards earl of Strafford, vifited Kilken- 
ny, when (72) the mayor of the city thus addrefled him : ' 



" Right noble Lord, 



The general applaufe of heaven, the joyful acclamations of Ireland, and pleafant 
paftimes of the multitudes of Kilkenny, the true ancient feat of EngUSli warriors, 
loyal always to their kings and crowns, fuit with the dignity "of you her renowned 
viceroy, lord Thomas Wentworth. Be pleafed then amidft your triumphs, to vouch- 
fafe her and me leave to feed our unfatisfied eyes with the longed for afpeft of Ire- 
land's parent, protestor and reliever ; to run this day upon fome of the pleafing 
effects of your government, with admiration of thofe natural and intellectual parts of 
yours, which like fo many Stars in conjunction, with the glorious fun of England, _ 
fit instruments and fortunate organs ! to illuminate with their influences the breath 
of a faithful people. 

Witnefs your wifdom, prompt to overflip no way, no means to reform the abufes, 
root out the vices and remove the annoyances ; witnefs your induftry, watchful not 
only of the common, but of the private welfare of each deferving fubjedt. His ma- 
jefty beStowing you on us as a good, neceffary for all ; and arming your defigns with 
fiich means, as bed conduce to the maintenance of the eftates in fecurity, againft all 
wrongful intruders. The king of kings intruding into your hands, for our behoof, 
the heart and bounty of the great Charles, to increafe more the flourishing State of 
this kingdom, in Strength, wealth and civility. 

Thefe were the fcope of fo many wholefome laws and Statutes, voted in the laSt par- 
liament j of fo many provifions of State, regulating the diforders of human fociety, 
daily ifluing from your Solomon-like prefcience ; in which and by which, we, in this 
your garden of Ireland, fmell the gracious flowers of your government, tnjoy the fe- 
licity of your plantations, and feed our hearts with the fatiety of prefent, and hope 
of future improvement ; fo that no place, no degree, no fex over all this pleafant 
j ai adife, but is partaker of your comfortable influence ; even thofe choaked up in 

the 

J7i) Ware'e MSS. -vol. 75. (72) Laffan's MSS. 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 465 



>•<•<■< •«•■<< ■«■#.< 4 •< « <■«.--« < < < ■< * * * * « < < < < < * < < ■< < •<■ ■<■-« + »->. 



> >, >..>..> » ■■>• >■■> ■■>■ * ■ >»->••>■•>. >.. 



the mid ft of the darkeft prifons, acknowledge the fun-fhine of your provident care, 
and receiving new life and relief from your hands, cry out — Long live our life, our 
relief, noble YVentworth ! — 

The widows and orphans opprefled find you a propitious patron ; the nobility, a 
mirror of honour and worth ; the warlike, a town of arms, and flower of martial 
difcipline ; the ecclefiaftical dignitaries, their reformer, their advancer ; and all 
acknowledge you to be the true receptacle of virtue, and other the beft attributes of 
perfection. 

To abbreviate my difcourfe, left offenfive to your much honoured ears, deign me 
the favour, that while the fufirages of fo many provinces and cities ; the acclamati- 
ons of the common people; the general arplaufe of Ireland, and approbation of your 
gracious leige and fovereign fo concentric meet with the celebration of thofe your 
matchlefs endowments, 1 may, right honourable, revolve into our firft principles of 
your honour and worth, and rifing on the wings of adorned eloquence, to force to 
the mount and zenith of your beft merits, to flutter after you with the beft wi flies of 
all my citizens, by redoubling in your prefence and abfence the oracle of God, my 
king and country, that we have juft caufe, and that we muft .honour 

THOMAS WENTWORTH." 

But little worth recording happened in Kilkenny until that memorable aera in the 
annals of Ireland, the breaking out of the Grand Rebellion in 1641. The caufes 
leading to this dire event, and the tranfaftions confequent thereon, have been mi- 
nutely detailed by many writers. In 1.641, and for a few years fucceeding, this 
city was alternately the feat of bufincfs and tumult ; in 1641, lord Mountgarret (73J 
with the mayor and aldermen flood by, with three hundred citizens armed, while 
every proteftant was plundered ; and in 1642, the Confederate Catholics, as they 
ftyled themfelves, met in Kilkenny. 

It was abfolutely (74) neceflary, that the rebels fhould have the form of an au- 
thority eftabliihed among them, to make the orders of fuperiors obeyed, and prevent 
that confufion and thofe mifchiefs which always attend competitions for power, and 
uncertainty in the right to command ; this was done in the general aifembly of de- 
puties from all the provinces in the kingdom, which met the 24th of O&ober 1642 
at Kilkenny. 

The firft aft, after their meeting, was to proteft, that they did not mean that 
afiembly to be a parliament^ confefling, that the calling, proroguing and diflblving 

6 c that 

(73) Cox. pag. 73. (74) Carte, fupfti. 



A 66 HISTORY AND AN l'KMJI TIES OF 

that great body was an infeparable incident to the crown, upon which, they would not 
encroach: but it was only a meeting to coniult of an order for their own affairs, 
until his majefly's wifdom had fettled the prefent troubles. They formed it, however, 
according to the plan of a parliament, confiding of two houfes ; in the one of which 
fat the eflate fpiritual, compofed of bifnops and prelates, together with the temporal 
lords, and in the other the deputies, of the counties and towns, as the eftate of the 
commons, by themfelves. 

The meeting was at the houfe of Mr. Robert Shee, fon of Sir Richard Shee, now 
Mr. Langford's in Coal market ; the lords, prelates and commons all in one room ; 
Mr. Patrick Darcy, bare-headed upon a llool, reprefenting all or fome of the judges 
and mailers of chancery that ufed to fit in parliament upon wool-facks ; Mr. Nicholas 
Plunket reprefented the fpeaker of the houfe of commons, and both lords and com- 
mons addreffed their fpeech to him ; the lords had an upper room, which ferved 
them as a place of recefs, for private confultation, and when they had taken their 
refolutions, the fame were delivered to the commons by Mr. Darcy. 

This chamber forms part of a houfe, now inhabited by Mr. Trefham, an apothe- 
cary, it confided of one large hall, forty-nine feet by forty-feven, with a dungeon 
under-neath, twenty feet fquare j with which the hall communicated by a trap door, 
and (lone ftairs. Part of the benches with high backs, and the carved oak frame of 
a table remain. An iron door formerly led out of the dungeon into the yard : the 
windows have iron bars, and are fmall high and arched. This hall is now fub- 
divided into a kitchen, (hop and three or four rooms. The upper floor is low, 
wiih large beams, and above is a modern buildings 

The clergy, who were not qualified by their titular fees or abbies to fit in the 
houfe of lords, met in a houfe called the convocation, where it was reported among 
the laity, that they only handled matters of tythe and fettling church poffeflions j in 
which points fo little deference was paid to their debates, and their proceedings 
were treated with fo much contempt by the lay-impropriators and gentlemen, that 
the provincial of the Auguftinians was hiffed out of the houfe, for threatning to 
wipe off the duft from his feet and thofe of his friars, and to bend his courfe beyond 
the feas, if the poffeflions of his order were not reflord. 

For the rule of their government they profeffed to receive Magna Charta, and the 
common and ftatute' law of England, in all points, not contrary to the Roman 
Catholic religion, or inconfiflent with the liberty of Ireland. Several judicatories 
were eflablimed for the administration of juflice, and the regulation of all affairs ; 

each 



1RISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 6 7 

each county had its council, confiding of one or two deputies out of each barony, 
and where there was no barony, of twelve perfons chofen by the county in general, 
with powers to decide all matters cognizable by juftices of the peace, pleas of the 
crown, fuits for debts and perfonal actions, and to reflore poffeffions ufurped fince 
the war; to name all the county officers, except the high-fheriff, who was to be 
chofen by the fupreme council out of three, which the council of the county were 
to recommend. From thefe lay an appeal to the provincial councils, which confided 
of two deputies out of each county, and were to meet four times a year, or oftener, 
if there was occafion, to examine the judgments of the county councils, to decide 
all fuits like judges of aflize, to eftablifh recent poffeffions, but not to meddle with 
other fuits about lands, except in cafes of dower. 

From thefe there lay a further appeal to the fupreme council of twenty-four 
perfons, chofen by the general affembly, of which twelve were to be conftantly 
refident in Kilkenny, or wherever elfe they mould judge it to be mod expedient, 
with equal voices, but two-thirds to conclude the reft ; never fewer than nine to fit 
in council, and feven to concur in the fame opinion ; out of thefe twenty-four a 
prefident was to be named by the affembly, and was to be always one of the twelve 
refident, and in cafe of death, ficknefs or abfence, the other refidents, out of 
the twenty-four, were to chufe a prefident. 

The council was vefted with power over all generals, military officers and civil 
magidrates, who were to obey their orders, and fend duly an account of their 
a&ions and proceedings ; to determine all matters left undecided by the general 
atiembly, their ads to be of force until refcind«d by the next affembly : to com- 
mand and punifli all commanders of forces, magiftrates and all others, of what 
rank and condition foever ; to hear and judge all capital and criminal caufes 
(except titles to lands) and to do all kind of acts for promoting the common 
caufe of the confederacy, and the good of the kingdom, and relating to the fup- 
poTt and management of the war. 

(75) On the firft of November, they appointed 

Lord Caftlehaven, Richard Martin, 

Lord Gormanftown, Feigh O'Flin, 

Doctor Fennell, Richard Beling, 

Col. Dermot O'Brien, Adam Cufack, 

Sir Lucas Dillon, James Mc Donel, 

Sir Phelim O'Neil, Patrick Crelley, 

Thomas Burke, Rory Maguire, 

. (75) Cox, pag. 126. 



A 6S HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Patrick Darcy, and the lawyers, a committee, who drew up the preceding form of 
government ; and on the fourth, the prelates enjoined the priefls to adminifter 
an oath of aflbciation to their parifhioners, and take their fubfcriptions ; and on 
the fourteenth they named their fupreme council, 

Lord Viscount Mountgarret, Prefident. 
For Leinfter. For Connaught. 

Archbifhop of Dublin, Archbifhop of Tuam, 

Lord Vif. Gormanftown, Lord Vifcount Mayo, 
Lord Vif. Mountgarret, Bifhop of Clonfert, 
Nicholas Plunket, Sir Lucas Dillon, 

Richard Beling, Patrick Darcy, 

James Cufack. Jeffrey Brown. 

Far Munfter. For Ulfter. 

Lord Vifcount Roche, Archbifhop of Armagh. 

Sir Daniel O'Brien, Bifhop of Down, 

Edmond Fitzmorres, Phillip O'Reilly, 

Bodor Fennel, Col. Mac Mahon, 

Robert Lambert, Ever Magennis, 

George Comyn. Tirlagh O'Neil. 

They ufed a feal, (76) which is thus defcribed ; it had a long crofs in the 
eenter y on the right fide of it was a crown, and on the left an harp, with a dove 
above the crofs, and a flaming heart under it ; and round it was this infcription, 
" Pro Deo, pro Rege et patria Hibernia, unanimis. 
The conduct of the war is no part of our prefent concern, but we mufl remark, 
that the Franeifeans, Dominicans, Carmelites and Jefuits now claimed their ancient 
poiTeflions, and were generally reinftated ; for one of the principal objects of this 
war was, the re-eftablifhrnent of thofe orders, and the Romifli hierarchy ; that this 
point was aecomplifhed, we learn from a letter written by the confederates in 1644 
to the pope - y wherein among other enumerations of their good fortune, (77) they 
exultingly obferve : " Jam Deus optimus maximus catholico ritu palam colitur ; 
'dum cathedrales pleraequ fuis antiitibus ; parochiales parochis j religioforum 
multa caenobia propriis gaudent alumnis." 

And 

(76) Borlafe'i Irilh Rebellion, pag. 97. They coined money. 
(/7) Burke, Hibern. Dominic. Apj end. pag. 876. 



V 



IRISIITOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 6j 



< < < < ..< < < < < .«..<..« <<<<<<<<< .<..<..< < < .< .< .< < < .< .< .< .< < ..< ,+> >. >>.►>..>. 



> > > » >•> 



And in 1645, wuen tne catholics had poffefled themfelves of almoft all the 
churches in the kingdom, one of their articles with the earl of Glamorgan was, 
that they mould retain the churches, which they, de facto, held. A printing prefs 
was fet up in Kilkenny, at which all the date papers were printed : Doctor Burke, 
in his hiftory of the Dominican order, refers to many of them ; and it feems 
large collections of them exift in the Irift feminaries at Rome. 

The kingdom, after more than three years of anarchy and defolation, exhibited* 
difmal fpectacle of religious tyranny and confuiion, and gladly repofed itfelf in the 
arms of peace. Articles for this purpofe were figned by the marquis of Ormond 
and the confederates ; but the happy profpect of concord was dilturbed by that 
reftiefs and ambitious ecclefiaftic, Rinuccini, the pope's nuncio ; he came in a 
frigate of 22 guns, and landed in Kerry the twenty-fecond of October 1645, with 
twenty-fix Italians in his cortege ; he brought 2000 mufkets, 4000 bandaleers, 
2000 fvvords, 500 pair of piftols, 10,000 pounds of gunpowder; and from another 
frigate were landed fix defks and trunks of Spanifli gold ; with thefe he haftened to 
Kilkenny, and on the nineteenth of November had his audience in the caflle, and 
declared the reafons of his coming, which were 

1. To eftablifh the Roman catholic religion. 

2. To preferve their liberties, and 

3. To ferve their prince and fovereign, which lalt he expreffed with (78^ 
Angular ernpUafis, thus : 

" Et ferenifiimo veftro principi meipfum devoveo." 
He faid high mafs in the cathedral of St. Canice on the thirtieth of November, 
being St. Andrew's day. 

The nuncio reprobated the peace, and was joined by many bifhopv particularly 
by David Roth of Cflory, who laid the city and fuburbs of Kilkenny under the 
following interdict. 

" Whereas (79) we have in publick and private meetings, at feveral times, de- 
clared to the fupreme council and others whom it might concern, that it was and 
is unlawful and againit confeience, the implying perjury (as it hath been by the 
fpecial act of the congregation at Waterford) to both common-wealths, fpiritual and 
temporal, to do or concur to any act tending to the approbation or countenancing 
the publication of this unlawful and mifchievous peace, io dangerous (as it is now 

6 d articled) 

(78) A ram^Met containing intercepted letters, 1645. 1 

(79) Borlaf,, rag. 163. Who preserves many papers printed in Kilkensj', 



*w» 



4?o 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



< < << <<■<<•<.<<<< <.<<<..<. 



.<■■<-.< •<■•<■•<••! 



■•<•< + >■>. >•>••>. >• 



■ >■»•>■ >•*.>■>■•>• >• >• >• >■ >■>••>•>. >> > > 



articled) to both commonwealths, fpiritual and temporal. And whereas notwith- 
standing our declaration, yea the declaration of the whole clergy of the kingdom 
to the contrary, the fupreme council and the publication, yea and forcing it upon 
the city by terror and threats, rather than by any free confent or defire of the 
people. 

We having duly confldered and taken it to heart, as it becometh us, how enormous 
this fact is, and appears in catholics, even againfl God himfelf, and what a publi'ck 
contempt of the holy church it appeareth, befide the evil it is likely to draw upon 
this poor kingdom ; after mature deliberation and confent of our clergy, in de- 
legation of this heinous and fcandalous difobedience of the fupreme council, and 
others who adhered to them, in matter of confcience to the holy church, and in 
hatred of fo finful and abominable an act, do by thefe prefents, according to the 
prescription of the facred canons, pronounce and command henceforth a general 
ceflation of divine offices, throughout all the city and fuburbs of Kilkenny, in 
all churches, monafleries and houfes in them whatfoever. 

Given at our palace of Nova Curia, 
Signed, 

)8th of Aug, 1646. DAVID OSSORIENSIS." 

The general afiembly of confederate catholics met in Kilkenny, the tenth of 
January 1647, and took the former oath of aiTociation with fome new claufes. We 
here give the (80) names of the reprefentatives of the lord^and commons. 

Spiritual Peers. 

Hugh O'Reiley, archbifhop of Armagh, 

Thomas Walfh, archbifhop of Dublin, 

Patrick Comerford, bifhop of Waterford and Lifmore, 

John Burk, bifhop of Clonfert, 

John O'Mollony, bifhop of Killaloe, 

Richard Conell, bifhop of Ardfert, 

Emer Matthews, bifhop of Clogher, 

Nicholas French, bifhop of Ferns, 



Edmond O'Dempfey, bifhop of Leighlin, 
Edmund O'Dwyer, bifhop of Limerick, 
Arthur Magennls, bifhop of Down and Connor. 



Temporal 



■£80) Eutke, Hibern. Dominic, pag. 884. 



1RISHT0WN AND KILKENNY. 



•«««<«.«<»< 



4/i 



■<•<■< < < < < « <<+>>,.>..>..,. 



••»••» > >■•»■■> > -> >.. 



Temporal Peers. 
Alexander Mac Donnel, earl of Antrim, 
Chrillopher Plunket, earl of Fingal, 
Wain-ice Roche, vifcount Fermoy, 
Richard Butler, vifcount Mountgarret, 
Theobald Dillon, vifcount Coftellogallen, 
John Netterville, vifcount Netterville, 
Donat Macarty, vifcount Mufkery, 
Pierce Butler, vifcount Ikerrin, 
Lewis O'Detnpfey, vifcount Clanmalier, 
Edward Butler, vifcount Galmoy, 
Bryan Fitz Patrick, baron of Upper Offory, 
Francis Bermingham, Baron of Athenry, 
Oliver Plunket, baron of Louth, 
William Burk, baron of Caftle-connel, 



John Allen of Allen down, 
Patrick Archer of Kilkenny, 
Walter Archer of Kilkenny, 
Clement Alb of Eili.lown, 
Patrick Babe of Drumlkyne, 
John Baggot of Baggotilown, 
Walter Bagnal of Dunleckny, 
George Barnwall of Kingftown, 
Henry Barnwall of Cattle Rickard, 
James Barnwall, 
Geoffry Baron of Clonme'l, 
Gerald Barry of Lisfhriffin, 
Peter Bath Fitz Robert, late of Dublin, 
Peter Bath of Kilkenny, 
Roberc Bath of Clanturk, 
Robert Bath late of Dublin-, 
John Bellew of Lisfranny, 
Richard Belling of Tyrrelftown, 
Cfariftopher Bermingham of Corballis, 
Edward Beringham of Curraghton, 
John Bermingham of Galway, 
William Bermingham of Parfonftown, 
Bryan Birne of Ballynacorr, 
Bryan Birne of Rodine, 
James Birne of Ballyaccide, 
Job:. Birne of Ballyglan, 



Commons. 

Francis Blake of Galway, 
Dominick Bodkin of Galway, 
John Brennan of Cloynefinlogh, 
Hugh Brin of Corrinon, 
Edward Browne of Galway, 
Geoffry Browne of Galway, 
Sylvefter Browne of Dublin, 
Patrick Bryan of Lifnmne, 
John Burk of Caflle C.iroe, 
Richard Burk «f Drutnruilk, 
Richard Burk of Shillewly, 
Theobald Burk of Buolyburk, 
Ulick Burk of Glinfk ^ 
William Burk of Poliardftown, 
Edmond Butler of Idough, 
James Butler of Swyneone, 
John Butler of Foulderflown, 
Pierce Butler of Banefeagh, 
Pierce Butler of Earrowmount, 
Pierce Butler of Cahir, 
Walter Butler of PauLlown, 
Conndl Carve of Ailobarnayre, 
Arthur Cheevers of Bailyftfkin, 
Peter Clin on of Dollyftown, 
Anthony Colclough of Rathclir, 



Ed.vard Comer ford of Callan- 
George Comyn of Limerick, 
Andrew Cowley of Kilkenny, 
Walter Cruife of Arlonan, 
James Cufack of Kilkenny, 
Patrick Darcy of Galway, 
Barnabas Dempfey Clonehork, 
Nicholas Devereux of Ballymager, 
Robert Devereux of Ballyfhannon, 
Edmond Dillon of Streamftown, 
James Dillon of Clongaffel, 
John Dillon of Streamftown, 
Lucas Dillon of L'jughgtin, 
Allen Donnel of Montagb, 
Michael Dormer of Rofs, 
Waiter Dougan of Caftlttown, 
Laurence Dowdall of Athiumney, 
James Doyle of Carrig, 
Terence Doyne of Kilkenan, 
Patrick Duffe of R offpatrick, 
Richard Everard of Everard's caflle, 
Stephen Fallon of Athloiie, 
William Fallon of Milltown, 
Geoffry Fanning of Gleanagali, 
Patrick Fanning of Limerick, 



Gerald. 






• 



-47 2 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



-«■•<..<•< <-«•■« .«..<..«..«.«.< .<,.<..«..<..<..<..<..«..<..<..<..<_<..<-<..<..<.<..<■.<.<-<•<•.<..<•.<+>..>-». 



Gerald Fennell of Ballygriffin, 
John Finglafs of WaKpelftown, 
Chriftopher Fitzgerald -of Coynelunan, 
Edmond Fitzgerald of Ballymartyr, 
Edmond Fitzgerald of Brounsford, 
Gerald Fitzgerald of Clonyad, 
Gerald Fitzgerald of Timogue, 
Henry Fitzgerald of Ticroghan, 
Luke Fitzgerald of Ticroghan, 
Mathew Fitzgerald of Gobinflown, 
Maurice Fitzgerald of Allone, 
Nicholas Fitzgerald of Marruayne, 
Pierce Fitzgerald of Ballyfhannou, 
Thomas Fitzgerald of Boneysford, 
Mark Fitzharris of Cloghinotfoy, 
Nicholas Fitzharris of Rofs, 
Edmond Fitzmaurice of Tyoburry, 
Gerald Fitzmaurice of Goby, 
Florence Fitzpatrick of Lifdunvearney, 
Philip Flattifbury of Dremanftown, 
Tho:nas Fleming of Cabragh, 
Fiagher Flin of Ballilagha, 
Chriftopher French of Galway, 
James French of Galway, 
Mark Furlong of Wexford, 
John Garvey cf Lebons, 
Charles Gilmore, 
John Goold of Cork, 
Patrick Gough of Kilrmnihane, 
John Hadfor of Keppett, 
John Haly of Limerick, 
Nicholas Haly of Towryne, 
, Robert Hattpole, 
Nicholas Hay^ofWexford, 
Charles rlenefly of Catergyn, 
Tnomas Heynes of Feathard, 
Daniel Higgins of limerick, 
William Hoare of Cork, 
William Hoare of Harri flown, 
Chriftopher Hollywood of Ttfrtane, 
Alexander Hope of Ballymacfearagh, 
John Hope of Martinftown, 
Matihew Hore of Dungarveo, 
.Maurice Hnrly of Kildufft, 
Edmond Kealy of Gowran, 
William Kea'y of Gowran, 
Daniel Kctfe of Dromagb, 



Eneas Kinfly of Ballynccarrigy, 
Patrick Kerwan of Galway, 
John Lacy, of Bruff, 
Denis Lalor of Ballywoy, 
William Langton of Kilkenny, 
Martin Lynch of Galway, 
Nicholas Lynch of Galway, 
Robuck Lynch of Galway, 
Nicholas Mac Alpin of Moy, 
Hugh Mac Cartan of Lorgline, 
Charles Mc. Carthy Riagh, 
Dermot Mc. Carthy of Cantwyrk, 
Thady Mac Carthy of Kilfallyway, 
James Mac Donnell of Muff, 
Charles Mc. Geoghegan of Dromore, 
Conly Mc. Geoghegan of Donore, 
Edward Mc. Geoghehan, Tyrotorine, 
Richard Mc. Geoghegan of Moycafhell, 
Daniel Macnemara of Downe, 
John Macnemara of Moyriorfky, 
Arthur Magennis of Ballynaferney, 
Connell Magennis of Lifnatierny, 
Daniel Magennis of Glafca, 
Ever Magennis of Caftlewellan, 
Hugh Magennis of Illanimoyle, 
Anthony Martin of Galway, 
Roger More of Ballynakill, 
Roger Nangle of Glynmore, 
Patrick Netterville of Belgart; 
Richard Netterville, 
Pierce Nugent of Ballynecurr, 
Thady O Body, 
Tirlogh O Boyle of Ballymore, 
Connor O Bryen of Ballynacody, 
Dermot O Bryen of Dromore, 
Callaghan' O Callaghan of Callle Mc. 

Auliff, 
Donat O Callaghan of Clonmeene, 
Daniel O Cavanagh of Cloynmulhin, 
Murtagh O Cavanagh of Garryhill, 
Daniel O Connor of Qutlleane, 
Thady O Connor Roe of Ballynafad, 
Thady O Connor Sligo, 
Hugh O Donnell of Fumalton, 
Edward O Dowde of Porterftown , 
Thady O Dowde of Rufbur, 
Pliiiip O Dwyer of Dundrum, 



Daniel O Farrell of Ennifcorthy, 
Fergus O Farrell of Bleanvohir, 
Francis O Farrell of Moate, 
Thady O Hanly of Colerane, 
James O Kearney of Ballylufkey, 
Daniel O Kelly of Colengeere, 
John O Kelly of Corbeg, 
Patrick O Komelty of Dungannon, 
Henry ONeil ofKilbeg, 
PI, II m O Neil of Morley, 
Tu : gh ONeil of Ardgonell 
Francis O Ronant of Kilkenny, 
Hugh O Rourke t>f Coonereua, 
Thou- as O Ryan of Drone, 
Dermot O Shaughnecy of Gort, 
O Stillevan-Mcre of Downekyrane, 
Danid O Sullevan of Ciilinagort, 
Nicholas Plur.ket of Bdrath, 
David Powre of Cloncmore, 
John Power of Kilm,:cdan, 
James Prendcrgaft of Tollovellane, 
James Prefton of Gormanftown, 
Robert Prefton of Gonnanftown, 
Thomas Prefton, 
Robert Purcell of Curry, 
Charles Reynolde of Jameftown, 
Edward Rice ot Dingle, 
David Roche of Glanore, 
John Roche of Caftletown, 
Redmond Roche of Cahirdowgan, 
Hugh Rcchfort of Tagonan, 
John Rochfort of Kilbride, 
George Ruffel of Rathmolin, 
Chriftopher St. Lawrence of Crucetown 
Nicholas Sankcy of Ballytarkin, 
Edward Shee of Kilkenny, 
Robert Shee Fitz William of Kilkenny, 
Walter Shee of Trim, 
Bartholemew Stackpole of Limerick, 
Richard Stafford Fitz Richard of Wex- 
ford, 
Richard Strange of Rockfwell cattle, 
William Sutton of Ballcroge, 
Robert Talbot of Cattle Tulbot, 
Thomas Tyrrel of Kilbride, 
Richard Wadding of Ballycogly, 
Thomas Wadding of Waterford, 

John 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 473 

*^ r * *' * r * * •»■ »■•►■ > ■* > »■ >■->••>■ > >■ >■ v ■► ■> >- •►■■>■ |< ». ». 

John Walih of Bally bechayiw, William Warren of Cifheltown, Nicholas Wogao of Ratluoffy, 

John WalQi of Waterford, James Wcldon of Nc wry, Francis Wolverftown of New to wo r . 

Alexander Warren of Churchtowc, John White of Clomnel, William Young of Cafhoi, 
EJmuud Warren late of Dublin, 

ritual Peers - - I . l 

Temporal Peers WB* ' * * i 4 

Commons »m » «^&. 

Jl-otal 2? i 

Notwithftandlng the efforts of the wifer and more moderate part, the confederates 
found it impoffible to eftablilh a permanent form of government ; diforder reigned in 
their councils ; the people caught the contagion, and every day was marked with 
fome dangerous tumult. The friars took an a&ive part. In 1648, Paul King (81), 
a Frahcifcan and a zealous nuncionift, formed a party among the deluded inhabitants 
of Kilkenny to betray the city and the fupreme council into the hands of Rinuccini 
and O Neil, which however did not fucceed. The (82) next year Redmond Carron, 
^commifiary general of the Recollects, being at Kilkenny and Tiding with the loyal 
catholics againft the nuncio and his adherents, and endeavouring to remove one 
Brennen and other feditious friars from the city, was put in danger of his life, had 
not the earl of Cafllehaven arrived with fome friends, in the very inflant of time to 
fave him. On this (83) occafion, thoufands of men. and women in the dufk of 
the evening, being collected by feven or eight furious Francifcans of the nuncio's 
party, and being worked up to madnefs by their lies, attempted to force into St. 
Francis's abbey, and to murder Caron, John Barnwall reader of divinity, Anthony 
Gearnon guardian of Dundalk, James Fitzfimon guardian of Multifernan, Patrick 
Plunket confeflbr to the poor Clares of Athlone, and Peter Walfli reader of divini- 
ty in that convent, although this Walfh, ftt 1646, had faved both mayor and al- 
dermen from being hanged, and the city from being plundered by Owen O Neil. 
The parliament of England, turning their attention to the diffracted ftate of Ire- 
land fent over, in the perfon of Oliver Cromwell, a lord lieutenant who was able to 
corre& its diforders. 

On the twenty-third of March 1650, Cromwell cam* before Kilkenny, on the fide 

of the black quarry, and fent this fummons that evening (8dJ: 

6 e " Gentlemen,,. 

(81) Ware's writers, pag. T4T. (8a) Ware's fupra, pag. 145. 

(83) WaHh'shilt. of the remonflrar.ee, jag 587. (?4) Borlafc's Irifh RtbelIio». 






474 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

"Gentlemen, - 

My coming hither is to endeavour, if God pleafeth, the reduction of the city of 
Kilkenny and your obedience to the ftate of England. For the unheard of maffacre 
of the innocent Englifli, God hath begun to judge you with his fore plague, fo will he 
follow you until he deftroy you, if you repent not. Your caufe hath been already 
judged in England upon them who did abett your evils, what may the principals 
then expect ? By this free dealing, $fm fee I entice you to a compliance j you may 
have terms ; may fave your lives, liberties and eftates, according to what will be 
fitting for rne to grant, and you to receive. If you chufe for the wotfe, blame your- 
felves. In confidence of the gracious bleflings and prefence of God with his own 
caufe, which this is by many tefthnonies, I mail hope for a good iflue upon my en- 
deavours j expecting a return from you, I reft your fervant, 

O. CEOMWELL." 
To the Governor, Mayor, &c. 

To this Sir Walter Butler anfwered : , 
" Sir, 

Your letter I have reared, and in anfwer thereof, I am commanded to main* 
tain this city for his majefty, which, by the power of God, I am refolved to do, 
fo I reft, Sir, 

Your fervant, 

- WALTER BUTLER." 
Kilkenny, 23d March, 1 650. 

Lord Caftlehaven had appointed' fir Walter Butler, governor of the city, with 
two hundred horfe. and a thoufand foot, "but they were reduced by the plague to 
three hundred. This circumftance Cromwell hints at. On the 24th, he unround- 
ed the place, and in the evening attested to poffefs himfelf of Irifhtown, but was 
beaten off and forced to retire ; his cannon began between five and fix o'clock on 
the 25th, to batter the end of the marquis of Ormond's {tables, between the caft'e 
gate and the rampart, and having continued firing until twelve, he affauked the 
breach j his men were twice beaten off, and could not be perfuaded to make a third 
attack ; the breath was repaired, and Cromwell was on the point of raifing the fiege, 
when the mayor and**^nimen invited him to ftay, and affured hirn they would 
receive him into the cit£jn^pon this he appointed a party to fet upon Irifhtown in 
the evening, which was/manned by fame of the citizens, the beft part of the gar- 
% rifons 

C 






IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 475 

rifons being employed about the breach ; the citizens immediately deferted their 
pofls, without ft.rik.ing a ftroke, and Cromwell taking poffeflion of the cathedral 
and the other parts of Irifhtown, lodged there that night. 

On the 27th he began to break the wall of the Francifcan abbey, near the river 
fide, with pick-axes, to make way for his horfe and foot to enter ; that pod being 
alfo guarded by townfmen only, they began to forfake it, when they governor gave 
orders to a party of horfe to alight and leading them on, beat off the enemy, and 
killed moft of thofe that were near the wall, and put an end to their efforts there ; 
at the fame time an attempt was made to burn; the gate on St. John's bridge, but 
there the enemy were likewife repulfed with the lofs of many officers and foldiers. 

Next day Cromwell was joined by Ireton with X500 frefh men, and Sir Walter 
Butler, confidering the weaknefs of the garrifon, few in number and thofe worn out 
for want of reft by continual watching, and hcpelefs cf relief, determined to 
execute lord Caftlehaven's orders ; which were, that if they were not relieved by 
feven o'clock the day before, he mould not, for any puctilio of honour, expofe 
the townfmen to be maffacred, but make as good conditions as he could, by a 
timely furrender. A parley was beaten, a ceffation agreed on at twelve o'clock the 
next day, when the town and caftle were delivered up on the following conditions : 

ARTICLES 
Of agreement between the commiflioners appointed by his excellency, the lord 
Cromwell, lord lieutenant general of Ireland, for and on behalf of his excellency 
of the one part, and thofe appointed commifftofters by the refpecHve governor of 
the city and caftle of Kilkenny, of the other part, March 28th, 1650. 

I. That the refpeclive governor of the city of Kilkenny mail deliver up to his 
cellency the lord Cromwell, lord lieutenant of Ireland, for the ufe of the ftate 

of England, the faid city and caftle, with ail arms, ammuni:ion and provifions of 
public flores therein, without embezzlement^ except what is hereafter excepted, at 
or before nine of the clock to-morrow morning. *„< 

II. That all the inhabitants of the faid city of Kilkenny, and all others therein, 
mall be defended in their perfons, goods and eftates from the violence of the foldiers ; 
and that fuch as fhall defire to remove thence elfewhere, mail have Jiberty fo to do, 
with their goods, within three months after the date of their" articles. 

III. That the faid governor with all the officers and ^g|diers under his command 
in faid city and caftle, and all others, who fhall be fo pleailgd, fhall march away at, 



or before jame of the clock to-morrow morning, with their pag and baggage: the 

officers 



r> 



% 



476 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

officers and their attendants with their horfes and arms, not exceeding one hundred 
and fifty horfes j and their foot foldiers to march out of the town, two miles diftant 
with their arms, and with their drums beating, colours flying, matches lighted j 
and then and there to deliver up the faid arms to fuch as fhall be appointed for 
receiving them, except an hundred mufkets and an hundred pikes allowed them 
for their defence againft the tories\fe^MHT 

IV. That the faid officers and foldiers fhall have from his excellency a fafe con- 
duct, fix miles from the city of Kilkenny ; and from thence a pafs, to be in force 
for fix days, they marching at lead ten miles each day, and doing no prejudice to 
quarters. 

V. That the city of Kilkenny fhall pay 2000/. as a gratuity to his excellency's 
army: whereof 1000/. to be paid on the 30th of this month, and the other on 
the firflt day of May, to fuch as fhall be by his excellency appointed. That major 
Comerford and Mr. Edward Roth fhall remain hoftages, under the power of his ex- 
cellency for the performance of faid articles, on the part of the faid city and 
garrifon of Kilkenny. 

And laftly, for the performance of all and fingular the faid articles, both parties 
have hereunto interchangeably put their hands, the day and year above written. 

O. Cromwell. 
Edward Cowly, John Comerford, 
Edward Roth, David Turnball, 

Sir Walter Butler and the officers when they marched out were complimented 
by Cromwell, who faid : " That they were gallant fellows : that he had loft more 
men in ftorming that place, than he had in taking Drogheda, and that he fhould 
have gone without it, had it not been foj^fhe treachery of the townfmen." 

Cromwell appointed col. Axtel (-85) governor, with a confiderable garrifon. 
The plague raging in Dublin, Ireton, in 1651, wintered in (86) Kilkenny; and 
the next year, Fleetwood, on his arrival, (87; took up his refidence in this city, 
for the fame reafon. 

On the 4th October, 1652, a high comrniffion court was held in Kilkenny before 
juftice Donellan* juftice Cooke and commifiary Reynolds. 

On the reftoratiofl^of Charles II. Kilkenny refumed and exercifed its chartered 

rights, and every thing wire a tranquil appearance. In 1666,, England being en- 

1 gaged 

J * % 

(85) Borlafe, pag. 355. (86) Boilafc, pag. 28*. ('7) Borlafe, pag. 30a. 



» 



.* 



, 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 477 

gaged in a war with Holland, there were fixty-nine Dutch prifoners fent to Kilkenny 
from (SS) Waterford and other fea-ports, for greater fecuritv. 

In 1672, Nicholas (3o) Loghnan petitioned the privy council of Ireland in be- 
half of himft 'f and other citizens of Kilkenny, and Hated, that in a fmall affembly 
of aldermen and common-co«ncilmen, a refolution was made of charging each 
Ton who Mood in the market with commodities, three halfpence every time, for 
murage, pavage, &c. The petitioner alledged, that the cufloms and duties of the 
market, amounting to above one hundred pounds per annum, were appropriated to 
thefe ufes, and were fufficient to repair the iheets, walls and bridges. Befides, that 
2 corporation was endowed by royal grants, with three intire abbies, with their 
lands and livings, and feveral rich impropriations, to the value of four or five 
hundred pounds yearly, but that thefe revenues were funk very much by embezzle- 
ment. 

He therefore prayed that the diftrefles taken in purfuance of the above refolution 
may be reftored. 

On this petition, the lord lieutenant and council made this order: 

" 3d Jan. 1672. 
"We require the mayor and aldermen of Kilkenny within mentioned, by themfelves 
or their agents fufficiently inftrufted and authorized, to appear and anfwer the 
within complaint. 

Effex, Ja. Armachanus, Mich. Dublin. Can. Donegall, O'Bryen, 
Thomond, Herbert, Cha. Meredyth, Hen. Ford." 

This put an end to this illegal impofition. 
King James II. when he was new chartering the different corporate towns jn the 
kingdom, to anfwer his wretched views, did not forget Kilkenny. The corpora- 
tion, before the year 1687, confided of feven companies, but by the new charter 
they were reduced to five. The (90) expence of this charter was 260/. but 305/. 
were raifed. There were now to be twenty-four aldermen, befides the mayor, two 
fheriffs and a chamberlain with thirty-fix burgeffes, a recorder and town clerk, who 
was alfo prothonotary and clerk of the peace and crown. 

6 f The 

(88) Loffan's MSS. (89) Laffan's MSS. (90) Laffan's MSS. 



C 



478 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

The revenues payable to the corporation of Kilkenny for the year 1688, 
amounted to £.313 i8.r. &d. 

In 1689 a militia (91) was formed in Kilkenny. 

The Mayor, John Archdekin, Captain. — Lieutenant. 

Serjeants, Nicholas Cranifborough, Corporals, Ed ward Fitzgerald, 

John Lee, Michael Langton, 

Thomas Mayher, Patrick Condon. 

Patrick Hickey. 
With one hundred and twenty one private men. 
The fubfidies (92) levied off the inhabitants were very considerable. The num- 
ber of houfes now in the city and fuburbs according to the colle&or's return : 
In St. Mary's pariih - 241 

In St. John's - 94 

In St. Patrick's - 20 

In St. Canice's- . - 152 

Total 507 

Allowing eight perfons to a houfe, there were then but 4056 fouls in Kilkenny. 
By the hearth-books of 1777, an interval of but eighty-eight years, it appears there 
were then 2274 houfes, which eftimating as before, makes 18,192 fouls, or an in- 
creafe of 14,136 perfons. Such are the happy effedls of domeftic peace, the regular 
administration of juflice, and the eftablifhment of trade and manufactures. 

This year, 1689, (93) the corporation petitioned king James, that by his procla- 
mation having ordered coals to be fold atnine|*ence per barrel, lieutenant Walfh and 
James Meigh in difobedience thereof, being*overfeers of Idough colliery, prevented 
coals from coming to the city, and thereby enhanced their price, although the city 
was obliged to find fewel for colonel Thomas Butler's regiment of foot, and two 
troops of lord Galmoy's horfe, and therefore prayed redrefs. 

From Mr. Laffan's collection of MSS. we learn, that John Archdekin was elefted 
mayor of Kilkenny in 1689, but was difplaced the feventeenth of July 1690, after 
the glorious viftory at the Boyne. He petitioned the corporation for his year's Sala- 
ry, which was 100/. and that for nine months and twenty-four days he had received 
but 75/. iSs. 6d. Among riiS"difburfements the following are remarkable. 

For 

{91) Laffan's MS*. * X92) Laffan's MSS. (93) Laffan's MSS. 



W 



IRISIITOWN AND KILKENNY. 479 

militia of Dublin, by ccnfent of an affernbly at the £. s. d. 
Okl ThSfel - - - 030 

Fot candles to lord Tyrconnel and the French general after the 
ute of the Boyne - - 080 

Paid Patrick Mc. Moran for fhoeing Colonel Sheldon's horfes, he 

city from plunder after the route 050 

For iron for fhoeing lord Tyrconnel's horfes 114 o 

P. omen for carrying corn to the mill for want of 

horfes, to get fome ground to make bread for the running army after 
the route - - - 030" 

Paid Nicholas Murphy for feven carcafies of mutton, given to the 
guards that came with lord Tyrconnel - 301 

For iron delivered to Thomas Barry, for mending the locks of the 
city gate, after the route of the Boyne - 1160 

alfo charges the board of ordnance - 25 14 3 

for mounting (even iron fakers, the diameter of each three inches and a half, their 
from the bafe ring to the muzzle feven feet and a half; three were mounted 
on field carriages, and four on truckles ; four were placed on the half moons of the 
city walls; and three about the caftle of Kilkenny. 

1690. Iu July king James's army on quitting the town extorted a good fum of 
money from the inhabitants, to preferve the town from plunder. On the nineteenth 
of the fame month, king William was fplendidly entertained by the duke at his 
!e, which had been preferved by count Lauzun from being (94) pillaged. 

?4, 1690, the (95) following juflices of the peace were appointed to receive 
;ir arms and fubmimon from fuch as fubmitted to his majefly's declaration, in the 
' city anrj county of Kilkenny. 

Sheriff, for the time being, Richard Coote, Efq; Sir Henry Wemys, Knight ; 
Sir William Evans, Knight ; Balthazar Cramer, Samuel Booth, John Baxter, 
•Agmond. Cuffe, Chriftopher Hewetfon, Efqrs. 

CASTLEof KILKENNY 
^ias lately been much improved. The entrance into it is from the parade, and 
.0 ttre buck of the houfe, the front facing the river. In the court-yard are 
e foundations of buildings, and oppofite the dcor of the houfe, is a clock placed 

. an old tower. 

On 

(94) Harris's life of King William, pag. s8r. {95) Ibid, App. psg. Ixv. 






480 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



■ ■<••<■<■■<••< ■<•■<•■<•<■•< •<■• 



. v v >■ > >■ v > v >•■>. >■ 



On entering the houfe, we turn on the left hand into the dl-ning parlour ; it is 
ill-proportioned, as are all the other rooms ; convenience and elegance, are confulted 
in none of them. That the duke -of Ormond did not build the whole, the different 
additions and improvements demonftrate. It is impoffible to conceive fo meanly of 
his grace's tafte and judgment, as to imagine he could adopt fuch irregularities and 
difproportiong in any plan offered to him, much lefs would he have neglected 
fuitable bed chambers, which are abfolutely not to be found here. To compenfate 
for thefe defect's, the curious vifitant may contemplate many portraits of the various 
branches of this truly ancient and noble family. Led (96) by no very intelligent 
Ciceroni and unfurnifhed with a catalogue, the reader muft pardon whatever errors 
he may find in the following detail of the pictures. 

Dining Parlour, 
Earl of Arran, by Sir Peter Lely. 
Earl of Offory, father of lord Arran. 
Emilia de Naffau, counters of Offory. 
Dutchefs of Richmond, by Sir Godfrey Kneller. 
Two beauties of the court of king Charles II. 
Dutchefs of Devonfhire, daughter to the firft duke of Ormond, 
Countefs of Chefler field, her fitter. 
Dutchefs of Beaufort and Somerfet. 
Two young children of the family. 

Breakfasj or Tapistry Room. 
From the dark and irregular figure of this room, it appears to have been one of 
the old towers : and we difcover the thicknefs of the walls, which is very great. The 
tapiftry, admirably executed, contains the hiftory of Decius, the colours frefh and 
lively. In this room are 

The firft duke of Ormond, a full length. 
The fecond dutchefs of Ormond. 
Over the chimney, A fhepherd and two lambs. 

A handfome glafs luftre and gilt mouldings and bafes adorn this room. 

The Alcove or Presence Chamber. 
This room is alfo hung with tapiftry, reprefenting the four feafons, but inferior 
in defign and execution to the foregoing. The paintings are 

The laft duke of Ormond. 

Lady 

(96) This account was written in the life time of Mr. Butler, the rrdent Earl of Ormonde's Grand-father. 



IRJSHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 



481 



.... «... * .<..<..<..< < .<•«. <.< <.-<..< <..<■< .<■<..< .< .<..«.. 



■ >••>••>••>•>■■>•>->••>■>••>■ >••>• >■■>• >• i •> >■ > >••> >• >•■»■>■ > ■■►• >•■»'•> ►••>■ > > >•• 



Lady Thurles. 

Jlerodias with the head of St. John in a charger. 

A madona and child, from Corregio, by Carlo Dolci. 

I ord Arran. 

Royal family, by Vandyke. 

Charles lid's queen, by the fame. 

A portrait unknown. 

A Landfcape. 
In this chamber is a chefl finely japanned, faid to be the duke of Ormond's travel- 
ling cheft ; and a pier glafs, and under it a table inlaid with various marbles. 

Ball Room or Gallery. 

This gallery is of great length, but unfinifhed, nor does proper care feem to 
be taken of the valuable works it contains. In it are the 

Head of lord Strafford. 

King Charles I. and his queen. 

King Charles II. 

King James II. 

Queen Mary. 

Queen Anne. 

Firft duke of Ormond. 

Earl of Offory, his fon. 

Dutchefs of Kent, all. whole lengths. 

Admiral Jenkin, in black. 

Lord C'anricarde. 

Mary Magdalen, almoft naked. 

Fourteen portraits unknown. 

Six battle-pieces, reprefenting the engagements in the Dutch war, in which 
lord Offory was prefent. 

Mrs. Butler's Dressing Room 
Is fmall, but handfomely fitted up. There are a japanned cabinet, and a commode 
of olive inlaid and divided at top with lines of holly. The paintings are, 

Ceres and Au'umnus. 

Two of the beauties of king Charles's-court. 

Two flower pieces. 

Lafl Dutchefs of Ormond. 

6 g Lad* 



482 FISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Lady Amelia Butler. 
A very fmall clofet called a boudeur, with a library in it. 

Lady Annk's Dressing Room, B^l 
Is a fmall o&agon, ia one of the towers. Here are fome miniature paintings, par- 
ticularly one of the earl of Wandesford, lady Anne's father, and his countefs. 

A fmall chamber organ. 

Two Chinefe mandarins, &c. 

We pafs through a long corridore to the bedchambers, which are but indifferent. 

Lady Annl's Bed Chamber 
Is hung with tapiftry, made by nuns ; the figures are Chinefe and grotefque, the 
bed curtains the fame, but neither figures or colours good. , 

The Chapel. 
Mr. and Mrs. Butler continue Roman catholics, and have this fmall room for a 
chapel. The altar is of wood, and in the centre is a (lone covered with a coarfe 
canvas, and called the holy (tone ; it is an oblong of about eight inches by four, 
with an infcriprion in old Gothic letters, of fome text. At firft fight it was judged 
a relique, but on farther confideration, it was found, that by the firft canon made 
by C96) archbiihop Comyn in 11 86, it is ordered, " that altars be made of ftone ; 
and if a ftone of fufficient fize cannot be got, then a fquare, intire and polifhtd one 
be fixed in the middle of the altar, where Chrift's body is confecrated ; of a compafs 
broad enough to contain five croffes, and to bear the foot of the largeft chalice." 
This fufficiently explains the reafon of the ftone being inlaid in the altar. 

There is a tabernacle for the elements, with a madona over it ; and in an inner 
room, a confeffion chair. 

Evidence chamber 
Contains a great number of family papers. Mr, Carte, while he was employed in 
compiling the life of the great duke of Ormond, had an order from the earl of Arran, 
to examine and take away whatever papers were ufeful to him ; and accordingly he 
feie&ed a great many, and brought them on — three Iriih cars— as he exprefies it, to 
Dublin, Mr. Butler informed the writer, that they were fent back, and repofited in 
this chamber. Mr. Carte moreover mentions a number of ftewards accounts ; thefe 
if carefully examined might give us as good a view of ancient manners, as the earl 
of Northumberland's houfhold book, communicated to the public by the ingenuous 
Dr. Percy, Bifhop of Dromore. It would be worthy the noble poffeflor to 

have 

(96) Ware's Bifuops, pag. 316. 



IRI3HT0WN AND KILKENNY. 483 



<<<<<<<<< < <<<<<< <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<+>>>> 



have thofe ancirnt documents arranged, titled, and their contents expreffed : valua- 
ble materials might be found to illuftrate the hiftory of the kingdom, in which the 
houfe of Ormond bore fo illuflrious a part, and in particular of the city and county 
of Kilkenny. 

The front of the houfe lies nearly S. W. looking towards St. John's bridge. Be- 
fore the front is a lawn edged with flowers and flirubs : this lawn with its wall forms 
a rampart next the river : at the foot of thb wall, a walk of about eight feet in 
breadth has been taken off the river ; it is called the mall, and here the citizens 
recreate lhemfelves, while the Nore rolls rapidly by. 

Sir James Ware mentions bifhop Cantwell's rebuilding the great bridge of Kil- 
kenny, thrown down by an inundation about the year 1447 ; it alfo appears that St. 
John's bridge fell down by a great flood in the year 1564. 

On Sunday the fecond of October 1763, about eight o'clock in the morning, a 
mod unufual flood and inundation poured down upon the city and county of 
Kilkenny, from twenty- four hours of inceflant rain. Green's bridge near the 
cathedral fell, but no life was loft. On St. John's bridge about an hundred perfons 
were (landing ; but it being reported, that a cabbin was failing down the river 
without finking, moll of them haftened to behold the fight; fourteen men and 
women however unfortunately remained, the bridge fell, and they were inflantly 
fvvallowed up in the torrent. For two days there was no communication between the 
people on each fide the river ; boats could not ply : in moft low fituations the 1 
water rofe to eleven and in fome to fifteen feet in height. 

HOSPITALS, &c 

WILLIAM St. Leger (97) granted the church of St. Nicholas, of Tullachbrock, 
now called Tullaghanbroge, in the diocefe of OfTory, with all the lands there which 
Tancardus Brun held, and all the tithes and ecclefiaftical benefices belonging to that 
church and the church of Attenach (Attana) " in pure and perpetual alms," with 
five carrucates of land in Tullachbrock, and fix in Rofcomin, rendering one mark 
of filver for all fervices, at the feaft of St. Michael ; (98) which grant his fon con- 
firmed. Of this grant there are no traces. 

Near 

(97) From Tlghe. (8 r >) Archdal'i Peerage, VI. p. oj. 






484 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Near the cathedral is an Alms-houfe in a tottering condition ; it was founded by 
Bimop Williams: Bifhop Otway, who died 1692, left an eftate called Fermoy, 
worth then 40/. a year, to this inftitution ; but by the fraud of his executors, and 
perhaps the inattention of his fucceffors, it was conveyed away, and never recovered : 
its value now would be considerable. Eight old women inhabit this houfe ; they 
receive trifling annuities from different eftates of the family of Waring : three have 
4.0s. a piece; four 15/,; and one 3/. $s. per annum, from the eftate of Mr. Waring 
of Springfield. 

There was a Poor-houfe, called an hofpital, founded in the coal market, purfuant 
to the will of Thomas, the tenth Earl of Ormonde ; he left to it the impropriate 
reclories of Drominberran and Bewly : his fon procured an incorporation by charter, 
in 1630, under the name of the Mailer, Brothers, and Sifters of our mod holy 
Saviour Jefus Chrift. Another charitable appropriation of the tithes of Inch and 
Drumboth, in the diocefe of Camel, was made by an Earl of Ormonde, who obtain- 
ed an incorporation from Charles II. for a m after, brethren, and fifters, of a large 
houfe in Kilkenny. The houfe was fuffered to go to decay ; but a fmaller one was 
afterwards built by the prefent branch of the family, upon one-third of the ground; 
both the former endowments were loft ; thefe latter tithes are fuppofed to produce 
between 200/. and 300/. a year. The prefent houfe, or Ormonde poor-houfe is under 
the fuperintendance of the mayor ; it was repaired about eighteen years ago, by 
the prefent Countefs of Ormonde: it confifts of two ftories, four rooms on each 
floor, and contains eight widows, fome of whom have families living with them : 
they muft be natives of the city of Kilkenny, and are allowed 5/. a year each, toge- 
ther with the ground rent of two houfes adjoining, amounting to il. 6s. to each 
widow : the houfe is kept in a dirty ftate, but in tolerable repair, and contains at 
prefent twenty fouls. 

Shee's Hofpital. — The armorial bearings of the founder in the front, with eight 
quarterings, have this infcription, which fhews the date of the foundation, 
" lnfignia Ricardi Shee Kilkennienfis armigeri, qui hoc xenodochium fieri fecit, 1581." 
The building is in Rofe-inn ftreet ; the family arms at the front and back are kept 
in repair by the defcendants of the founder. 

Sir Richard Shee built the houfe in his lifetime, and endowed it at his death ; 
thefe are the words of his will and codicil ; ** Item, for that I have great defire 
and fpeciall care of the hofpitall built by myfelfe and my wyfe att Kilkenny, that 
the poore men and women there, and their fucceffors, fhall be well mayntayned from 

tyme 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 485 

tyme to tyme, I will and bequeath unto the faide poore, and their fucceffors, the 
parfonadge of Butler's woodes and Kilmocahill, in the counties of Kilkenny and 
Catherloghe. And for as muche as I cannot as yett make a perfect eftate unto themu 
thereof, for that theye are not incorporated, and want a mortmayne ; my will is, 
and doe chardge my fonne Lucas upon my bleflinge, or curfe in doeinge the con- 
trarie, to ufe his belt endover, to obtayne a charter to make them a corporation, 
by the name of " Fratres et Sorores Hofpitalis Jefu Chrifti in Kilikennia," and to 
procure a mortmayne and corporation for them and their fucceffors accordinglie for 
ever. And doe defire and requeft my faid fonne Lucas, and his heirs, upon my 
bleflinge, and my feoffees and their heirs, and the furvivor of them, from tyme to 
tyme, to perfecl a fure eftate thereof to the faid hofpitall, accordinge to my mean- 
inge herein. And doe will, that my feoffees and their heires, and the furvivor of 
them, fhall (land and be feifTed of the profytte of the faid parfonadge yearlie, to 
the ufe of the faide poor men and women, and their fucceffors of the faid hofpitall : 
and pay the mafter and his fucceffors of the faid hofpitall, viz. five pounds flerling 
of the profytte of the faid parfonadge, to the mafter and his fucceffors yearlie, who 
fhall have care of my newe chappel and monument buylt in our Ladies C)uyre, and 
mail order and difpofe the faide poore men and women in the feare of God, as be- 
cometh, and the reft of the profytte of the faid parfonadge to be converted yearlie 
to the ufe of the faide poor men and woomen of the faid hofpitall, and theire fuccef- 
fors for ever, prayinge my wyfe for the love fhee beareth unto me, to give compe- 
tent meate and drinke att her own table to the faid mafter ; and after her death 
my fonne and heire doe the lyke, prayinge my wyfe, my fonne, James Walfhe, 
my brother Matthew Shee, Thomas Browne, and my fonne John, to have care of 
the execution hereof. Item, 1 will alfo that from tyme to tyme, the houfe of the 
faide hofpitall and theire fucceffors for ever, and my newe chappell to be buylded, 
to be repayred and kept upp upon the profytte of the tythes of Kilmacahill and 
Butler's woodes afforefaide ; the reft thereof being converted to- the ufes as before." 

Codicil. — " Item, and whereas by my Iaft will 1 have appoynted my wyfe to have 
a fpeciall care of my hofpitall, mayntayne a mafter that fhall attend the poore there, 
buyld and make up a chappel j my will is, and I doe require my fonne and heire, 
as he will locke to avoyde my curfe, to looke carefullie to my hofpitall, and mayn- 
tuvne a mafter to attende them and praye for me, buylde and make upp achappell, 
and tc doe all other good works, which I appointed rny faide wyrfe and others to 
doe. Item, forafmuche as with fpeciall truft and affiance repofed, I have infeoffed 

6 h and 



4 86 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



..<«..< .< .«.., < .<.< ..< <<-<<<<<< < •< ■<■•< < < .<■<■.< + >■>>■>•>•>■■>.>.>■>.>■>•>>.>>•>■>■> •»>v>..> > > >v> v. >>•>.>••>. > >■■ 



and made eftate of all my land to fuche of my friends as acconrpted and reputed 
truftie unto me, with fuche limitations and to fuche ufes as thereupon is expreffed 
and declared, I therefore heartily defire my faid feofFees, as theye will difchardge 
the faide truft, and anfwer the fame before, the tribunall feate of God, not to give 
confent to anye of my fonnes, to fell, alien, difpofe., or doe awa/ye anye of the 
faid land foe pail unto them, other than as my intent has byn and is declared." 

Lucas Shee executed the trufts, and obtained the charter : but the founder's 
curfes did not preferve the bequeft ; although he provided, that " if the allocated 
revenue was by any means (topped, an equivalent mould be difburfed from hrs 
eftate." At firft twelve poor perfons, male and female, were- fupported in it, and 
each had an annuity of 40J, befides which, a chaplain was kept, and mafs regularly 
faid at an altar which flill remains. In 1685, the poor petitioned Dr. Phelan, titu- 
lar bifhop, againft Edmund Shee, whom they faid defrauded the community. The 
bifhop wrote to the mailer, warned him of the horrible fin of cheating the poor, but 
recommended at the fame time a kinfwoman of his to a place in the hofpital. The 
mailer returned an anfwer, which is here given, and is curious for the reafoning 
and particulars it contains. 

" Rev. Lord, Kilkenny, 8th June, 1685. 

" I received yours of this inftant, and am very fory that I cannot comply with 
your requift this tyme, as concerning your kinfwoman ; for I doe afTure you the 
howfe is full, and noe place vaquent : and as for Fra. Theobald Archer, there is 
noe place from him, but a chamber that belongs to the mailer, where no pintion 
belongs, and which I have turned to other ufes which is ufefull to the howfe. And 
if there been anny complaynt made of me unto your lordfhip, it is more than I de- 
ferve, for I doe affaire you, I have payd them all, in generall, though I am not as 
yet repaid. It is true, there was one of them that dyed lately before her pention 
was dew, and bequeated it to her dougter, and as I humbly cOnceave, it is neythej* 
contionable nor equitable, that anny boddie, who depends upon the charitie of pious 
ufes, ihout have the power to reft it to worldly ufes, and this I leave to anny religi- 
ous order to judge of, that your lordfhip thinks fit ; and as for my fowls favetie I 
prefer it before all the trefieurs in the world, and doe hope I (hall take as great care 
towards my fowle, as any of my predeceffors ever did. This being all, I reft your 
lcrdfliip's faithfull and obedient fervant, 

EDMOND SHEE." 

The 



J 



* 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 4 3 7 



4 4 4 4 « < « ■< 4 ■< 4 < <■■< <<<■* < < ■< 4 < •< •< 4 <■-< < •<•■<•<■<■-<<-<■•<«)•>..>■.>..>. >->..>..>. 



• *• I >• » > > > > 



The chaplain was paid for a long time, but no mafs has been faid thefe forty years. 
The tithes allocated to this hofpital, have long fince been detained by lay hands. 
An attempt was made to fell them in 1752, when the following caution was iiTued 
from the ecclefiaftical court of Offory. 

" Whereas Edmund Shee of Cloran, in the county of Tipperary, Efquire, has 
declared his intention of felling the houfe or tenement in the city of Kilkenny, 
commonly called Sir Richard Shee's Hofpital, as alfo the parfonage of Butler's woods 
and Kilmacahill in the counties of Carlow and Kilkenny ; and whereas the faid Sir 
Richard Shee, by his hit will, bearing date December 24th, 1603, and by a codicil 
to the faid will, dated Decmber 3 ill, 1604, (which will and codicil were proved in 
the Prerogative Court of this kingdom, in 1608,) did devife the faid hofpital and 
parfonage to and for the ufe and maintenance of the poor men and women of the 
faid hofpital, and their fuccefibrs for ever, and did thereby enjoin his fon and heir, 
Lucas Shee, Efquire, to ufe his belt endeavours to obtain a mortmain and charter to 
make them a corporation ; and whereas at the requefr. of the faid Lucas Shee, and 
in purfuance of the faid will, a mortmain and charter bearing date the feventh day 
of November, in the fixth year of his reign, was granted by King James I. to make 
the faid poor and their fuccefibrs a corporation, and to veil the faid hofpital and 
parfonage with the glebe, tithes, &c. thereof in them for ever; which will, codicil, 
mortmain, and chaiter, are on record in the proper offices ; this is therefore to cau- 
tion all purchafers how they treat for, or purchafe the faid hofpital or parfonage. 
Dated this day of May, 1752." 

The property, however, was never recovered for the hofpital, or compenfated out 
of the eftate of Sir Richard. This hofpital had fome property vefted in the French 
funds, bequeathed by General St. Ruth ; it produced about 20/. a year, which fum 
was paid through the hands of the titular bifhop ; when there were eleven women, 
they received about 30^. a year each, and lefs when the houfe was repaired : fmce 
the beginning of the revolution the intereft has ceafed, but the property may now 
be reftored. 

"The houfe contains thirteen poor women ; fix live in the lower (lory, where there 
is alfo a kitchen ; and feven in the upper, which is on a level with the lane at the 
back, and where there is a plain altar and a crucifix. They receive no money, ex- 
cept occafional gratuities from the family of Shee, by whom the women are nomina- 
ted to fupply the vacancies ; and what is collected at St. Mary's Chapel, on the day 
of the exaltation of the crofs. 

The 



4 8S HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

The tithes of the parifh of Kilmacahill, are at prefent divided into three parts j 
.one part is paid to an alms-houfe in Waterford, another part is in lay hands, and a 
third is received by the minifter of the parifh : it appears that the rent of thefe tithes 
was paid for the ufe of the poor to the firft of November, 1741. 

Not only the heirs of Sir Richard Shee are appointed truftees to this charity, but 
the mayor of Kilkenny for the time being : but it has been neglected by civil, as 
well as ecclefiaftical authorities. 

The celebrated general St. Ruth left a houfe in Patrick-ftreet to Thady O'Dunn, 
to pay 12/. a year in charity. The profits have never been accounted for, and the 
houfe was lately a barrack. 

John Cramer made a charitable bequefl for apprenticing two or more boys was to 
proteftant mafters, and diftributing weekly bread to poor people, but this loft by the 
chicane of law. 

Edward Cramer, a baker in Kilkenny, left turnpike debentures, the intereft to buy 
bread for the poor lift of St. Mary's. This continues to be well applied, as does 
Mr. Nicholai's bequefl to the fame poor. 

Mr. Lewis Chapelier bequeathed 520/. the intereft of which, every fecond year, 
,is to be a marriage portion for the daughter of a refpectable tradefman, a proteftant, 
and to be married to a proteftant. The charity is well attended to. 

The late Sir William Pownes bequeathed 32/. a year : 3/. is given to the county 
.infirmary, and the reft in penfions. There are befides a charitable fociety for 
taylors ; a benevolent fociety for bed-ridden objects, a charitable loan for lending 
money, and a fociety for bettering the condition of the poor. There is no 
diocefanfchool, the name exifts with a falary of $61. a year. The charter fchocl 
contains fixty boys, and is well conducted. 

MONASTERIES. 
Augustinian Abbey. — The oldeft monaftic foundation in Kilkenny is the 
priory, hofpital or abbey of St. John the evangelift, wHofe charter, in the Monaf- 
ticon, is dated A, I). 1220. It recites, that William Marfhall the elder, earl of 
Pembroke, for the falvation of his foul and thofe of his predeceffors, gives to God 
and St. John, a piece of ground at the head of the fmall bridge of Kilkenny, 
between the fmali ilream of water and the road that leads to Loughmederan. 
From this fituation we may conclude, that the monks defigned to erect their build- 
ing nearer the bridge than it now is : the place was infulated by the ft ream before 
mentioned, as the ground at the back of the King's Arms is at this day, and 
.which feeins a remnant of this ancient aqueduct, as it is called. 

The 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 489 

The earl grants them the parifh beyond the bridge to the eaft, and bordering on 
the bridge, which was St. Maels ; and the ecclefiaftical revenue of his land of 
Dunfert j this is now called Danesfort, but improperly, for the name Donfert or 
Dunfert, appears in very ancient records. He bellows on them the tenths of his 
mills, fifheries, orchards and dovecotes in Kilkenny, and alfo land at the head of 
the greater bridge, where they formerly began their convent. He gives the rents of 
his burgage-tenements in the new town, the church of the new town, which mult 
be St. Mary's and that of Hagaman, and the intire benefice of the old town, m 
tenths, oblations and obventions. Do not thefe words clearly imply a ftrong doubt 
of the cathedral not having as yet made any conilderable progrefs from its founda- 
tion, or if it had, that its chapter, revenues and jurifdicUon were not fettled? the 
grant of totius beneficii veteris villse admits of no qualification, it is decifive in its 
import. Had there been a cathedral in Irifhtown endowed with ancient revenues, 
he never would have wrefted them from it for his new priory. The words alfo 
militate ftrongly againft the claim of Hugh Rufusf, as if he was lord paramount of 
Irilhtowh, when the contrary is here evident. Bifhop Fitz John appropriated t» 
them the church of Claragh, referving an annual penfion of twenty millings to the 
vicars choral. 

In 1645, when the monadic orders were every where repairing their houfes,, 
the Auguftinians, to whom this abbey originally belonged, endeavoured to poffefe 
themfelves of it ; but the Jefuits interpofed a claim, and it was confirmed to them 
by Rinuccini, the nuncio. From a MS. of Mr. LafTan we have this tranfactioii 
authenticated. 

" Whereas we the mayor, aldermen and burgeffes of the city of Kilkenny have 
of late granted our certificate to the rev. fathers the Jefuits, confirming unto them, 
as much as in us, and as law permits, a certain grant or donation palled unto 
them in the year 1645, of the monaftery of St. John the evangeiift in this city, 
by the rev. father Thomas Roth, prior in commendam thereof; and having fince 
confidered the manifeft inconveniencies the faid city, and the feveral tenants deriv- 
ing under a late leafe from our predeceffors are like to lie under, have for that 
reafon entered into a further fcrutiny of the faid Jefuits' title, and we find, that 
they can produce neither grant, leafe or any thing like from us or our predeceffors 
of the faid monaftery, either in 1641, or fince, but the faid grant from the faid 
father Roth, confirmed by the pope's nuncio, then refiding in this city. 

6 1 "We 



4%o HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

" We therefore confidering the invalidity of the faid grant, fo as to dived us 
of our right, and the obligation on us to maintain the leafe made by our predecef- 
fors, do hereby revoke and annul the faid certificate, until the faid Jefuits do produce 
a legal title from us of our predeceflbrs : on fight whereof we will freely and 
unanimoufly join in the chapel and garden of the poor Capuchins, which they 
have improved on the meaneft and craggieft fpot about this city, to our admira- 
tion and edification. Befides which fpot, we humbly conceive, that there are 
iufficient room and apartments for the Jefuits. 

In witnefs that this is our laft refolution and pleafure, we have hereunto fubfcribed 
our names this 1 8th day of March, 1689." 

From this document we find, that the Jefuits had prevailed on Roth to fur- 
render the abbey to them : that the city, though they had made leafes of it, yet 
diverted themfelves of their right, and that in 1645, the nuncio confirmed thefe 
illegal proceedings. On his return to Italy, he wrote to the general of the 
Jefuits, and moil unclerically mentions this act of injuftice done through predi- 
lection of the order. 

" (1) Si contend voRra paternita reverendiflima, che jo fi affecuri di non aver 
mai veduto, e forfe non letto una fimile novita, la quale accrefe la fua forfa dal 
faperfi per tutto il regno, che jo nel medefimo punto per fervire alia compagnia 
avevo terminato l'acquifto della chiefa abbaziale di S. Giovanni di Kilkennia per 
quei padri, non oftanti tutte le oppofizioni dei canonici regolari." — (2) None 
need wonder, fays Walfli, to fee among thofe approvers of the nuncio, the whole 
college, or profeffed houfe of the Jefuits then at Kilkenny. The members of this 
fociety refident in the city, were 

(3) Henry Plunket, William St. Leger, 

Robert Bath, William Dillon, 

Chriftopher Maurice, - John Uffier. 

Whereas the Auguflinians in the kingdom,' according to this author, did not 
exceed fixty or eighty : the Jefuits were more numerous ; being bufy, enterprizing 
and of great influence. 

In 1432, ^4) John Fleming, bilhop of Leighlin, was canon of St. John's, and 
in 1500, (5) James Shortal was prior of it. The annals of it are frequently men- 
tioned, 

(1) Hibern. Dominic, fupra. App. 915. (i.) Supia. Pref. pag. 45- 

(3) WaUh, pag. 1. (4) Ware's Bifhops, pag. 495. (j) Ware, fupra, pag. 415. 



• •< < 4 •« 4 A * < t 



IR1SHT0WN AND KILKENNY. 49 r 

tioned, and were in the Chandois (6) collection. The codex Kilkennienfis fo 
frequently cited by Colgan, and reprobated by Bollandus, was the production of 
this mouaftery. » 

Great part of this abbey was demolifhed to make room for a foot barrack; 
however its ruins declare its former fplendour. For about fifty-four feet of the 
fouth fide of the choir it feems to be almo't one window. The eaftern window is 
about fixteen feet wide and forty high ; it is divided by delicate Hone mullions. 
The following monumental iufcriptions ftill remain amid the ruins. 

D. Michael Cowley 
Irenarcha et jurifconfvltus, &c. et uxor ejus D. Honoria Roth, hie requiefcunt 
in aeternam, ut fperamns, hinc requiem transferendi ubi quod corruptibile eft: in- 
corruptionem induet ; uterque mortis fubdidit legi ; uterque mortuus commune 

folvit debitum naturae, llstc vivere or-bi defiit anno die menfis . . . 

ccelo iiie caspit vivere anno 

.Lpitanhium 

Hie viztute animi et generafo ftemrriate clarus, 

Coukum triilis quae capit urna tegit. 

Fallor, cteleftes, mdior pars incolit arces, 

Hoc tanturn cineres flebile marmor habet. 

Hie potuit juris difcordes folvere nodos, 

Sed nequiit durae folvere jura necis. 

O homo vive Deo cceloque opejare, fepultus, 

Sola manet virtus, csetera mortis erunt. 

Quod alii, lector, tibi mortuo obfequium, 

Reptndent nobis, impende seteanam 
Requiem precare et vale. 

— <s> 

F. Johannes Purcell 

Abb. Ecc qui obiit ..... 

'He lies recumbent at full length, in the habit of a regular canon, with a mitre 
on his head ; the whole is of black marble. 

Clofe by is another figure, one of the fame family as the word Purcell fhews ; 
he is in armour ; a belt comes over his moulder, from which depends a fword. 
The frame of this monument is ornamented with balfo relievos of Chrifi and his 
apoftles, ^each with their different emblems. 

Hie 

(6) NicholfuiTo Iriih HiR. Library, pag. 36 8vb"» 



49^ HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Hie jacet 
Edvardus Langton, hujus civitatis major et burgenfis, et Superior villas Killkennise ; 
et Belena Archer, ejus uxor, qui obierunt 5 die Maii, 1571, et Richardus 
Langton. 

Memento 

Homo quod pufio es, et in pufionem reverteris. Neale Cullen, citizen of Kilkenny, 

built this monument for his dear beloved wife Rofe Langton deceafed, the 4th of 

October 164.6, his father John Cullen, his mother Ellen Seix., himfelf and family. 

My virtue death feems to overfway 

My virtue's fruit by deed will ne'er decay. 

There are a few other monuments here, but all defaced and illegible. 

DOMINICAN ABBEY, 

Otherwife called the Black abbey, from the colour of the garments worn by the 
monks of the order, was founded in Irifhtown, by William earl Marfhal the younger, 
about 1225, and dedicated to the blefled Trinity. Bifhop Hugh a Dominican, and 
who died in 1259, made many donations to the monaftery ; among others, he be- 
ftowed on it St. Canice's well an aqueduct and releafed a chief rent arifmg from 
two meffuages in Friar-ftreet ; and was interred in the high church near the altar. 

Bifhop Cantwell was alfo of this order j and on his promotion he ftill wore the ha- 
bit, agreeable to the decree of the 8th Conftantinopolitan (7) council, and was bu- 
ried in this abbey. 

The fite of this monaftery was granted at the reformation to the corporation of 
the city. Part of the building was made a fhire-houfe, as is mentioned in the char- 
ter of the elder James. Some chapters of the order were held here in 1643, wnen 
the whole was repaired. It had a (8) houfe for novices, fituated to the north- 
weft, on the river Nore, about two miles above the city, and called now Thorn- 
back. 

The windows and arches are rather fuperior to thofe of St. John's ; the various 
mouldings that adorn them are beautiful fpecimens of the Gothic tafte, and for 
elegance and lightnefs nothing can exceed its two towers. 

It muft occur to every one, that this is a very indifferent account of this founda- 
tion. Dr. Burke, a learned Dominican, and titular bifhop of Oflbry, and for many 

years 
\ 

(7) Prseterea monachi qui vita et dodtrina ut epifcopi crcentur meruerint, non mutent habitus veflifque ra:ionem ob 
novaiu dignitatem. Caranz.e Summ, Condi, pag. 767. 

(8) Hibern. Dominic, pag. 206. 



IRISIITOWN AND KILKENNY. 



< < < < < 



years refident in Kilkenny, and who was particularly interefted in the inquiry, 
declares, that except the few foregoing notices, (c^ he could procure nothing more 
From printed books, MSS. monuments, or the information of the members, after 
the utmoft diligence and application. This ingenuous confeffion at once deteds the 
impofitions of writers, who have obtruded on the world, as memorials carried out 
of Ireland in times of confufion, the lives of faints, and other hiftorical collections ; 
en, in reaiity, they are the genuine manufacture of the feminary clergy of Douay' 
Ghent, LovaiK and other places; and if we may form an opinion of' them from 
Bollandus, they are of no greater eftimation than the dreams of Annius of Viterbo, 
and fimilar impoflors. 

The Dominicans in 1437, obtained two parts of the tythes of (10) Mothil, as 
appears by the record. 

FRANCISCAN ABBEY. 
We have every reafon to place the foundation of this abbey, previous to the year 
1230. " For in the chore of the friers-preachers, fays Stanihurft, William Marfhal, 
earl of Pembroke, was buried, who departed this life in the yere 1231. Richard 
brother to William, to whom the inheritance defcended, within three yeres after 
deceafed at Kilkennie, beinge wounded to death in a field in the heath of Kildare 
in the year 1234, the twelfe of April, and was intomed with his brother, according 
to the old epitaph here mentioned : — 

Hie cunes eji pofitus, Ricardus vulnere fojfus : 
Cujus fub fojfa Kilkennia continct ojfa. 
Hanmer fays, he was killed by the O Connors, and buried in the Black abbey. 
He adds, that his tomb with thofe of eighteen knights that came over at the conqueit, 
were at the fuppreflion of the monaftery, defaced, and by the inhabitants turned to 
their private ufes, making fwine-troughs of fome ; fo that there remained but one 
on which the picture of a knight was pourtrayed, bearing a fhield about his neck 
with the Cantwell's arms infculpted : this the people call Ryddir in Curry (11) or 
the Knight on the Curragh. 

John Clynn of this convent, writes 

Poll incarnatum lapfis de virgine natum 
Annis millenis tribus triginta ducentis, 

6 K In 

(9) Supra, pg. 2c6. (10) Appendix. 

(11) Properly, Ridire in Currach, eques in Piano, meaning carl Richard who was flain on the curragh, or plain. 



494 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 



•< <■<■<•< <<<<<<<<<<< .<< ..<.<.<..<.<■<•<•<•<•<■<•<■•<•■<'<•<■■<'•<■•<••<+>•■>•>••>•■>■•>■>•>■■>■■>•>•■>•■>•>■■>•■>•>••>•■>•>•>•>'■>■•>■■>">■•>•■>•>■>•>■>•>••>•►'•>•>••>>>" 

In primo menfis Aprilis, Kildarienfis 

Pugna die fabbati fuit in triftitia fa&i, 

Acciderant ftallo pugnas comiti marifcallo. 
Speed, fpeaking of this tranfa&ion, informs us, ?* his body was buried in Kilken- 
ny, (which pleafantly fituated towne our foveraigne king James erected into a city) 
where himfelf in his life had appointed. Some fmall tokens of this great name 
are yet (1611) remaining. For in the eafl window of the abbey church of St. John 
the Baptift, and in the abbey of St. Dominick, the antient armories of Mareflial, 
lord of Kilkenny, are yet extant. Luke Wadding (hews (12), that Matt. Paris 
and Du Chefne (13) agree in making him to have been interred in the Francifcan 
abbey. ( 

This monaftery' foon grew fo confiderable, that in the year 1267, a provincial 
chapter was held there, as Clynn informs us. In 1321 the great altar was confe- 
crated ; it was a marble table of prodigious length and breadth. 

In 1331, Nicholas Welifed, biihop of Waterford, confecrated the new cemetry 
without the church, on a friday, being the feaft of St. Cecilia. 

In 1347, on the firft funday in Advent, a fraternity or gild was inflituted for 
building a belfry and repairing the church. In the fame year on Palm funday, 
being the annunciation of the Virgin Mary, Ifabella Palmer was buried in this con- 
vent. She had rebuilt the forepart of the choir. Thus far Clynn. 

The monaftery and its offices were of great extent, reaching from the flreet and 
city walls to the river. The windows and towers are inferiour to none. Part is 
made a horfe barrack. Near the margin of the river and within the precincts of the 
abbey is a fpring of pure limpid water, called St. Francis' well, and was heretofore 
famous for miraculous cures ; it is inclofed, and Mill preferves forne degree of credit. 
About a mile from the town was a grange belonging to the fathers : in Wadding's 
time it was in the pofTefTion of John, fon of Sir Richard Shee. A century before 
on the fuppreilion of religious houfes, the corporation purchafed from the crown 
this abbey and its demefnes, 

ST. MARY'S CHURCH. 

In the charter to St. John's priory, this church feems to be defcribed by " The 
church in the new town." We have feen under the year 1328, that William Utlaw 
was fentenced to cover its roof with lead. And- in Clynn's annals is the following 

notice ; 

(12) Annales Minorum, ad ann. 1254, pag. 4-0, 471, 
(■3) l ' a 2- 4°3- Du Chefne Hilt, ad Anglet. pa^. 543. 



IRISHTOWN AND KILKENNY. 495 

notice : " A.D. 1343. A new belfry was eretted for the church of St. Mary, Kilken- 
ny." The following claufe in Queen Elizabeth's charter to the city, relates to the 
provifion of wax lights for the church and image of the Virgin Mary. ' 

" Item, quia diverfa tenementa in ilia villa de Kilkenny ab antiquo tempore one- 
rentur, tain illuminare coram imagine virginis gloriofse Marise prsediftse, quam ad 
emendandam ecclefiam prsediclam ; procuratores feu clientes ad redditus illos, et 
jura levenda ii negligentes fuerint, quod fervientes vel burgenfes villas namiare poflint 
pro redditus & jura prsedida, fine calumpnia." 

The old church was much larger than the prefent one, which is contracted on the 
ancient fite. It is in the form of a crofs, neat and elegant ; with a good organ. 
In 1689, Marcus Stafford, (14) clerk, and one of the vicars choral of Chrift church 
Dublin, made, oath before a magiilrate, that he was credibly informed, and did, 
from a knowledge of the faft for eighteen years before, believe, that the curacy of 
St. Mary's was in the prefentation of the mayor and citizens of Kilkenny. The 
motives for this affidavit we are not told, or the fteps taken in confequence. At 
prefent the church is in the patronage of the bifhop. 

The following are the moil remarkable monuments. 
Spiculum mortis. 

Ortus ad interitum ereclis progrefTibus, urget 

Mortalefque rapit mortis vis nefcia vinci, 

Nefcia confilio, voto, vel voce moveri. 

Imperii, eloquii, rationis, acuminis, artis, 

Et fophise tranfcendit opem, erecl:oque lacerto 

Spicula contorquet gravis inclementia lethi. 

Cujus ad imperium quicquid fpirabile mundi 

I lachina complexu fovet, expirare neceife eft. 



Speculum mortalium. 
Sifle gradum, qui tranigrederis, cordate viator ; 
Inque fepulchrali hoc fpeculo circumfpice clari 
Ora viri, genio ingenioque, et moribus orbi 
Brittanico lumen ; cujus facundia vocis 
Et facundia gravi' fenfu, cenfuque facultas : 
Non contemnenda pietas, doclrina favorque : 



Magnus 



(14) Arud Laffan'. MSS. 



49 6 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF 

Magnus turn mentifque vigor, dum vita vigeret, 
Nunc tenet orbatum eultu brevi urna cadaver. 



Johannes Nafhus 
Humanse fragilitatis confcius, chariflimae uxori, Eleonoras Rothse et liberis, adhuc 
vivens pcfuit. A. X. 1617. Quibus ut seternam requiem preceris, turn finis memor 
enixe rogat. Obiit honeftus hie & cordatus civis, 31 die Maii menfis, falutis hu- 
manse. A. 1643. 

Jacobus Archdeacon 
Mercator, et hujus urbis Kilkennienfis burgenfis, hoc fibi et uxori Catharinse Wood- 

loke, et pofteris fuis vivus monumentum pofuit. Fato ceffit ille "'. . 

obiit hsec .... die menfis ...... 

Epitaphium. 

Hsec mihi, qua condar, feralis conditur urna j 

Et tibi quern parili forte fepulchra manent. 

Quifquis es, extin&os vermis prsedabitur artus ; 

Et quse me primum te quoque fata prement. 

Ut rede vivas mortis memor efto ; fepultus 

JEternum ut poffis vivere : difce mori. 1636. 



Hie jacet 
Johannes Rothus, Petri films, civis prstorius civitatis Kilkeniae, qui facellum hoc 
cum monumento fepulchrali pro fe, uxore liberifque ac pofteris fuis fieri fecit, anno 
falutis 1 61 2. Ipfe vero non tarn obiit quam abiit, 31 die, menfis Januarii, A. D. 
1620. Necnon Rofa Archera chariffima ejus conjux, quse viceffit magis quam de- 
ceffit, die menfis 8°. anno Dom. 16 . . . 

Quorum animabus propitietur Deus. 

Symbolum falutis. 
Ortus quaeque fuos redolent animantia primes. 
Et redit in cinerem quod fuit ante cinis. 
Mens fuperas nunc avet opes . . . imas 
Nempe fui memorem ftruclilis urna facit. 
Aft rediviva olim quando urna refucierit offa 
Jun&a animis, Deus O faxit, ut aftra petant, 

ST. 



IRISIITOWN AND KILKENNY. 



497 



•<<<<<< 



< < < < t t - < < < < < < *« ■ 



< .<•$,>. >. >- >..>.. 



• >.->■>.■>.>.>>. >■■>■>.>. 1 >>v> -v >. 



ST. MiEL or MAULA. 

The church dedicated to this faint is of great antiquity, and pointed out in St. 
John's charter, as lying on the eaft fide of the river. It is a fufficient apology for 
introducing legendary narrations in accounts of ancient foundations to fay, that fre- 
quently none others are to be found ; this is the cafe at prefent. 

The fex of this faint is doubtful : if it was dedicated to St. Mael, we (15) are 
told he was nephew and difciple of St. Patrick, and by him placed over the fee of 
Ardagh in 456, where he prefided for more than thirty years and died the 5th of 
February, 487. The profefleci writers of the lives of the faints ftretch the belief of 
the credulous very far, when they relate with fuch minute exaftnefs unauthenti- 
cated events. The following tale deferves as little credit. 

" About (16, roe time that St. Kennie's church was built, a church was 

erected over againfi the eaft fide of the Nore, in honour of St. Maula, the mother 
of St. Kennv, whole memory is continued in Kilkenny by her plague that fell upon 
them thus : there was a plague in the towne, and fuch as died thereof, being bound 
with w>thes upon the beere, were buried in- St. Maula' s church-yard ; after that the 
infe&ion ccr.fed, women and maids went thither to dance, and inftead of napkins- 
and handkerchiefs to keep them together in their round, it is faid, they took thofe 
W)thes to ierve their purp 

" It is generally conceived that Maula was angry for profaning her church-yard, 
and with the wuhes infected the dancers fo, that mortly after man, woman, and 
child died in Kilkenny./' — We here fee a natural effect fuperftitiouOy and ignorantly 
afcribed to another came. 



(13) Witt's Bi&opa. 



(;{•) Kar.mcr's chronicle. 




6 L 



APPENDIX, 



( 498 ) 



-;. + + + + + + .,. + >. + + + + + 4. + -j- •(. + f + + + + -!- + ■*• * -J- -f * + + + + 4- + + + + + + * + + + + + + 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 

No. I. — Page 383. 
Prioratus five hofpital. Sti. Johannis evang. de Kilkenn. fundat. circa ann. 1 220. 

ILL. Marefchallus, comes Pembrochiac, &c. concefli B. Johanni evang. 
locum quendam ad caput parvi pontis de Kilken. fc. inter du&um minoris 
aquas & viam qua ducit ad Loghmaderan ab horreis meis, & 16 acras de terra libera 
ex eadem parte aquas iilius, cum pertinentiis, ad conftruendum ibidem domum reli- 
gionis, in honorem Dei & Sti. Johannis, & ad fuflentationem pauperum & indigen- 
tium. Concern" etiam, totam parochiam ultra pontem de Kilkenn. verfus orientem 
& adjacentem eidem ponto cum pertinentiis, abfque omni retinemento. Etiam 
beneficium ecclefiafticum totius terras meas de Donfert, quantum fc. inde ad patro- 
nura pertinet ; & beneficium ecclefiafticum totius terras me de Loghmadheran eodem 
modo cum omnibus pertinentiis, tarn in decirais, quam oblationibus & obventionibus. 
Et omnes decimas moiendinorum, pifcariarum, pomariorum, & columbariorum 
rneorum de Kilkenn. 

Volo etiam & concedo, quod praedicli fratres deferviant capella caftri mei de Kil- 
kenn. et inde habeant omnes obventiones et oblationes fi ego abiens fuero vel hasredes 
mei: finautem, tunc dominici capellani mei oblationes ex ea proveniences preci- 
pient. 

Conceffi etiam locum quendam ad caput magni pontis, ubi primitus domus eorum 
n.choata fuit, reddendo de eodem loco mihi & hasredibus meis annuatim tres folidos 
pio omnibus fervitiis. Et quod habeant et poflideant pacince omnes reddilus bur- 
gagiorum quas eis in villa de Kilkenn. data fuerunt et danda, falvo fervitio meo, et 
falvis omnibus qua; juris mei funt. Praterea concefli ecclefiam de Haghamon et 
ecclefiam de Nova villa, & totum beneficium Veteris villas cum omnibus pertinentiis 
ad eafdem ecclefias fpeclantibus. Prasterea, decimas moiendinorum meorum & fea- 
ci um meoium in parochiis prsedi&arum ecclefiarum. 

Infuper, 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



499 



» (.<■< 4 <■<<■<•< <•< < < < « < ■<•<•< < ■< 



•>>■>', > ■■>■ >••> 



Infuper, triginta marcas argenti de decima redditus mei affifi in Hibernia preci- 
pientia:-; in perpetuum ad fcaccarium meum de Kilkennia. Et praster hasc, unam 
carrucatam terrae cum pertinentiis, viz. illam quam Thomas Drake confuevit tenere 
juxta Kilkenniam, quietam ab omnibus fervitiis, &c. 

Monafticon Anglic, vol. 2 pag. 1042. 



No. II.— Page 383. 

REX fuperiori k prsepofito & communitati villas de Kilkenny, falutem. Monftra- 
vit nobis venerabilis pater, Alexander epifeopus Oflbrienfis, ut cum ipfe omnia 
temporalia fua teneat denobis in capite ; ipfeque quoddam mercatum in villa fua del 
lriftiton juxta Kilkeniam, quae elt parcella dictorum temporalium, viz. die Mercurii 
fingulis feptimanis, obtineat. Et licet idem epifeopus & praedeceflbres fui nuper 
epifcopi loci praedi&i, mercatum fuum prasdictum, ut -praedictum eft, & libertatcm 
fua in infra Croceam epiicopatus praedicti, libere & abfque cuftumis aliquibus 'pro 
muragio dictae villae de Kilkennia, de rebus venalibus ad dictum mercatum, vel infra 
libertatem praedictam venientibus, abfque affenfu & voluntate praedicti epifcopi & 
praedecefiTorum fuorum folvendis a tempore fundationis ecclefiae ipfius epifcopi Sti. 
Canici de Kilkennia habere confueverunt. Vos tamen quafdam litems noftras 
patentes ad certas cuftumas pro muragio dicTtse villae de Kilkennia', de rebus venalibus x 
ad eandem viliam de Kilkennia et infra Croceam praedictam venientibus, percipiendas 
abfque confenfu five notitia dicti epifcopi impetraftis, & cuftumas hujufmodi de rebus 
venalibus ad dictum mercatum 6c infra libertatem ipfius' epifcopi praedictam venien- 
tibus praetextu dictarum literarum noftrarum minus jufte percepiftis, et indies 
percipere non defiftis, in ipfius epifcopi ac ecclefiae fuae praedidtae grave praejudicium, 
dictique mercati ac libertatis fuas praedictae perturbationem & retractionem manifeftas, 
ut dicitur ; fuper quo nobis fupplicavit fibi remedium adhibere j & quia per quen- 
dam inquifitionem coram fratre Willielmo Tany, priore hofpitalis Sri. Johannis 
Jerufalem in Hibernia, cancellario noftro, ibidem captam, et in cancellarium nof- 
tram Hiberniae remanentem eft compertum, quod dicta villa del Irilhton eft parcella 
dictorum temporalium : & quod idem epifeopus & praedeceffores fui prredicti merca- 
tum praedictum una cum libertate procdicta in forma pvaedicta habere confueverunt. 
Nolenres proinde, quod praefato epifcopo in ea parte praetextu dictarum literarum 
noftrarum aliquaiitur praejudicetur, vobis et cuilibet veitrum mandamus, quod pras- 
textu dictarum noftrarum literarum de dicta villa del Irifhton, mercatu aut libertate 

prasdictis, 



5 cj APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 

praedi&is, vel de cuftumis aliquibus pro muraggio diclae viilae de Kilkennia de rebus 
venallibus addi&um mercatum, vel infra libertatera prsedi&am venientibus, abfque 
aiTerfu et voluntate ipfius epifcopi de cetero capiendis. Vos autem aliquein 
veilrum nullatenus intromittatis fub periculo incumbente. 

Tefle jacobo de Botiller, comite de Ormond jufticiario noflro apud Dublin 
28 die januarii, anno regni noftri 51. 

Rot. cancell. Hiber. 51. Edw. III. 1376. No. y6 in dorfo. 

No. III. — Page 441. 

PROPOSITUS, ballivi et probi homines villas de Kilkennia habent pavagium ai 
villain fuam paviendam per feptem annos fub data, apud Dublin, 25 die Novembris, 
anno 1 Edw. III. 1334- 

Ex rotul. turr. Bermingh. pat. 8. E. III. p. No. 106. 

No. IV, — Page 442. 

REX omnibus ad quos, &c. falutem. Cum communitas co-mitatus noftri de Kil- 
kennia nobis in fubfidium guerras fuper Hibernicos partium Lageniae holies 
noftros, Dei adjutorio, expugnandos, fua fpontanea voluntate nobis concefferint 
duodecim homines ad arma, cum tot equis coopertis, quolibet eorum capiente 
per diem duodecim denarios ; et fexaginta hobelarios, quolibet eorum capiente per 
diem, quatuor denarios ; et ducentes pedites, quolibes eorum capiente per diem 
tres obolos, vadiis ipfius communitatis fuftineri per quoddam certum tempus in 
comitiva jufticiarii noftri Hibernias, dicta guerra durante, moraturos, prout inter 
ipfos jufticiarium et communitatum erat' concordatum. Aflignavimus dilectos 
nobis Willielmum Lye et Thomam Moygne in cantredas de Ofgellan et Ognen- 
toy : Ricardum Foreftal et Walterum Sillame in cantreda de bylerchir : Adamum 
Tonibrige, Gilbertum Synniche et Johannem Herberd in cantredis de Odoch 
et Galmoy, ad dictum fubfidium conjundim et dileclo confanguineo noftro Jacobo 
de Botiller, comiti de Or mend, et horninibus quos idem comes retineat in guerra 
prazdicla (dum t^men ad numerum hominum ad arma, hobelariorum et peditum 
prscdiftorum attingat eofdem hoftes guerrando) per indenturam inter eos, modo 
debito conficiendam, liberandum. Etideo v.obis mandamus, quod iifdem Willielmo, 
Thomas, Ricardo, Waltero, Adas, Gilberto et Johanni, tanquam aflefforibus et 
collectoribus fubfidii praedicti, pareatis et intendatis. Damus autem affefibribus 

. . et 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 501 



et collectoribus prsediftis, tenore prsefentium in mandatis, quod circa praemivta 
cum omni feftinatione et diligentia faciant et exequantur informa praedi&a. 

In cujus, &c. telle Almarico jufticiario apad Triftledermot, 26 die Novem. 

Per ipfum jufticiarium et concilium. - 
Ex rot. Turr. Berm. pat. 23 Edw. III. No. 53. A. D. 1349. 

No. V.— Page 445. 

REX dilectis fibi fuperiori et communitati villa; de Kilkennia, &c. falutem. Sciatis 
quod nos fortiricationem et reparationem villae v.eftrae veftris exigentibus meritis, 
affectuofe defiderantes, de gratia noftrai'peciali conceffimus, et licentiam dedimus vobis, 
in auxilium murorum, paviamenti et pontifejufdem villae reparandorum, quod vos et 
pofteri veftri per vofmet aut depucandos a vobis capere pofTitis, et habere a decimo die 
Decembris jam proxime futuro, ufque ad finem feptem annorum extunce proxime 
lequentium plenarie complendorum, de rebus venalibus ad eandem villam venien- 
tibus, feu de eadem caufa veniendi tranfientibus, five per eandem villam per unam 
lucam circumquaque, tarn in Crocea quam in libertate ibidem venientibus, con- 
fuetudines fublcriptas. 

Vir de quolibet cranoco cujufcunque generis, bladi, brafei, farinse et falis venali, 
unum obolum. De quolibet cranoco waide venali duos denarios. De quolibet 
cranoco de corcyr et fymal venali, unum denarium. De quolibet cranoco tanni 
venali, unum quadrantem. De duodecim cranocis quorumcunque carbonum venali- 
bus, unum denarium. De duodecim cranocis calcis venalibus, unum obolum. De 
quolibet equo, vel equa, hobino, bove vel vacca venali, unum denarium. De 
decern ovibus, capris vel porcis venalibus, unum denarium. De quinque venalibus 
baconibus unum obolum. De duodecim velleribus lanitis venalibus, unum obolum. 
De quolibet corio equi vel equae, hobini, bovis, vel vaccse, frifco, falito vel tan- 
nato venali, unum quadrantem. De qualibet centena pellium agnorum, capriolorum 
leporum, vulpium, catarorum et fquirrellorum, venali, unum obolum. De quali- 
be centena pellium omnium lanetarum, caprarum, leporum, biflarum, damorumvel 
damarum venali, unum denarium. De duabus molis manualibus renalibus, unum 
denarium. De duabus molis manualibus, unum quadrantem. De quolibet magno 
iacco lans venali, quatuor denarios. De qualibet mafa allecis venali, unum 
quadrantem. De viginti groffis pifcilnis venalibus, unum obolum. De quolibet 
fummagio aequi pifcium maris venali, unum quadrantem. De centum anguillis 

6 m groffi 



502 APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



■< ■< < ■<•<■•<■■<■•<•■< •<■<■•< .<..«.<..<..<..<.<..<.<.<..<.<■< .<..<..<-.<-.<..<..< .<•.<..« + >..>..>.>. > >. > >. >..>>. >..>. 



> > > >•■>■ > v >• > > > > >• ■>■ >■ > 



groffis aquas dulcis venalibus, unura denarium. De quolibet falmone venali, unum 
quadrantem. De quolibet dolio vini et cinerum venali, quatuor denarios. De 
quolibet fummagio mellis venali, unum denarium. De quolibet fummagio cinerum 
venali, unum denarium. De quolibet fummagio pannorum venalium, unum 
obolum. De quolibet panno integro de aflifla venali, unum denarium. De viginti 
ulnis panni Hibemici, falewyche et wyrftede, venalibus, unum obolum. De 
viginti ulnis linei teli Anglici vel tranfmarini, venalibus, unum obolum. De viginti 
ulnis de canenis venalibus, unum quadrantem. De (Jecem capellis de feltro venali- 
bus, unum obolum. De quolibe tapeto vel chalon venali, unum quadrantem. De 
quolibet panno aureo venali, unum denarium. De quolibet panno de ferico vel 
baudikino venali, unum obolum. De quolibet capite findonis venali, unum obolum. 
De quolibet fallinga Hibernica venali, unum quadrantem. De quolibet fummagio 
pannorum, vel aliarum rerum venalium, unum obolum. De qualibet benda ferri 
venali, unum obolum. De centum gaddis afceris venalibus, unum obolum. De 
centum libris de pice, vel rofino venalibus, unum obolom. De centum libri 
feminis porri venalibus, unum denarium. De duabus milliaribus ceparum venali- 
bus, unam quadrantem. De o&o chane falis venalibus, unum quadrantem. De 
centum magnis bordis venalibus, unum denarium. De quolibet milliari fcinrularum 
grofiarum venali, unum denarium. De quolibet milliari fcindularum minutarum 
unum obolum. De quolibet milliari clavorum venalium, unum obolum. De quoli- 
bet centena ferrorum adequos, et clutorum ad care&as venali, unum obolum. De 
qualibet nova cifta, vel archavenali, unum quadrantem. De quolibet milliari dif- 
corum et platellorum ligneorum venali unum quadrantem. De qualibet duodena 
de cordwane, corney, et bafyne venali, unun obolum. De qualibet centena oris 
et cupri venali, duos denarios. De qualibet centena de fcalpyn et pifcis auri venali 
unum denarium. De decern petris cannabi et lini venalibus, unum denarium. De 
decern lagenis olei lampadarum venalibus, unum obolum. De qualibet centena de 
vitro colorato venali, unum denarium. De qualibet centena de vitro albo venali 
unum obolum. De duabus folidatis cujufcunque generis fpecierum venalibus, unnm 
obolum. De qualibet centena de amero de pondere venali, unum- denarium. De 
qualibet duodena panni Anglici vel tranfmarini venali. unum denarium. Et de 
quolibet mercimonio valoris duorum folidorum, unde bic non fit mentio venali unum 
quadrantem. 

Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod confuetudines prsedi&as de rebus venalibus 
prsedictis capiatis et habeatis, ufque ad finem termini prssdidi v completo autem 

termino* 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



503 



terraina il!o, confuetudines pnedi&ae penitus cefient et deleantur. Ita femper, 
quod denarii hide proveniences circa mura^ium, pavagium et pontagium villas 
pradi.T.e et non alibi, fid .lantur. Volumus enim quod ia fine 

•ujuflil ii, durante termino prsedittQ, computus inde coram venerabili patre 

epifcopo Offbrienfi, qui pro tempore fait et Roberto de la Ffreigng milite, vel 
altero eoruni, et nou ad fcaccarium noftruna Hibernias, de anno in annum fide- 
liter per vos reddatur. 

In cujui, &c. tefl:e Gullielmo Tanny, Gubernatore, apud Kilkenniam, 
primo die Julii, anno regni 49. 

Per petitionem de concilio. 
Ex rot. turr. Berm. pat. 49 Edw. III. No. 125, intus. A. D. 1375. 

No. VI.— Page 448. 

REX, Sec. omnibus ad quos, &c, fa'utem. Supplicarunt nobis fuperior, prse- 
pofitus et communitas villas de Kilkennia, ut cum villa prsedicta in marchiis 
fuerit affeffa, et diverfis Hibernicis inimicis noftris, ac aliis rebellibus, malefactori- 
bus, felonibui et utlagatis Lageniae, Momoniae et Conaciae undique circumvallata : 
idemque fuperior, praepofnus et communitas non habeant unde venire valeant 
fecure omnimodo exemptione et venditione vittualium, et aliarum parvarum rerum 
et mercandizarum fuarum, qme prsefatis inimicis et rebellibus ad evitandum 
eorum malitiam neceffario vendere et dare oportebit ; et adhuc indies, vi compel- 
lantibus aut alias dicta villa fbret per dictos inirnicos et rebelles fpoliata, deilrucla 
et omnino defolata et relicla, quod abut. Velimus, praemiffis confideratis, et quod 
eadem villa major exeat relevamen et confortamen quorumcunque miniftrorunij. 
foldariorum et aliorum fidelium noflrorum, per terram noftram Hibernise labo- 
rantium, quod ipfi vidualia et mercandizas cum dictis inimicis et rebellibus, 
tempore pacis et trugarum, emere, vendere et mercandizare tarn infra villain 
praedi&am quam extra in partibus yicinis, abfque impetitione ncfrra haerrUum feu 
miniftrorum noflrorum quorumcunque, licentiam gratiofe concedere. 

Nos de avifamento et affenfu chariffirai filii nofiri, Thoma; de Lancaftre fenef- 
challi Acgliae, Iccnm noltrum tenentis in terra noftra Hibernia 5 , ac aliorum de 
concilio noftro prsemiiTa advertantium, de gratia noftra fpeciali concellimus tt 
licentiam deiimus prasfa'.o fuperiori, praapofito et communitati, quod ipfi et eorum 
auilibet de catero, ufque ad finem trium annorum. ex nunc proxinie fequentium, 

pleaarig 



5 o4 APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



■<■<•< <■< < < •«■■< < < <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< < < ■< •* ■< •< < < •<* ■»• 



plenarie complendorum, omnimoda hujusmodi viclualia et merchandizas fuas (equis 
et armaturis duntaxat exceptis) tam tempore pacis quam trugarum, diebus mercati, 
tarn in villa priedicta quam in aliis villis Anglicis mercatoriis comitatus Kilkenniae, 
eidem vicinis, di&is inimicis ei rebellibus noftris vendere ; et de eis emere et cum 
eis mercandizare, abfque impetitione aut occafione noftri, aut miniftrorum noftro- 
rum quorumcunque, aliquo ftatuto, five ordinatione inde in contrarium fa&is non ! 
obftantibus. . .> 

Ita femper, quod hujufmodi vi&ualia et mercandiza in foris di&arum villarum, e* j 
diebus foralibus et non alibi, emantur et vendantur. 

In cujus rei, &c. telle prasfato locum noflrum tenente, apud Trym, 20 dieVeb. 
anno regni noftri quarto. 

Per petitionem, &c. 
Ex rot. turr. Berm. pat. 4 Hen. IV. No. 128, intus. A. D. 1402. 

No. VII. Page 448. 

REX omnibus ad quos, &c. falutem. Sciatis quod nos confiderantes grandes 
cuftus, quod dilefti legei noftri fuperior et communes villae de Kilkennia habent et 
fuftinent, necnon roberias, extortiones et oppreffiones, quae iis per Hibernicos 
inimicos et Anglicos rebelles noftros fad exiftunt \ ac etiam alia onera impofita, 
quae difta villa et patria circumquaque foldariis noftris ibidem, que extendunt ad 
ducentas marcas quoiibet quaterno anni in refiftentiam fuperbiae et malitiam di&o- 
rum inimicorum et rebellium de die in diem fupportant ; et quod di&a villa auxilium 
et confortamem comitatus Kilkenniae, et aliorum ligeorum noflrorum diftae villae 
reparantium in omnibus agendis fuis contra eofdem Hibernicos et rebelles exiftat : 
Ob quod praefati fuperior et communes in tantum depauperati funt, quod non pof- 
fmt reparare vel emandare defeclus murorum, pontium et pavimentoram dictae villae 
abfque relevamine noftro j qui vero mures, pontes et paviamenta pro majori parte 
profternantur, et pro defeclu cuftuum, in periculum cadendi ad terram exiftunt. 

Nos de gratia noftra fpeciali, de affenfu venerabilis in Chrifto patris Richardi 
archiepifcopi Dublin, deputati, dilecti et fidelis noftri Johannis Talbot de Holomfhire 
Chivaler, locum noftrum tenentis terrae noftras Hiberiae, et concilii noftri in eadem 
terra, in falvationem diclae villas et patriae circumquaque, dedimus et conceffimus 
eidem fuperiori et communibus, certas cuftumas de quibufcunque merchandifis 
venalibus ad diSam villam venientibus, fecundum formam et effeclum literatum 
patentium charimmi dornini et patris noftri, Henrici quarti nuper regis Angliae eis 

■*• data, 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS- 505 



■■< ■■<■■*■-< + >■ >■■> 



seffimi odhvi Januarli, anno regni ejufdem patris nofiri fccundo, ut dicitur, 
n: Habendum et percipiendum cufcumas prsedictas hucufque ad finem 21 
01 cai plciiarie complehdorum. 

Volentes infuper, quod compotus inde coram nobis et hseredibus noflris et 
miaiftris, duobus burgenfibus ejufdem villse, per fuperiorem et communes ejufdem 
villa, pro tempore exiftentes, ad hoc fingulis annis eligendis, et non coram nobis, 
feu hseredibus noflris, aut mlniftris quibufcunque deanno in annum fideliter reddatur. 
Provifo femper, quod cuftun dictae circa reparationem et en: endationem mu- 

rorum, pontium et paviamentorum prsediclorum expendantur, et completo termino 
pracdicto penitus ipfas ceffent et deleantur. 

In cujus, &c. tefle praefato deputato apud Trym, 200 die Septembris, 

Per petitionem, &c. 
Ex rot. turr. Berm. pat. 7 Ken. V. No. 12, intus. A. D. 1419. 

No. VIII. Page 411. 

Johannes Allen armiger, cancellarius domini regis terra; fuse Hibernise, Georgius, 
miferatione divina Dublin, archiepifcopus, liiberniae primas, et Will. Brabafon Arm. 
fub-thekiurarius fupremi domini regis in terra fua Hybernia praedicta (et ejufdem 
invictifiimi in Chrifto principis et domini nofrri dom. Henrici 8vi, Dei gratia, Ang. 
et Francisc regis, fidei defenforis et domini Hyberniae, et fupremi capitis ecclefiarum 
Anglicanarum et Hibernicarum pod Deum in terris) commiflarii et legati fpeciales -J 
generates in ecclefiafticis caufis et fuse ecclefise jurifdictione, per totam Hiberniam 
legitime conftituti et deputati. 

Univerfis et fingulis Chrifti {idelibus ad quorum notitiam prsefentes literae per- 
venerint, et illi vel illis, quae feu potius infra fcriptum tangit, feu tangere potuit 
quomodolibet in futurum, falutem in domino fempiterno, atque praefentibus fidem 
adhibeamus indubiam. 

Cupientes finem imponi ne plus ultra modum graventur laboribus et expenfis ; 
piaefertim nunc de juribus ecclefiafticis aut ecclefiafticarum perfonarum ftatu, aut 
etiam ecclefiaftica jurifdiclione contenditur : de quibus diutius abfque animarum et 
rerum periculo et jaclura decertari non poteft ; ea propter in caufa, et quasftione 
aliquamdiu ventilata, inter difcretum virum dom. Jacobum Cleere, dec. ecc. Off. 
et vicarios perpetuos et chorales communis aulas collegii cathedralis ecclefce Sti 
Canici, villas Kilkenn. et praefertim propter eorundem vicariorura de et fuper 

6 n jurifdiclione 



5 o6 APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



.< •<•<■{•>■•>••>■ .>-->..>-.>■■>■.>->->.->. .>.>. >..>..>..>..>. >..>.>.,>..>.■>.•>•>■■>•. 



jurisdiclione decani, et ftatu vicariorum ipforum, auditis allegationibus juris et facti 
(faltem quibus uti valebant in hac parte) cordi fit nobis lites minuere et a laboribus 
relevare fubje&os, tam de confenfu prsedi&i in Chrifto patris dom. Milonis epif. 
Offer, quam fubje&orum, duximus ftatuere et ordinare in hunc, qui fequitur, mo- 
dum, perpetuis futuris temporibus duraturum. 

Imprimis, qnod vacante ftallo, aiiquis vicarius choralis, cujus nominatio ad 
aliquem de dignatoribus et prsebendariis di&Ee ecclefise cathed. de jure feu confue- 
tudine fpe&at, prasfcntatur decano examinandum, fi moribus et honeftate approbatus 
fuerit, ipfum commendabit prsecentori, de fua peritia in caritu, et cancellario de 
fua literatura examinandum : quibus omnibus fufficientur imbutus admittetur per 
decanum, in vicarium choralem, juxta modum in antiqua fundatione, traditurn. 
Eo femper falvo, quod perpetui vicarii communis aula legitimas exceptiones coram 
decano opponant, quas fi viderit verifimiles, admittet, eifque differat, quantum de 
iure poterit et debebit. Et cafu quo hujusmodi exceptiones coram decano per do- 
lum vel excogitatam maliciam opponuntur (ipfis fpretis et negatis) nominatus et 
pratfenta'tus, fi habilis moribus, cantu et literatura, ut prsemititur, expertus fuerit, 
•nihiloniinus admittatur. 

Item ouod decanus, epifcopus vel archiepifcopus juxta formam prsenominatam 
cuIdIs, deleftis, criminibus prsenominatorum vicariorum expofcentibus, ipfos aut 
ipforum ouemlibet, (trina monitione prasvia) removere valeant, aut ipfos, aut ipfo- 
rum quemlibet cenfura eccief. compefcere, fi maluerint, ut in antiqua fundatione. 

Item quilibet vicariorum debet fervire choro, et fe non abfentare abfqe liceentia 

decani feu ejus vicarii, fine rationabili caufa ; et debet modum et formam legendi 

• quotidie in menfam, bibliam, aut alias facras liter as fervare, ut confuetudo inolevit 

in ipfo collegio. 

Item, quod dicti vicarii chorales id aula foveant hofpltalitatem quotidie : et in 
menfam aut filentium teneant, aut finita leclione, laudabile et honefmm colloquium 
habeant. Et firnili modo filentium teneant, aut contemplationi vacant in dormitorio, 
ab hora oclava in nocle ufque horam quintam in mane. Et quilibet eqjrum dormire 
debet in diclo dormirorio, nifi ex rationabili caufa de liceritia decani feu ejus vicarii 
habuerit alibi dormiendi, fi fuerit prope dictum collegium, per ftatium unius 
milliaris. 

Itejnj quod dictorum vicariorum quilibet, excepto decani vicario, debet gerere 
omnia officia di&ae domus fucceffive j ita tainen quod uno eodemquS tempore non 

fit 



APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



507 



• < < < < < < < < •< < <■<<<•<■<< < < •< .<•■<■•<"<••<■■<•■<-<■■ 



•<+> >>■>..>> >.>.>.. 



fit nifi unus officiorum, et ifle non inducat vel conducat fervum, ancillam vel muli- 
erem, fine licentia vicarii decani et ejus confratrum. 

Item, qnod eorum aliquis fit perfonaliter parochialis ut inolevit. 

Item, quod ifte procurator five officiarius domus eligatur de communi confenfu et 
aiTenfu ipforum vicariorum, et quod fit unus illorum vicariorum prasdi&se communis 
auke, et quod quolibet anno ab illis vicariis eligatur, et ob negligentiam ipforum,, 
poteftas ipfum eligendi devolvatur ad decanum, cum affiftentia faltem feniorum de 
capitulo. 

Item, quod nullus eligatur nifi unus vicariorum prsedicto ofEcio, et quod ifte 
procurator five officiarius teneatur reddere rationem feu computum ipfis vicariis 
lingulis hebdomadis, et decano bis in anno. 

Item, quod fi aliquis diclorum vicariorum in fuo minifterio feu divino officio ad 
v x uod, de fundatione tenetur, negligens et culpabilis repertus fuerit, pro parva 
offenfa mulclatur in quatuor denariis, et fi tunc monitus fecundo deliquerit in 8 
denarii?, et tertio monitus fi denuo deliquerit in 1 2 denariis :medietatam mulctorum 
hujufmodi ad-ufus decani, et aliam, medietatem in communem utilitatem didti 
collegii convert! volumus. 

:, ordinamus, quod fundatio et alia fcripta et munimenta di£li collegii con- 
fervanda una cum eorundem figillo communi, ponentur et conftodientur falva et 
lecuia, infra, dictum collegium dictse ecc. cathed. in una cifta five fcrino fub tribus 
fcris, et una clavis ejufdem ciftce vel fcrinii remaneat fub cuftodia decani vicarii, alia 
in cuftodia vicarii prsecentoris, et tertia in cuftodia vicarii cancellarii didae ecc. et 
difta ci^a five fcrinium nunquam aperietur nifi de confenfu et aiTenfu dictorum 
vicariorum et partis major is cxterorum vicariorum. Et quod nulla pars redituum 
conced licui perfonss ultra quinque annos, nifi ad hoc accelTerit aflenfus 

decani. ^ 

ea pr 

ecc. thefaur] pro termino trium r.nnorum fequentium erit tanquam procurator et 
funervifor et provifor clitti collegii, ita quod reddit computum dictis vicariis de fua 
a'dminiftra'doiie fen ilibet feptimana, et decano bis in anno, ut fupra dictum 

eft. 

Ordia:im4k infuper, quod fruftus, redditus et preventus ecc. de Kilkefy remane- 
fingulis aniNi^a^t: rium dicli collegii, et reparationes ajdificiorum ejufdem, 

aliaque cornmunia onRi pro utilitate collegii fupportanda de arrario in 



El ih'crea prsmiffis non obftantibus, ex certis rationabilibus caufis nos moventi- 
bus, et pr^ej :im pro utilitate dicli collegii, volumus quod Nicholaus Brytton diets 



cifta 



feu 

fciini© 



5 c8 APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL RECORDS. 



> > > >• > > > >>■>■>■>>.. 



fcriiiio pfstM&o ; ita quod nulla pars pecunise exinde proveniens diftribuatur, nifi de 
confenfu decani vicaiii, & majoris partis vicariorum ejufdera collegii pro tempore 
exiftentium. 

In quorum omnium et firigulorum prssmiflbrum fidem & teflimonium ngii'ium quo 
utimuf ad caufas ecc. prsefentibus duximus apponendum. Datum Kilkenruas 80 die 
Aprills dicli dom. regis triceffimo primo. A.D. 1540. 

No. IX. Pag. 493. 

REX omnibus ad quos, &c. falutern. Supplicarunt nobis dile&i nobis prior et 
conventus fratrum prasdicatorum Kilkenniae, ut cum ipfi continuo fint oratores pro 
ftatu noftro, et pro animabus nobilium progenitorum hoftrorum, quondam regum 
AnglicE, &c. Et feipfos non pofiunt fuftinere ex eleemofynis villas Kilkenajse, 
neque comitatus Kilkennias, eo quod diclus comitatus eft tarn per rebelles noftros 
quam Hibernicos inimicos deftruclus & devaftatus. 

Volumus, prsemiflis confideratis, eo praetextu cum eis agere gratiofe, nos fuppli- 
cationi fuse prasdiclse annuentes, de affenfu venerabilis in Chrifto patris, Ricardi 
archiepifcopi Dublin jufticiarii ncilri terrse noftras Hibernian, et confiiii noftri in 
eadem terra noflra per manucaptionem Johannis Nauyler de Trym & Thomas Clop- 
ham de Navane, conceffimus iifdem priori & conventui, duas partes, omnium com- 
moditatum, & proficiorum quorumcunque re&oriae ecclefias de Mothil in comitatu 
prasdiclo, in manibus noftris, certis de caufis, exiftentes. Habendnm et tenendum 
dictas duas partes, quandiu in manibus noflris prasdiclis contigerint remanere, 
Reddendo inde per annum ad fcaccarium noftrum Iiiberniae oclo denarios ad fefta 
Sti. Michaelis & Pafchse per ssquales portiones. 

In cujus, &c. tefte prasfato jufticiario noft.ro apud Dublin 250 die Julii. 
Ex turr. Berm. pat. 15 Hen. VI. No. 1 1. intus. A. D. 1437. 






CHURCH 






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CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 



ADAMNAN, Abbat of the Culdean monaflery of Hy or Iona, fiourifhed about 
the year 680, and (1) writ the life of St. Columba. In this work our parifh 
is named Achet-bou, very little deviating from its true orthography, Achad-bho, in 
Irifh the field of a Cow, an appellation derived from the uncommon richnefs of the 
pafture furrour.ding the church. 

St. Canice, probably the fame as the St. Canocus mentioned by Giraldus Cam- 
brenfis in his Welfh Itinerary, was the intimate friend of St. Columba, fixt (2) his 
refidence here at the end of the fixth century, and formed an ecclefiaflical eftablifh- 
ment. On their converfion to chriftianity, the great feudatories, who were flyled 
Kings and Princes, endowed the Church with ample poffeffions. Aghaboe is fituated 
in the principality of Glfory, which included the (3) whole county of Kilkenny, 
called Lower Ofibry, and a great part of the Queen's county, named Upper OfTory, 
being co-extenfive with the Biihop's jurifdi&ion at this day. 

The Princes of Offory early embraced the faith, and were bountiful in an emi- 
nent degree to the clergy, founding above two hundred churches j and hence they 
obtained the name of Mac-giolla-phadruic, or the fon of the fervant of Patrick, which 
was changed by the Engliih into Fitz Patrick. This name expreffed their devotion 
to him, whom the legends fuppofed to be the firfl: preacher of the gofpel here. 
Walfh aad Keating give inftances of the confpicuous piety of Scanlan and Donogh, 
Kings oi OfTery in the tenth century : and Lynch, in his Cambrenfis everfus, ob- 
ftrves that cur na ional writers pay particular attention to this race of princes ; 
for they give a catalogue of the Kings of Offory, and they pafs over the leiler 
princes. When the Engliih adventurers landed here in 1170, Donald Mac-giolla- 
phadruic was King of OiTory : they found the country full of defiles, woods, and 
marfhes, and a (4) brave people prepared to defend their country. As founders of 
the fee and churches, thefe princes, for many ages, prefented to both. The noble 



6 o 



tentative 



(1) Pinkerton, Vic. S. *feot. 1. i. c. 4. (1) Utter, Frimerci. p. 957. 

(3) W»r='s Bifhops, in O.Tory. 

(4) In prlmis igiiur OfTyrice partes nop longe penetrances, quafi in ipfo terrrr Umbo, locis in ar&is, et tarn fylvis quaw. 
paludibucs inviis, GiTyrienfes in patria defcDfione non invalid ;s in-venerunt, Gir. Catnbreui, j>, 76s. An eye witnefe. 



5 io CHURCH OF AOHABOE. 

reprefentativc of this family, the prefent Earl of Upper Oifory, polTeffes the advowfon 
of the churches of Aghmacart, Cahir, Killeen, Killermogh and Coolkerry and a 
large eftate in Upper Oflbry ; patrimonies defcended to him through a long line of 
noble progenitors for more than a thoufand years : an inftance not, perhaps, to be 
paralleled in Europe. 

The (5) Provinciale Romanum, a catalogue of uncertain date, preferves the names 
of fifty-three bifhop's fees, among thefe we perceive that of Aghaboe under its 
appropriate title of OJJtnenfis for Offbrienjis : this is diftinctly mentioned fiom that of 
Gainich or Canich which was Kilkenny ; and it proves that the princes of OlTory 
had not relinquilhed their ancient bimopric, but refilled the encroachment of papal 
power. This circumflance evinces this catalogue to have been compiled afier the 
year 1102, for at (6) that time, " Felix O Duilany died, whofe cathedral church 
was then at Aghaboe in Upper Oflbry." It was not until the legatefhip of Cardinal 
Paparo in 1 152, that the old See of Aghaboe was extinguiflied and funk in that of 
Kilkenny ; fo that reckoning from the age of St. Canice to that of Paparo, it enjoy- 
ed the epifcopal dignity for more than feven hundred years. As fome compenfation 
for this lofs, it was made the head of a (7) rural Deanery, and had under its (8j 
infpe&ion the churches of Offerlan, Bordwell, Rathfaran, Rathdowny, Kildelgy 
St, Nicholas, Killahy, Clomantigh, Aghmacart, Donamore, Killermogh, Shirk, 
Tubrid, Caher, Killeen and Eirk. 

As a matter of curiofity, Sir William Petty's furvey of the parifli is here introdu- 
ced with the names of the proprietors in 1640, the denominations, the quality 
of the land, number of acres, &c. This furvey is called the Down furvey, a tech- 
nical exprefiion, as Petty (9) exp1ains.it,, of meafuring by the chain and needle of 
the mile in length, and not by the thoufand acres of fuperficial content. Or in 
other words, the bafe of downs or hills were only furveyed ; a method which he 
feems 'fir ft to have ufed. This down furvey of the Kingdom, which is in Dublin 
Caftle and reforted to as a legal record, receives fome obfcure light, if I may fo 
fay, from Petty's work lad cited. This the late Lord Chancellor Clare had re- 
printed at his own expence by Grueber in Dame-ltreet, but unaccompanied with 
notes or illultrations : the confequence is, it is almoft unintelligible to a common 
reader ; for it requires an ex.tenfi.ye and accurate knowledge of the civil and political 
affairs at the time, and of Petty's perfonal hiftory to fupply either entertaining 
or ufeful information. The numbers refer to thofe in the Map. 

No. 

(s) Gcograjih. fac. a Car. a S. Paulo in Append. (6) Uffer. fup. p. 9;;. 

(7) Antiquities ftipra p. 5s a. (8) From Biiliop Otway's Viiitation-book. 

ReSe^tions upon io-iic pcrfons and things in Kl.nJ. Lorn!. 1 666, pag. 74. 




- - '■ ■ 



'' — 



______ 



_- 



_ 



_■_■_■■ 



> 



/ 



«<•<<< ■*■«•<■« I •<•<«■•« <•<■<•<•< < < << 



CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 



No. 



4 
5 
6 

7 
9 

10 

ii 
12 

13 

14 
15 

16 

i; 

i8 
»9 

10 
81 

!; 
'3 

»s 

29 

27 

i8 

29 

30 

3* 

33 
34 

3 5 

3'' 
37 
38 
39 

40 

41 
42 
43 

4 ! 
45 
46 



Proprietors A. D. 1640. 

of Buckingham ■ — 

The fame — — 

The fame — * — 

The fame — — 

The :. — — 

The fame — — 

The fame — — 

The fa — - — 

Vlu lime — — 

The fame — — 

The fjmc — — 

The fame — — 

The fame — — 

The fame — — 

Mrs. Pign-t — — 

Terence: Fitz Patrick — 

Duke of Buckingham — 

The fame — — 

Mrs. Pig -.t — — 

Duke of Buckingham — 

The fame — — 

i 1 Cafhin — — 

Parlon of Aghaboe — 

Mr. Carpenter — — 
F. F::z Patrick & Ant. Cumin 

BjrnabyFhz Pattick — 

Parfon of Aghaboe — 

Anthony Cafhin — — 

Mr. Carpenter, part — 

Thorn. is Hovenden — 

— — 

Sir Charles Coorc — — 

rheobald Butler — — 

Florence Fitz Patrick — 

Morgan Cafhen — — 

Thomas Hovcr\'en — 

G:.ffry Fitz Patrick — 

John Fi;z Patrick — 

.Morgan Cafhen — — 

Daniel Fitz Patrick — 

The fa;v.e — — 

The fame — — 

1 he fame — — 

Florence Fitz Patrick — 

Ths fame — — 

The [,.■■. — — 



Denominations, 

Shanbogh — 

Burris — 

Derreenilhanagh 
Munieultiper.an 
Dermeflough — 
Ballycieeniudery 
Rood — 

Derry : orgin — 
Bardnafallogh 
Balluorgin — 

Baihkevan — 

Cap|.agh — 

tfilbeg — 

Kuockroe — 

Magherinftart 

ore 

^rny — 

Grangemort — 
Gang.; — 

Ballyhroghy — 
— 
■ — 
Ktaliagh — 

Aghaboe — 

Knockmullen — 
Gurtnebooke — 
Farranaglv — 

Crofs _ 

Friar's Land — 
Bohv.; — 

Cooii; ■ — 

Palmer's Hill 
liilliLgiebane — 
Towrooe — 

Ballygoudanheg 

; y ' -jyic — 

Ballygilien — 
Larah — 

Knockfin — 

Kilenefeare — 
The fame — 

Clonkinahenbeg 
Clonkinahanmore 
Kileteloga — 

Oldglafs — 



> > > ■■>■ > > > » >- >■ >•>■■> > > > J. > >• >■>->■- 






Quality of the Land. 

Arable, pafture and fhrub 
Arable and vafture — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture and moor — • 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable ->nd pafture — ■ 

Arable, pafture and fhrub — 

Arable and pafture — ■ 

Arable, pafture and fhrub — 

Ai',L ! c, pafture and fhrub — 

Arable, pafture and fhrub — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture and fhrub — 

Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arable and pafture — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arabic, pafture and moor — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture, wood, moor and 
'Arable and pafture — ■ 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arabic;, pafture and moor — 
Arable, pafture, moor and fhrub 
Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture, wood, mojrand 
Arable and pafture — 

Arable, pafture, moor and wood 
Arable, pafture.. wood and moor 
A Wood — — ' 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture and moor — 

Arable, pafture, moor and ftirub 



mealow 



Number of Acres. 

— I 264. A boo-. 

660. 

25 (. 

1 2 3 • 

64. 

631 o, 20. 

37. 3. o. 
100, 3, 20. 

So. 

80, 2, 2, 

7>> 2, o. 
124. 
171. 

49- 
"24, r, 29.. 

69. A bog, 89, 2j Q , 

31. 3. o. 
280. A bog, 118, <j, ©. 
325. 

304. A bog. 
219, I, z. 
689. 
'57* 
*9S - 

96. 



meadow 






487. 
69, 2, io. Half the Chapter 

'47- 

50. 

34 1 • 

260. 

113. A bog. 

135. 

12. 

50. 

83. 

266. 

1430, 

124. A bog, t!, t i, o. 

230. 

24'y. A bog, 25, o, o. 

29, A bog, 19, o, o. 

Ii9, 3, °. 

i8j. 

303, 









The 



5*2 CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 

The Denominations in the Veflry-book, the Number of Acres and the. 

prefent Proprietors, A. D. 1796. 



Shanbogh — 

Burros — 

Derreenfhinacrh 

Dunmunnu and Monefat — 

Curraghmore -— 

Barnafallagh — 

Cappagh — — » 

Kilebeg and Derreen Oliver 

Knockaroe — 

Mahernafkagh — - 

Lifmore — __ 

Ardvarny — 

Grangemore — — 

Grangebeg and two Ballyrilies 

Ballybrophy — 

Kilcotton — 

Carran and Carroreigh — 

Keilagh Glebe — — 

Aghaboe and Frier's-land - 

Knockamullen — 

Gurtneclea and its Members - 
Farran Eglim Glebe — 

Crofs — — 

Boherard — 

Coolbally — 

Palmer's Kill — _ 

Dfligibawn — 

Tooreigh and Tereragh 

Ballygowdenmore — 

Kilmunfoyle — . 



264 Chandos family. 
600 The fame. 
257 The fame. 
237 The fame. 
8 The fame. 

80 The fame. 
123 The fame. 
171 The fame. 

49 The fame. 
125 Sir Erafmus Burrowes, Bart, 

60 Richard Grace, Efq. 

34 The Chandos family. 
1 1 1 The fame. 
270 The fame. 
276 The fame. 
219 The fame. 
680 Carran, Thos. Carr, Efq. Carrore%, 

Robert Stubber, Efq. 
157 The Vicar of Aghaboe. 
445 Thomas Carr, Efq. 

96 Lord Upper Oflbry. 
487 Tord Mountmorres. 

65 Part the Dean of Ofibry, part the Vicar. 
148 Thomas Carr, Efq. 
215 John Rotton, Efq. 
260 Earl Anneiley. 
106 "Lord Mountrath. 

66 Robert Stubber, Efq. 
37 Peter La Touche, Efq. 

— 188 Henry Grattan, Efq. 

• — 103 Lord Upper OiTory. 

Ballygihen 






CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 



sn 



-**•« <<<<<<< < < < .< .«..<..< < .« .< < ■< < .<<<., .«.•<•<•<.<.<•<..<..<.< .< .< <..<ijly..> ..>. >..>■>..>. >. >..>..>..>.>.>>.>. > > > > y. >>>>.>,>. >,.». 



Ballygihen and its Members 

Larah — — - 

Baunosfe — — 

O 

Knockfin — — 

Kilenefeer and Clonklnahanbeg 
Oldglas and Clonkinahanmore 
Park — — 

Ballycolla — — 

Newtown — — 

Ballvarvin — — 

Ballyhenode — — 

Garryduffe — — 

Dcrreenlollogh — — 

Kiletelague — — 

Coolfin — — 



143° 

50 

70 

179 

249 

250 

50 
50 

57 
80 

5° 

"5 

60 

j 60 
36 



Part Henry Grattan, Efq. part Dr. 
Draoght 

Defpard, Efq. 
Peter La Touche, Efq. 
Lord Portarlington, 
Gerald Fitz Gerald, Efq. 
Lord Upper Offory. 
The fame. 
The fame. 
The fame. 

The Parfon of Killermogh. 
Lord Upper Offory. 
Defpard, Efq. 



Chandos family, 
Lord Upper Offory. 
Omitted fince 1768. 



It has been underfiood, that the prefent parifh church of Aghaboe was trie 
chancel of the cathedral. There are fome reafons to induce this belief, for there 
is no weft window ; hut ,1 g-othic arch of red grit, now filled up with mafonry, 

arly marks a chancel or fome fuch divifion of the church. The foundations of 
wails point out a continuation of tht church to the weft. The belfry, a fmall 
rial building, is without the church, and on a line with the chancel. It is 
clofed with a circular cap of mafonry. The bell is placed diftinct from it : the 
top of the belfry is not as high as the roof of the church. When you enter 
the church a few paces, to the fouth is feen a door, imitating a tranfept, . It 
is of flone, the arches concentric, and beautifully enriched with carving and 
foliage. The church ii about forty feet long, and lighted by three window.: ; 
two to the fouth and one to the eaft : the latter divided by flone rnullions, 
and branched out into trefoils. The northern wall is adorned with niches, cano- 
pies, and concentric mouldings, and has a curious ccnfeiiion-box in the thicknefs 
cf the waH, net far from the altar. 

On this account, I fhall only remark, the whole has the appearance of an old 
rural cathedral, but the pointed arches and other decorations favour of mors 

6 p recent 



5U CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 



>■ >■ ►■■>••>• ►• > >• >• > >,">■ > > '■ >■>■>■ > > » > V" 



recent ages. There are no fepulchral monuments within or without the church 
deferving notice. 

The Dominican abbey was (10) founded in 1382, by Florence Fitz Patrick, prince 
of Offory. It (lands but a few yards from the pariih church. It is one hundred 
feet long by twenty-four wide, and has five pointed windows ; three to the fouth, 
with the eait and weft ones. That to the eaft is ramified. The weftern door has 
concentric arches. The wail of this abbey are not ornamented. There is a fmall 
tabernacle for facred utenfils. On the fouth fide of the abbey is a projecting build- 
ing, called Phelan's chapel, yet connected with the abbey by a noble arch refting 
on a pillar of folid mafonry. On the eaft fide, above the altar is a pedeftal on which 
flood the ftatue of St. Canice. There are two tabernacles and an inverted cone 
with eight grooves for holding holy water. On the north fide of the abbey was a 
quadranole, of fixry feet fquare. In this were the monks' cells, in number ten, 
Servants' apartments and neceffary offices. The cellars were fpacious, and over 
them was the Prior's room forty-fix by feventeen feet, and a large fleeping room. 
I am forry to add, that my predeceffors in the living of Aghaboe, and who had 
the fee of the land on which this abbey ftood, demolifhed moft of this venerable 
pile to enclofe a demefne. 

There were two cells, each above a mile diftant, dependant on the monaftery of 
Aghaboe : one on the lands of Farran Eglifti for females, and from the black 
colour of their clothes, was named Teampul na Cailleachdubh, or the church of 
the black women. The other was at Ballygowden for males. Mr. Archdall is 
miftaken in faying there is a round tower at Teampul na Cailleachdubh ; there are 
no remains of fuch. As I fupplled him with all his information concerning Agha- 
boe and the parifh, he muft have relied on fome other authority. 

Befides the mother-church at Aghaboe, there are the remains of religious edifices 
at Knockfeera, Lifmore and Kilmonfoyle. Thefe with thofe before ennumerated 
feem to countenance an opinion delivered by the hiftorian of the ( 1 1 ) county of 
Kerry, who thinks the inhabitants of Ireland prodigiouily diminifhed, becaufe in the 
barony of Corkaginny, there were anciently twenty parifh churches, and now but 
nine places of worfhip. This writer knew but little of ecclefiaftical antiquities, or 
the caufes that retarded population, or even the ftate of the country in remote 
periods, when he drew this conclufion. I fhall endeavour concifely to throw fome 
light on this fubjecl:. 

Originally 

(.10) Burke, Hibern. Dominicana, fnpra. (i i) Smith's ancient and prefent ftate of Kerry, p. 172. 



CHURCH OF AGHABOE. 



c f 



-<<<<<<< 



< « < <■«■•«-< < < < •*>>■ >•>>.. 



> > ►■> ►•>••>.. 



Originally the Bifhop's Cathedra* cr church in which he refided, ferved as an 
altar and baptiflery to the diocefe : from this the euchariil was difpenfed to other 
churches, and in this the facrament of baptifm was alone adminiflred at ftated times, 
and as a mother-church it had the -right of tithes. When the lords of manors built 
church;s for their families and tenants, a third part of the tithes was allocated to 
them. By the laws of JEthelftan, A. D. 928, a ceorle or hulbandman was raifed 
to the dignity of Thane, if he had five hides of land, a chapel, a kitchen, a hall, 
and a bell ; and in the laws of Hoel Dda, A. D. 940, one is— if in a country-village 
the king fliall grant his licence to erec! a church, and if maffes are faid there, and 
the dead interred in its cemetery, from thenceforth it fliall be a free village with 
particular exemptions. The inducements to conftrucl churches, we fee, were nu- 
merous and powerful ; but the ftrongeft motive for (12) multiplying facred flruclures 
*,yet to be mentioned, and that was, that the building a church was fufficient'to 
e a foul and fecure it Heaven : this point the clergy earneftly inculcated on the 
7 from the age of Conflantine, and in times of predominant fuperftition it had 
its full effect in increafing the number of churches and clergy ; fo that an (13) ex- 
lent judge of fuch matters remarks, that the number of ecclefiaftics in Ireland, 
at one time, was equal to that of ail its oiher inhabitants. 

Our fmall chapels, before named, feem to be included in (14) Canute's fourfold 
divifion of churches, as expreffed in his laws, A. D. 1036. 1. The Bifhop's cathe- 
dral. 2. The parifli church, which had the fights of tithes, fepulture, and facra- 
3. Thofe which had only the right of fepulture j and 4. The field-oratory, 
wherein mafs alone was performed. All thefe were fanctuaries (another reafon for 
multiplying religious edifices) and the violation of them was punifhed according to 
their dignity: the difcipline was the fame on the (15; continent and in Ireland, 
as far as we can collect from fome obfeure (16) Irifh canons. At prefent Knockfeera, 
l Kilmonfo much reforted to as places of interment. 



/ 



t* -tuxns ir/.;ifefiv, rn> -rut ti urAmv> *M; 6at au-u rr/;riuw. Eufeb. Vit. Confhntin, I. 4, e. 60. Qui 
tcc!<.f:am v. xdificac, regnum Dei fibi prasparat. Vincent. Specul. I. i$. c. %$, 

(13) Mkliolfuii'a Iriih HtAorica] Library. (14) Spelman. Concil. torn. it. p. 540. 

('5) ' '» D«i fuam habeat honorcm limul & altaria, fecundum fuam dignitatem. Regino 

f. 44. E*'. 

-—55. Edit. Ware. 



PRIORY 



( 5*6 ) 






**t * * * * ! .* *.,+ ♦ * * + + + + + + + + * 4"* * *» + * *'+ * * * * * + + * +.+ + * + * * + + * * + + 



PRIORY OF ATHASSEL, IN THE COUNTY OF TIPPERARY. 

T'HE noble religious ftru&ui'es erected by the early Englifh fettlers juftly excite 
our admiration. Scarcely had they gained footing in this Ifle, and long before 
the natives fuffefed them to enjoy repofe, than they fet .bout raifmg mofl magnifi- 
cent and coflly buildings, either as votive offerings to the Deity, or to fecure his 
future protection. The favour of Popes, particularly Innocent and Calixtus, and 
the reformation of the order, had exalted the Monks of St. Auguftine to a great 
degree of eminence, and made it fafhionable among thofe of the higheft rank, to 
found monafLeries for them in the twelfth century. Almofl all the ancient abbies 
of this order, evince a ftyle of architectural elegance and grandeur but little inferior 
to their fabrics in England and on the continent. This tafte of the Auguftinians, 
feconded by the opulence of their patrons, produced many beautiful religious ftruc- 
tiifes. 

AthafTel was founded by William Fitz Adelm de Eurke, about the year i2cc, 
in the village of AthafTel, three miles from Cafhel, for Canons Regular of the order 
of St. Auguftine, and dedicated to Edmund the King and Martyr. This Fitz Adelm 
was fleward to Henry IT. and anceftor of the illuftrious family of De Burgo. On 
the king's reflirfi from Ireland, he was entrufted with the management of affairs, 
and in 1204, he was interred at .AthafTel. Veneration and love for their great pro- 
genitor made the De Burgos and their numerous dependants befcow ample ions 
on," and contribute largely to the decoration of their favourite Priory. To this 
place Richard, the Red, Earl of Ulfter, retreated from the world, after entertain- 
ing the nobinry affembled at Kilkenny,* in 1326, and here he died fhortly after. 

The rujns of this Priory fpeak its former magnitude, and fplendor. The choir 
is forty-four feet by twenty-fix. The nave was of the fame breadth with the choir, 
fupported by lateral aiics ; by the external walls it meafures one hundred and feven- 
teen feet in length. In the S.W. corner is a fmall chapel. The fteeple was fquare 
and lofty. The cloiflers large. We cannot behold the numerous arches, walls, 
windows, and heaps of mafonry promifcuoufiy mixt in one common ruin, without 

faying with Ovid ; 

Omnia punt hominum tenui pendentia f.H : 

Et fv.blto cafU) qua valuer c, ruunl. 

PRIORY 



;llrt!llMUMM! 




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( 5*7 ) 



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* + + + * + + * + 4.^, + <, j 



PRIORY OF DEV12NISH, IN THE COUNTY OF FERMANAGH. 

DEVENISH, corrupted from (i) Dav-inis, or the Ox's Me, is an ifland in Lough 
Erne, a few miles from Ennifkillen. There (2) St. Laferian in 563 founded a 
monaftery. We learn with more certainty from Uflier and Ware, that it originally 
was a Culdean eflablimment, where the celebrated difciples of St. Columba conti- 
nued to exercife their piety and virtue till overborn* by fuperftition and an intolerant 
religion. 

In the interpolations of the Ulster Annals, at the year 1 130, it is faid the Abbey 
of Daminis, for fo it is named, was founded that year. Ware fuppofes this refers 
either to repairing the ancient monaftery, or erecting a priory of Culdees there. 
But Ware knew very little of the hiftory of this monadic order, or he would have 
perceived, that what the writer of the Annals understands by founding was, the 
building a new ftone fabric on the Roman model, with ailes, oratories, and altars, 
and the whole under the invocation of fome legendary faint ; practices which the 
Culdees never adopted, and fome of which they abhorred. The Auguftinians, who 
feized every where the Culdean churches, began an Abbey here, but not fo early as 
ftated in the Annals. The Culdees were not expelled, but lived for fome ages in 
fubjection to their new mailers. The latter procured large poffeffions, which en- 
abled them to beautify their church and conftruct many other buildings. The oldeft 
erections here are St. Molaife's houfe, and a fine round tower, both probably coeval. 
The former contained the reliques of St. Laferian or Molaife, and is an additional 
proof of what has heretofore been advanced refpecting thefe over-ground crypts. 
St. Molaife's houfe is a vaulted building of hewn ftone ; it and the round tower have 
every appearance of being built by the fame architects. 



6 Q_ HOLY 

(1) Lhuyd's compar. etymol. in Bos. (i) Archdall's Mon. Hib. p. ^59. 



( 5*8 ) 



+ + j. + + + + + + <- + + + + + ■;- + •{• + + + * + + + + + * + + + + + + + *++ + + + + + + + +*' ! "' ,,+ 



HOLY CROSS, COUNTY OF TIPfERARY. 



THIS Abbey is fituated in the Count)'' of Tipperary, about two miles from 
Thurles. Donagh Carbragh O'Brien, King of Limerick, founded it in 1169, 
in honour of the Holy Crofs, St. Mary, and St. Benedict, for monks of the Cifler- 
tian order. It is faid, that Murtagh, a former monarch, received from Pope Pafchal 
II. in mo, a piece of the Crofs covered with gold, and ornamented with precious 
Hones, which was depofited in this Abbey, and the devotion to it, as we learn from 
Sydney's ftate papers, was almoft univerfal throughout the iiland. O'Neil, the 
great XJlfter rebel, made a pilgrimage to it in 1559. It is at once furprizing and 
deplorable to obferve the fuperftitious ufe made of the crofs in the dark ages. Oecu- 
menius, a Greek writer, at the end of -the tenth century tells us, *' it is the fhield, 
armour, and trophy againft the devil, a fign he dare not touch, it raifes the fallen, 
fupports the (landing, helps the infirm, the ftaffof parlors, the leader of the devout, 
the perfection of the virtuous, the preferver of foul and body, the abhorrence of 
the bad, the love of the good, the deftru&ion of fin, the root of the refurre&ion, 
the wood of life." Such hyperbolical expreffions operated ftrongly on the minds of 
rude and ignorant people : they were underfiood not figuratively but literally, and 
hence thofe religious communities that wifhed to attract numerous vifitors were lure 
of attaining that end by pretending to have a relique of the real crofs. What fhews 
the weaknefs and abfurdity of fuch encomiums is, that the greater!: admirers of the 
crofs cannot determine of what wood it was compofed : fome affirm it was of cak, 
crs of cedar, palm, cyprefs, and olive, (fee Lipfius de Cruce,) fo that the ador- 
ation of bigotted and befottcd creatures was paid to the moft worthlefs tree, as it 
was to the bones of the greeted malefactors in thofe unhappy times. 

The charms of beautiful architecture contributed not a little to the fame of the 

holy relique. The building confifls of an high fieeple, fupported on each fide by 

u beautiiul Gothic arch, and in the centre a great variety of ogives palling diagonally 

m each angle. On the Eaft fide is a fmall chapel, and on the Sduth the tomb of 

the 




^ 



.< <<<<<< < < ■< < •< < < < < < 



5i9 



HOLY CROSS. 

the founder. The nave is forty-nine feet broad, and fifty-eight feet long ; on each 
fide is an arcade of four arches, with lateral ailes, which paffing on each fide of that 
part we conclude to have been the Choir. On the South fide of the Choir are two 
chapels, between thefe are a double row of Gothic arches, fupported by twifted 
pillars ; here the monks were waked. On the North fide are two other chapels. 
The whole building, when perfecl, was not inferior in defign and execution to any 
in the kingdom. 




/ 



KNOCKMOY. 



( 52° ) 



.... »«..•'..,,»•. ,''^.,/^,,l'^.,A 1 .•'^..''^..•'^J'''^.A/'^,/^/'^.. , '^,.•''^,.•'^/'^,. , ''^,.•'^,A,.• l '^..• l '••,.''^.' , ''••l•' , ' , •,.•''., 
+ + + + + + + . |.+ t*tt+t<.*+tt4'H'»* + 'H'+tt+'t + t + tt'r* + + + **+++* + ! 

\/X'''^i'''''^''''^>' '•'i'''^i' , '^''''''''''v ,, ^/''^i''\,'''V'*''v'' v " , ''">,'''''.,' , '' , ..>'' , '.,'''V' ''•/"'''i 1 ''*" "'•••""••»•**"••.• '•••.•"■"•..••'" 



KNOCK MO Y. 



THE Abbey of Knockmoy is in the County of Galway, fix" miles from Tuam. 
It was founded in 1189 by Cathal O'Conor, furnamed Crove-derg, or rhe red 
hand. He was king of Connaught, and like the other Irifh princes, beheld with a 
jealous eye the progrefs of the Englifh in the fubjugation of the ifle, and watched 
every opportunity to expel them. A favourable one feemed to offer itfelf on the 
removal of John De Courcy from the lieutenancy of Ireland and the appointment of 
Hugh De Lacy. The latter carried his honours imperiously, which excited the re- 
fentraent and refiftence of the former. Taking advantage of this divifion, and of 
courfe the weaknefs of the Englifh intereft, O'Conor fummoned all the Irifh chief- 
tains, who quickly affembled in great force to attack the Englifh in every quarter. 
De Courcy understanding this, difpatched letters to Almeric St. Laurence apprizing 
him of his danger, and requefling his aid. St. Laurence inftantly marched to Ulfter 
with thirty knights and two hundred infantry. O'Conor intercepted him, an en- 
gagement enfued and St. Laurence and his company were cut off, after having 
flain above a thoufand of the Irifh. In the height of the battle, O'Conor vowed to 
build an Abbey in his own country if he was crowned with fuccefs, and he erected 
Knockmoy, in Irifh Cnoc-mugha, the hill of (laughter, and in monkifh writers flyled 
" Monaflerium de colle victorias," to perpetuate the remembrance of O'Conor's 
victory. It was bellowed on the Ciflertians, the habit of which order the founder 
took on him, and dying in 1224, was interred in his own abbey. 

The mofl curious remains at Knockmoy are the frefco paintings which adorn the 
monument of O'Conor. One compartment reprefents Chrift on the crofs : another 
exhibits fix kings, three deceafed and three living ; of the latter, he in the middle 
is Roderic O'Conor, monarch of Ireland. He holds in his hand the feamaroge or 
ihamroc, a plant greatly regarded by the Irifh, from a legendary tradition that St. 
Patrick emblematically. fet forth to them the myflery of the Trinity by this three- 
leaved grafs. This alio expreffed his being Lord proprietor of the foil of the king- 
dom. 



H 
1 


— ' »-'- ; 



ml 




KNOCKMOY. 



•< < < << << < << < <<■<■<<<.<<.<.<.<.<.<.<.<<.<..<.<< 
dom 



521 



The princes on each fide are his vaffals j he with the hawk on his fift is his 
grand falconer, the other with the fword, his grand marfhal : thefe held their lands 
by grand ferjeantry. 

Below them fits a Brehon with his roll of laws, having pronounced fentence of 
death on Mac Murrogh's fon, for the crime of his father for having joined the 
Englifh. See Giraldus Cambrenfis, page 770. The boy is tied to a tree, and two 
archers are executing the fentence, his body being transfixed with arrows. This 
fupplied a good hint to fuch Irifh chiefs os deferted their natural prince. 

I do not believe thefe paintings are as old as the age of O'Conor j they feem rather 
to have been executed in the feventeenth century, when the Confederate Catholics 
poffefled themfelves of the abbies, which they every where repaired, and in many 
instances, adorned with elegant fculptures. 





6 R 



LEIGHLIN. 



( 5 2S ) 



+ + + ^,. > ^<. + + + + 4. + + + * + + + + + + + + * + + + - * + + * + + + + + * + + *+ + * + + + ++ + 



LEIGHLIN. 



LEIGHLIN, or rather Leth-glen, the half-enclofed valley, is fituated In the 
barony of Idrone and County of Carlow, in a recefs of the Slieumargah 
mountains. Monadic legends afcribe the foundation of the church and epifcopal 
fee of Leighlin to St. Laferian, about 632. It was about a mile and a half Weft of 
the river Barrow. Burchard, a Norwegian, is reckoned among the principal bene- 
factors to this church, he was interred in St. Stephen's priory, under a marble mo- 
nument, fupporting his effigies, with this infcription : 

Hie jacet hiimatus, dux fundator Lenla : 
En Gormondi Burchardus, vir grains ecclejia. 
Donat, bifhop of Leighlin, on the arrival of Henry II. rebuilt the cathedral, which 
had been deftroyed by fire. Bifhop Thomas bellowed prebends on his canons. 
Bifhop Saunders erected and glazed the South window ; and Bifhops Meredith and 
Vigors were great benefactors to the See. 

The fame of St. Laferian, patron of the church, and the attention of his fuccef- 
fors to its improvement, collected numbers from every part, and made Leighlin 
anciently a confiderable town. It continued a diftindt fee till the year 1600, when 
it was united to Ferns. 

In 1 21 6, Bifhop Harlewin had the town incorporated, and obtained for the bur- 
gefles privileges fimilar to thofe enjoyed by the people of Briflol, with liberties 
extending about a mile and a half round the town. Large flones defined the extent 
of thefe liberties, and on them were thefe words ; " Terminus Burgees. Lechljnen. 
hie lapis eft." One of thefe flones ftands near Leighlin bridge, another nea^fells, 
and a third in the mountains. 

During the continual Irifh wars, the town and diocefe of Leighlin expmienced 
many fevere viciflitudes of fortune. In 1389 the town was laid wade, but recovered 
fo much in 1400, as to have eighty-fix burgage tenements, a Bifhop's^palace, a 
Deanery-houfe, a Monaftery, and other buildings, none of which at pMfciit remain. 

In 





IWlllllllllllllflllllHfr ' 



LEIGHLIN. 



52: 



-« 4 it < .' < ■: < < < ■<■•♦•! 



<.<■<-<•<■•<-< < •< •<••<*■»•■>■•>• > >•■>■■>■ >• >••>■' 



In 1320, Mauriee Iakis, a canon of Kildare, conflrufted a bridge over the Barrow : 
this gave the great fouthern road a new direction, and Old Leighlin went rapidly to 

dec; 

Ex< ept the Cathedral, kept in tolerable repair and ufed as a parochial church, no 
veftige remains of this old city : even the well, dedicated to St. Laferian, and 
famous for miracles, is nearly filled up. It lies on the Welt fide of the church, 
under fome trees, and near it is a rude Hone crofs. 



) 






3/ 






MISCELLANEOUS 



( 5 S 4 ) 



+ + * + + * + + * + + * + + + * + ++* + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + 4- + ++ + + * + + + + +^. + \ 

... ... .. ... ... .,. , .• 

■..• '.,• '..• '..• ••>■ ■■•• ■•• •••• ••>• ••«• '>.' *<•• ••»• '..• ':• •:• '.»• •.,• •••• '.,' ••„■' *•„.' '•„.• •>„.' •'„•'.,•■..••.,••...' ' 



MISCELLANEOUS ANTIQUITIES. 

IN plate xxix, are exhibited fpecimens of fpear heads of flint, and flone hatchets 
or Celts, alfo a bracelet ; Bifhop Pococke prefented qne to the London Society 
of (i) Antiquaries. It was compofed of three hoops ibldered together, with a nar- 
row rim or border fomewhat ornamented, and it was about an inch and three quar- 
ters high ; its longed diameter within, tb.ree inches and a half, its fhorteft two inches 
and three quarters, and the fwell or bulge one quarter of an inch : it weighed three 
ounces and a half and twelve grains. This ornament, according to Diodorus Siculus, 
was common among the Belgic Gauls, and with k they (2) adorned both arms. 
Each of Godwyn's rowers wore on his arms two golden bracelets, each (3) weighing 
fixteeen ounces. It was the moft diftinguifhed privilege of kings and generals to 
bellow them as rewards of valour, and hence they were called in the (4) Icelandic 
Sagas, " the beftowers of bracelets and the givers of rings." Perhaps the Northerns 
in this, as in many other inftances, imitated the (5) Romans. 

Broches, curioufry elaborated, have been found in various parts of Ireland. Of 
all the antiquities none have created more trouble to the antiquaries to determine 
their ufc, than the femicircular implements terminating in circular cups. Bifhop 
Pococke, from the great likenefs between them and the fibulas or broches, believes 
they were for fimilar purpoies : the cups being inferted into the garment, and refting 
on the bread. There is given by (6) Cafalius a broche dug up at Rome very much 
refembling thofe m the plate, and ftrengthening the Bifhop's opinion. 



Many 

(1) Archaeologia, Vol. V. p. 39. (2) Bartholin, de armillis vet. p. S— 22. 

(3) Haberent in biachiis fingulis armillas duas nnamquamque fedecim unciarnm auri. Will. Malmefb. p. 1% 

(4) Chron. Sax. of Ethtlftan. Johnftone's exped. of Haco, and Anecdotes of Olave the black. 

(5) Armillas ex auro, quas viri militares ab imperatoribus donati, gerunt. Feftus. Armilla6 ex virorum fortfjm donis 
Tertull. The Danes fwore on them. Affer. vit, JElfrid. A. D, 876. 

(6) Cafal. de profan. Rom. lit. p. 107. 



; 



> i 
I 

M 

I 



- 
1 

S 





^- /?,//,.;/„//.,/ fo!„ f^^ . VPpo./JrtJi c/h-<,f £/„//, 









/ 



MISCELLANEOUS ANTIQUITIES. 525 

Many golden rings of confiderabte fize and weight have been difcovered in our 

3, which were too large for bracelets ; they feem therefore that neck ornament 

ed (7) by Diodorus Siculus and worn by the Belgic Gauls. The word Krikois 

ufuauy tranflafed chains, does not here mean links connected with each other, but 

lars, for that is its proper (8) force. When we rciiect that though the Britons 

naked, yet darned their bodies with an iron girdle and their necks 

1 an iron collar, we need not wonder at their exchanging ihefe for golden ones, 

en the latter could be obtained. Rude people feldom relinquifh what they have 

been acculfomed to. And let it be remembered, that the Anglo-Saxons, part of the 

fame Northern fwarm, wore neck-collars, which weighed more than (9) eighty 

raancufes, or above eight ounces of pure gold. 

Upon the lands of Cairn, about feven miles from Mullingar, Bifhop Pococke 
informs us, that a plough, cutting through a fandy hillock, turned up a flag ftone 
feven feet long and three broad ; beneath was a grave covered with this flag, the 
bottom, fides, and ends compofed of a fingle flab, and within were human bones of 
an unufual fize. On each fide were two fmaller graves ; with the bones was an 
urn of yellow clay, and befide the urn lay a very valuable ring, having twenty-five 
table diamonds, well difpofed and fet in gold. (See the plate.) 

'J he Bifhop, in a vein of pleafant irony, banters the mythologic fictions of Iiifh 
antiquaries, who afcribe to every remnant an age utterly incredible. He thinks the 
y in this grave could not be of a very early date, becaufe the Swedes had no 
ai tides of jewellery among them in the fifteenth century, and he fuppofes the fame 
of the other Northerns. However the learned prelate had not examined the mat- 
ter attentively, for Mr. Pegge has (10) proved that the goldfmiths' and lapidaries' 
arts had arrived at great perfection during the Heptarchy. To thefe the Iriih. Oil- 
men could be no ftrangers. As the bones in this grave had not palTed the fire it 
is probable the interment took place after their reception of chriftianity in the tenth 
century. 

Diodorus Siculus mentions exprefsly the golden breaft-plates of the Belgic Gauls: 
thefe alfo were common among the ancient Iriih, as is evident from the numbers 
of them found. They are of a lunular or crefcent-like fhape, their borders and 
extremities adorned with chequer work. One exhibited by Bifhop Pococke was of 

6 s an 

1 7) fliiJ fn> y&p v; xapToi; K'ii vat Sfct%itvus T=;X/.ia $opst;i ^axrt/>.n; «s|/«X«ys/J) st< oi Xf' J ' 1 "' fo'ptxu; . Lib. 5. 
iliir* r* tVixu-f/.Trn. Hcl'ych. Kfixui, ,$,t,y 6'to, xuk'/.oi. Polluc. Or.omaft, 1 i.e. 9. 
,j) Hkkcs Difl'. epift. p. 51. Strutt's chron. V. a. p. 241. (10) Archaeologia, V. 4 p 314. 

1 



5 a6 



MISCELLANEOUS ANTIQUITIES. 



an extended depth and fize, and yet weighed but one ounce feventeen penny-weights. 
Mr. Bury's, difcovered in the County of Limerick, is of excellent workmanship, 
and contains more than half a pound of gold. I mail not walte my own or the 
reader's time in retailing and confuting the (i i) wild and abfurd notions entertained 
of thefe gorgets, one of which is given in the lafl plate. 

There are two brafs images in the fame plate. One about four inches high was 
found in the bog of CullerT, in the County of Tipperary, and is obvioufly a Cupid 
Handing on a globe ; fuch as may be feen in Gorkcus, Stoch, and others. The 
fecond image is about five inches and a half high, and feems to be the work of 
the fame artift and age. They are both Abraxas or Talifmans, the magical power 
of which was believed to be fo great, as to fecure the pofTeffor from harm, and 
promote the fuccefs of his undertakings. Bircherod, a learned Danifii antiquary, 
allures us, they were nearly the fame as the Roman Lares ; that they were denomi- 
nated Dwerg, and commonly joined with Thor and Odin, and were appended to 
the neck : nor had the (12) practice ceafed in Denmark when he writ, A.D. 1701. 
Such idols have been (13) found in England ; and that of Bufterichus, a deity of 
this clafs, may be feen in (14) Tollius's travels. 

(n) Collect, de reb. Hib. No. 13, 

(i i) Nee hodie a cliriflianorum nonnullis omittitur. Spec, rei mon. Dan. p. 28, 

(1 «) Archaeologia, V. 6. p. 243. (14) Tollii itinerar. p. 34. 




INDEX, 



A. 



A. 



Page. 
93 
89 

79 
8q 



lBBACOMITES, or lay Abbats, who 
Abbats, their origin .... 
Adamnan, a powerful advocate of the church 

of Rome ..... 

's book?, their contents 

Adharcaidh-Chiuil,or niufical h»rn, defcribed 248 j 
Adelruaer, who . . . • 53 

Adrian Pope, beftows Ireland on Henry 2 134 

40 

—43 
509 

S (2 



Ancient, notices refpecYing Ireland 
Anecdotes of early Chriftianity in Ireland 
Anachorets, who .... 

Amulets, ufed by the Roman Emperors and 

old CHriftians .... 
Anglo-Saxons, their drefs 
— clergy, retired to ftudy in 



Page. 
12 
70 
89 

205 
260 



Agricola d-ftroys the Druids 
Age-i of interment defcribed 
Aghaboe church, Antiquities of 

, St William Pettv's furvey of 

Agriculture of the Ir/.h . . 375 — 374 

Alirunse, or wife women of the Germans 77 
Alfred changes the title of Kin" to that of Earl i\ S 

King of Northumberland Audits in 

Ireland .... 

Alice Ketyll, her hiftory 
iria founded 

"cure 

, feveral invented 

Aldbelm envies the 1 of the Irifh 
Ancient hiAory of the Britifh IfleSj 
; — made up of 



3 55 

459 

H 

35: 

1 



Ireland • 35 6 

Annals of the four Milters . . 6 

Arabians introduce literature into the weft 
of Europe ...•"• 3 

>ropophagi, who 39 

, in Ireland • . 374 

An ipodes known to the ancient Irifh 358 

• ntiqaities, Irifh* from whence to be derived 7 

, only from authentic records 9 

uries want difcritnination refpecling 

: Cites 40 

Appendix of records to the antiquities of 

Kilkenny • ' • • 49 8 

Archbilhops, the title when eftajjlifhed 65 

fbyters or rural Deans . . 82 

Archke6ture, difference between the Roman 

j Britifh • • • .-195 

Ardriagh, or monarch of IreLtnd . 307 

Afdmore 



INDEX. 



Clerks, ancient Irifli, wore a tunic 
Cocula, Irifh . . • 

Coenobites, who . 
Collectanea de rebus Hib. its character 8- 
College of Kilkenny, its hi (lory 
Colman attends the council at Whitby 
Colonization, northern, of Ireland 
Coins, ancient Iriih 

found in New Grange 

, not current among the Irifli 

Roman, why found in Ireland 

Columba, Bedc's account of him 

. preached to the Picls 

■ ■ his death 

-— his feftival 

— miftakes about him 

his family 

Columbanus, his hiftory 
_________ rules 



Coign and livery defcribed 
C'oemgene, St. his hiftory 
Catholic Confederates meet at Kilkenny 

' ■ ■■ ■ « ■■■ their upper houfe 

fupreme council 

-— ' lift of their members 470 

• • . 90 



Tage. 

259 

ibid 

89 

9 — 12 

428 

55 

22 

21 1 

45 
216 

46 
104 
ibid 
107 
102 
118 

84 
354 

9° 
3n 

'73 

465 

467 
468 



271 
1 .'9 

149—15° 
317 



Congel, who. 

Cooleen, Irifli • . • 

Corbally, chapel of . 

Cormac's chapel defcribed 

Coflierings defcribed . 

Crea^hts, Irifli, who 

Crommeal, Irifli, defcribed 

Cronnog, Irifli, what 

Crofs, the private mark of the primitive 

chriftians .... 
Culdees retard the corruption of the church 94-107 
dedicate their churches to the 



37<5- 



377 
271 

445 
123 



Trinity only 
married 



95 
102 



Page. 

Culdees, origin of the name . . 102 

— — — retain their faith long . 107 

1 convert the Northumbrians 110 

-1 — — — expelled from Hy . . 1 1 1 

in Armagh to the 17th century 113 

Capella, his work . . 351 

Cuiflean, or modern bag-pipes, defcribed 24 , 

Counterpoint, native, its origin . 244 

Chorus, the ancient bag pipes . 248 

Crotal, a mufical infrrurnent . . 25 1 

Crotalin, a mufical inftrument . ibid 

Cruit, a mufical inftrument . . ibid 



D. 

Danes, called in Irifli mss. Dacians- 

— — - infeft the weftern coafts of Europe 

caftellate Ireland . * 

■ ■-- erect round towers in Ireland 



Danifh fculptures at Glendaloch 

coins found at Glendaloch 

— defcribed 

•, their weight 



207- 



forts 
battle-axes 



Davis's ftate of property in Ireland 

Dearmach, where 

Devenifh Priory, defcribed 

Divifion of Ireland into five provinces 

Divifions, ancient, of Ireland . Hjk 

Diodorus Siculus preferves the true name of 

Ireland . 

Dobdan, a Greek, probably in Ireland 
Doire, its fignification . 

Dominican Abbey Kilkenny 
Doulach, St. his church defcribed [ . 
■■ well 



Drefs of the ancient Irifh 
— people in Kilkenny 



29 

30 

3' 

156 

■208 

218 

221 

225 
278 
283 
306 
IO5 

517 

379 
380 

19 

358 
7 1 
492 
146" 
156 

259 

446 




Druids, 



INDEX. 



..<■<,<<'<■<■<<<<•■<<■<<■<■«<■•<•<■:•<<•<<■<"<<<•<■<■«"<••<■•<■•<■•<-<•<•«•<+>■>■>•> >••»• *•■*»» v v > ► >..> ► > > > ► v v > >>•>>> >>>>.>..>.>.>.►..».>.>.. 



Druids, their religion 
■ doctrine 



magical rites 

— — Sacrifices , 

philofophy 

philofophy mifreprefented 37 

human Sacrifices 

fome in Germany 

had not letters : 



Druidifm profefled by all the Celtes 

little noticed in Irifh MoS. 

Druidic groves 



and fanes converted into 



Chriftian churches . . . 

Drum, an Irifh mufical inftrument 

Dublin made the metropolis of Ireland 

. .. its name explained 
t 
Dun, Din, and Daingean defGribed 

Dunamafe defcribed . . 295 — 

Dungal, an Irifh monk, his hiftory 

Daltins, Irifh, who 

Drinks, Irifli ... 371 — 

Dwergh, what 



P.ge. 
3 2 

33 
38 
37 
35 
-38 
38 
41 

3«7 
40 

41 
ibid 

72 
250 
121 

16 
279 

-94 
362 
284 
372 
41 



E. 

Eafter, difputes about it 55 
Ecclefiaftic records, few in Ireland of an 

ancient date .... 19 
Egfrid, King of Northumberland, at the 

inftigation of the Saxon monks invades 

Ireland 94 

Egyptians took little care of their houfes 142 

■ fculptures explained . 202 

- , fuperftition of the 204 — 206 

— • in Ireland . . . 557 

Englifh money not current before the 

fourteenth century . . 216 

colonifts obliged to build caflles 291 

nobles fent to ftudy in Ireland 357 



Eri, or Iri, the name of Ireland, from 

whence derived 
Ethelred, his money coined in Dublin 
Epilcopal fees, two in Scotland 

F. 

Fabulous Hiflory, origin of 

Focreman, a famous moneyer of Dublin 

Fallin, Irifli, defcribed 

Feadain, a mufical inftrument 

Fenns, their arms 

Finns, who 

Fine Eirion, ideal Irifli militia 

Fiodh Aongus, council of 

Fir-bolgs, the Beige 

Fiech, Biihop of Sletty 

Fire, holy, at Kiidare 

Fomora of the Irifh, Fmhinders 

Feuds, Irifli, referable thole of England 

Filh of ancient Ireland 

Franks hung tapeflry round their tombs 

Francifcan abbey, Kilkenny 

Flemimgs fettle in England 

Frefcobald Society in Ireland 

Frifon Saga 



Page. 

10 

225 

106 



3 

225 

267 
248 

280 

24 

280 

127 

22—23 

77 

24 

320 

3 6 9 
199 

493 
2^5 1 

262 
261 



Galloglafies, Irifh defcribed 
Gall-Trompa, a mufical inftrument 
Gauls, the firft inhabitants of Britain and 
Ireland ..... 

Gavelkind, Irifh .... 

Giraldus Cambrenfis illuftrated 
Giflebert, an Oflnian, firft legate in Ireland 
Giants, no part of Celtic mythology 
Giendaloch, antiquities of 

' . — - churches defcribed 

— — united to the fee of Dublin 

■ - • » . — Sepulchres their date 



285 
247 

21 

316 

36$ 

125 

5» 

171 

176 
184 
2.0 



Giendaloch 



INDEX. 



•■<■< ■< •«-* •<•<■<•< •<•<•• 



'<-<•<-< ■«-.«■./ .< •< ■ 



..<+>..>..>. >•>..>•>.>..>..>..>.>..>. , ,. >.>..».,,.»..>..>. »..»..,..>..>..>. >..>. >..>..,..,■>■•>■ ,..». 



Glendaloch crypt defcribed 

Giibb, Irifh 

Gorfedd, Welfh, what 

Goshawks, Irifh, much in requefk 

Gold-mines in Ireland 

Goths introduce a new fuperftition into 

Europe . ... 

their various modes of interment 

Gothic and Celtic Religions, - their cha- 

racleriftics 
Gothic Chiefs had their treafure buried 

with them 
the mode of placing them 

in their tombs . 

Gothic Architecture, observations on 

Arch, origin of 

Grace, fome account of that family 
Greek mode of mufic uied in Ireland 
taught in Ireland in the ninth 

century 
■ ■ ■ - Encyclopedia, what 
Greeks of Marfeilles introduce Letters 

into Gaul . . . 

- ■ knew Ireland 

fome retire to Ireland 

Grymbald's crypt at Oxford 

Goufli of the Ruffians defcribed 

Guild of Merchants at Kilkenny, their 

regulations .... 

H 

Hair, Irifh mode of wearing it 
Harfagre, Harald, his name and family 
Harmer, Mr. his defcription of a round 

tower ..... 
Harmony of Irifh mufic defcribed 
Harp, ancient origin of 
of Brian Buiromh . 

Teutonic, defcribed 



228, 
232, 



Page 
207 
271 
321 
368 
213 

42 
ib. 

52 

44 

45 
187 
192 

43 6 
234 

362 
3Si 

15 

357 
207 
252 

452 



27 1 

3c 

16 5 

246 

25 « 
253 

252 



Irifh, of 2.8 firings 

Bardic .... 

— Welfh 

Irilh, its component parts 

Harpers, Irifh, their fkill 
Hettian among the Saxons, what 
Hierarchy eftablifhed early in England 
Hieroglyphics in Scotland 
Highlanders of Scotland, their ancient 

government . ... 
Hiftory, romantic, of Ireland 
made up of popular tales 



Page 
2 53 

254 

ib. 
ib. 

255 

54 
204 



Hoelft tiid, a mode of interment 

Hofgodar, who 

Holftein, Danifh Antiquities in ■ 

Holy water ufed by the Goths 

Holy Crofs Abbey, account of 

Honey plentiful in Ireland 

Horle-flefh eaten by the Irifh 

Hofpitals of Kilkenny defcribed 

Houfes in Kilkenny 

Hy, lfle of, defcribed 

Hyde, his account of the Perfian Pyratheia 165 



305 
I 

2 

43 
5.3 
74 
47 
5i8 
372 

375 
485 

432, 446 

104 



Hypogea, of the Irifh 
Human Sacrifices 
Hobillers, who 
Hy, abbats of 



I. 



Jar, how it fignifies the Weft 

Icelandic Annals contain fome Irifh names 

of kings .... 

Imports in Ireland in 1320 
Impoftures literary, the age of 
Ina's council authentic 
Ini'criptions found in New Grange 

. - in the Cathedral of Kilkenny 



49 

39 

284 

107 



18 



Inchenemo lfle deicribed 
Johannes Scotus, his hiitory 



3° 
263 

5 
29 

45 

392 
103 
306 

John, 



INDEX. 



.<.-«</ < < < < < < < < .< < < < <• < < ( < <<<<<<<< < •< N < 

John St. his - ... 

Irenseus compLins of the corruptions of 

the Church of Rome 
Ire!., -n invafion of 

. . o.i. lieu literary r. Ration du- 

ring the middle ages 

— her ancient confutation, &o. not 

^arable to letters 

. mentioned by Eratofthenes 

known by the Greeks 

flenderly inhabited before the in- 



.< < <•<+>■ >■ >■ >■>.>•>.>■>.>..>..>.>..>■> 

Page I 

c 



>■■>■■>■ >■•> >>■>>■>•■> >•• 



Page 



carnation .... 
iiie School of the weftern World 



ccariou^ date of 

— a Map ot, by the Romans 

— its various names 



Iris, what .... 

lriiii originally from Gaul 

originally were Cehae 

not deicended from the Wtlih 

— — Manner.-, a mixture of Celcic and 

Scjthic in early ages 

Troglodytes 

— - Language, ancient different from the 

modern .... 

why derive their ori in lrom Spain 

Legends, romantic 

Church, its liturgy oriental 

, . — the fame as the ancient 

Britilh 

. in what different from the 

Roman 

. fabulous account of 

irilh Clergy, their revenues, whence 
— — . . the only teachers amongft 

the Pitts 
lrilh Religion the fame as the Britilh 
long retained their ancient religious 

tenets 



5 5 

5° 
29 



ib 

14 
16 



139 

44« 

10 

19 

39 
21 

22 

22 

21 
48 




4 

55 

ib. 

122 

57 
85 

169 
61 



Sanotoiogv, the work of fahuliits 

received Mojiachifm from the Eaft 

not pleafed with the interference of 

the EnglMh primate , 

Irilh manners 

exchange the'r wives 

inceftuous 

no houfes of linis and {tone 

fond of fwine's fle£h 

eat herbs 

burn their corn out of the ear, not 

threlh it ... 

eat human fledi 

their meals 

drew the plough. by hoi fes tails 

traffic by barter 

Irifh kings, whence derived . 

military weapons 

Soldiery, of whom conpofed 

Drefs 

fame as the Belgic 

forbid to be. worn 

defcribed in Icelandic Chronicles 

lrilh Sayes 

Woollen Manufactures 

dye their cloth yellow 

Laws una Confbtution 

Inheritance 

Feuds, fpechnens of 

— - Canons 

scciuainted with the. Civil Law 

Irifh Letters the lame as the Su.on and 
Welffc 

— — Monks and Clergy teach in France, 
Germany, and Britain 

frequented France in the fixth cen- 
tury 

Irifh Muiic, obferv.ations. on 



ico 



61 

88 

128 

2 1 

123 

124 
142 
37° 
37i 

373 

374 

37' 

373 
l\6 

3 C 7 
280 
284 

26Z> 

265 

270 

268 

262 
261 

252 

3-i 

306 
3.0 

3^ 
3«P 

- 345 

359 

3.7 1 

2i( 



6 u 



Irifh Mufi 



INDEX. 



,., « .< .</.«..<..< .< .< .< .«..<..< < < .< .< .<•■<•<< •< < •< < ■<••<•<•<•<■«•<•<■<■< ■<■•«•■<+>••>••>• >■•>■>■•>■■>•.>>• >■ >..►.■>•■>••>>.> >.*..>,>. ►.■>••>••>• >..►.+..>..►..>.,»..>*». >,,>,#. >..*,, 



Irifli Mufic, derived from the ancient 
Greek mufic • . . 

— had no notation 

■ ufed great latitude in their mufic 
organic mufical inftruments 

rythmical mufical inftruments 

Irifhtown and Kilkenny, antiquities of 
Irifh, Cambrenfis' account of them 

fees reduced 

Ifidore, his definition of philofophy 
Ivy-church at Glendaloch defcribed 

K. 

Keating's hiftory of Ireland 
Kells, council of . 

Kerns, Irifli, who 
Kevin, St. his bed defcribed 

his legend 

— his tomb . . 

Kings, Irifli Provincial 
Kil, its fignification 
Kilkenny, antiquities of 
— — — - its population 

■ — befieged by Cromwell 

Killaloe oratory defcribed 
Kilcu'.len, fione crofs at 
Knockmoy defcribed 

L. 

Laws, ancient., remarks on . 

Law of 1 aniftry .... 

Language, Irifli, its corrupt ftate 
Lanfranc ftiled primate of the Britifh ifles 
Lacteal circle, what the ancient chriftians 
thought of it . . . . 

Lea ca file defcribed 

Lector, in ihe ancient chriftian church, who 
Lccan, book of ■. 

Lcai.n, an Irifli drink . . . 



Page. 

238 
240 
246 
247 
250 
382 
263 
128 

36 
176 



22 
130 

284 
178 
174 
207 
309 

75 
382 

43 2 
473 
144 

75 
520 



3*5 
ibid 

344 
122 



123 

297 

235 
3 2 4 
37' 



Legends, Irifli, when fabricated 
Lerin ifle, the firft feat of Monachifm in 
Europe ..... 

Letter concerning the palls fent into Ireland 
Letters, Irifh, derived from the Roman 
their power and number 



Leighlin, old, antiquities of 

Leprofy in Ireland 

Lhuyd and Lynch did not understand the 

Brehon laws 
Liafaii, its hiftory 
Libraries, Diocefnn, reflections on 
founded by Bifhops 



Lios, what 

Lindisfern ifle given to a Culdee 

its Bifhops 



Lifmore, antiquities of 
Literature of the fifth century 

— — — — fixth century 

feventh century 

eighth century 

— ninth centurv 



Literati fled from Britain to Ireland 
, Irifli, fled from the Oftmen or 



Danes 
Literature, Irifh, preferved in the tenth, 

eleventh, and twelfth centuries 
Lives of faints, how written 
Longobards, whence their name 
Lord of the Bull-ring in Kilkenny 

. M. 

Mc. Murrough, his drefs 

Macarius, his opinion of the foul £p 

Mac giolla Phadruic, whence the name 

Manners of the ancient Irifh 

Marf'eilles, ancient trade of 

Mary, St. her church in Kilkenny 



Page 
4 

88 

183 

342 

522 
370 

302 
308 
416 
420 
279 
109 
no 
7i 
347 
3$° 
353 
35$ 
360 

347 
360 

3 6 3 

61 

283 

385 



266 
362 

S°9 

375 

J 5 

494 



Malachyj 



INDEX. 



<<<<<<< < <•< «.<<• 



< < < < < •< ■< < •< ■< ■< ■< <+>•>■> ►•■>••►• v- >■•»••>• >••>•>• ».>■■>•■»■•>•*■•>• ►■ >..y.+. vv.>. •»•>•■>••>• >•■»■*••>••>•>• »•• 



Malachy, Archbifhop of Armagh, intro- 
duces the Ciftertian order into Ireland 

Mead ufed by the Irifh 

Meafures and weights in Kilkenny 

Melody of the ancient Irifh Mufic 

Menapii, fettle in Ireland 

. called by the Irifh Germans 

Martyrologies in general fufpicious 

Military Antiquities of Ireland 

MileGus, Irifh kings derive from 

known to Nennius 

Mifeltoe facred among the Druids . . 

L day on which it was gathered 

its virtues 

MifTionaries, Chriftian, yield to fome Pa- 
gan rites • ... 

Monachifm, origin of in Ireland 

,. of Fgyptian origin 

Monaincha, Ifle of 

, Antiquities of 

. Abbey defcribed 

. Record 

Mona'coghlan, Mote defcribed 

Monarchy, Iriih, elective 

Monafteries, Kilkenny 

Monks fucceed the Druids 

i — numerous in Ireland in the fixth 

century 

their claffes 

fubjeft the Irifh to the Church of 

Rome 

Moofe Deer in Ireland 

Morafteen defcribed 

Monuments in the Cathedral of Kilkenny 

Mufic of the Irifh 

fecular 

, its native technical 

I 
terms 

Mulical Inftruments of the Irifh 



Page 

129 

372 

445 
245 

23 

ib. 

60 

277 

3°7 

3 

38 

ib. 

ib. 

70 
88 
ib. 

113 
114 

»»5 

119 
279 
308 
488 
72 

So 
ib. 

93 
3 6 9 

5 1 
39 2 
228 
236 

245 
242 



N. 

Naharvali, Grove of the 

Nani, inhabit Tombs 

Native counterpoint, its origin 

Neig Monument, Harp on . 

Neftar Irifh . 

New Grange, a Danifh work 

.... — conjectures when eredted 



Normans depauperating the Irifh Church 

their drefs on arriving in Ireland 

Law Latin, a fpecimen of 



Normans, their modes of Interment, ori- 
gin of . . . . 
Notation of the ancient Irifh Mufic 
Names of Kildare 

O. 

Oaks tall, the only Deity among the 

Celtes ..... 

Odin, directs the funeral rights of the 

Goths ..... 

O'Connor Charles, his opinion of the 

Brehon Laws . » 

Ogham Characters 
Oirpeam, the ancient Irifh Harp 
O'Flaherty, his opinion of Irilh MSS. 

and romantic Hiflory 
Orientalifm of the Irifh Church 
Origin and progrefs of Monachifm in 

Ireland . . . 

Organic Mufical Inftruments of the Irifh 
Ornithology ancient, of Ireland 
Ormond, Earl of, taken prifener 
Offan Preaflagh 
OfTory Princes, account of the 
Oilmen, in Ireland receive the Roman 

tenets .... 

i 



Page 



4« 

49 
244 
232 
37i 

43 

46 

182 

270 
3°4 

4 3 

240 
77 



42 
42 

3 C 3 

322 

353 
6 

88 

247 
368 

275 

273' 
502 

94 

Oilmen) 



INDEX. 



..< < <■•< < •<•<••< ■♦•«■•< < •••< < < •< ■<■■< < ■< ■< < < <■< < ■< * •< ■<-<■■< •< •<•<■<-<••<••<*>->■■>••>•■>■•>••>•■>•>■>••>••>■>■ >•■>•>.>..>. >. >..>, >. >. >..>..>..>. >. >..,„>. y. >..>.>. >. >.» >.>-> 



Gftmen ordained thtir Bifhops in Can- 
terbury . . . 

introduce the Benedictine order 

into Ireland . 

_ — — - erect round towers and ftone- 



Page 

95 
lb. 



roofed crypts- , . . ib. 

r — pcrfecute the clergy . ib. 

drive the lea.ned out of Ireland ib. 

i their attachment to the Roman 

See . . . . . 121 

. introduce ftone buildings in 

Ireland . . . 144 
Ofvrald, prince of Northumberland, fent 

for the Culdees to preach to his people 109 

O' Fuathal, Bifhop of Glendaloch . 181 

P. 

Pagan ftate of Ireland . . 42 

Paintings in the Deanery of Kilkenny 410 

in the Caftle of Kilkenny 480 

— — — at Knockmoy . . q2o 

Fiu^lius fent to Ireland . 75 

Palls lent f o Ireland . . 183 

Pap r , his leg^'ion to Ireland . 132 
Parliaments held in Kilkenny 437, 440, 442 
Parifhes Irifh, their origin 443,444,447 

Patrick, Saint, an account of . 54 

— - his exiftence doubtful 

— — his miracles 

.. . — ' his travels . . 6e 

1 how and when made a 

Saint .... 66 

1 ' his feftival . 67 

honoured with the title of 

Archbilhop, Primate, &c. . 65 
directed by an angel to 

v )ofia Relics at Rome . tq 



Page 
Patrick, Saint, his name when it firft ap- 
peared . 80 

— — — ■ < ■ his works forgeries . 348 

— ; Saints, three of the name . 68 

Pafcal controverfy . . 108 

t elngius, an. account of him . 540 
Pellutier, not correct, in his account of 

the Celtes ... -35 

Philofophy among the Romans, &c. what 36 

Phoenician ancient voyages not credited 13 

—————. 's did not come to Ireland , 14 

Phalung, an Irifh Drefs . . 26 



5° 
ib. 



Pheateadh, what 

Picts fettle in Ireland 

Piilar ltones fymbols of the Deity 

Fora, ufed as 



-r- prelerved by the firft Chris- 
tian Clergy 
-— ufed as Chriftian Churches 



/ 
243 

2 3 
46 
ib. 

73 

75 
Pinkerton., his juft remarks on the Goths 52 

Piob-mala, or ancient Bag-pipes . 248 

Plato fond of etymology - . 17 

Plaining, what . .. 279 

Plowing by the tail . » , -73 

Popes lend. Mifiionaries to Ireland 77, 78 

Poitou wine common in Ireland -. n~ z 

Portaferry Chapel . . Ii ,8 

Political Conltitution of the ancient Iriih 301 

Population of Ireland at the Englifh In- 

vaficiv • . . .378 

Piklter of Cafhel, its character 

Pi'almody ufed early in the Church 

»- ancient ftate among the Irifh 



7 

92 

2 35 
Piaims and Hymns firft ufed in Churches 2^4 

Ptolemy's, information whence obtained 21 

. names not Celtic j^ 



R. 



INDEX. 



■ «••< i < < < < <•< <■<•■< <■•<■<■■< -i-.< .«■;..<■•<••<■•<•■<••<•■« <•<•<••<■<••< <■.<••<•<■<•< •<*>>• >•■>•>■•>■•>■•>••> ••>••►■>••> ■ »..>•■>•►■•►••»• ►•■>•>••► >.•>•*■•>•■►•■►.■>'•>•>'■>■•»•■>•>••►••>■>•►••>•• 



Page 



R 

Rabbins Jewifh, their fictions on the 

colonization of Europe . . 12 

Rath, what 278 

Records ecclefiaftical ancient, none in 

Ireland . 86 

in, a mufical infrrument, difcribid 248 

Reflections on public Libraries . 416 

Review of Irifh Literature, in the middle ages 347 

259 

21 

46 

1 

2 

93 
102 



Page 



Rheno, part of ancient Irifh drefs 
Romans had feparate Maps of countries 

coins found in Ireland 

Romantic hiftory of Ireland 

■ — — — — origin of 

Romiih Church how eftabliflied in Ireland 

Church perfecute the Culdees 

doctrine not in Ireland before the 

twelfth century 
Round Towers in Ireland 



3^3 
155 
the Authors who treat of them 156 



' defcribed 

1 introduced by the Danes 

■ ■ ferved as watch towers 

■ of their rotundity 

their various fuppofed ufes 

— lift of them in Ireland 

■ ■ di mentions . . 

Round tower of Kilkenny 

Roman ftyle of Architecture 

Rowlands, his account of the philofophy 

of the Druids 
Rules of Monachifm in Ireland, oriental 
Run, what among the Iri!h 
Runes northern, their origin and fpecies 
Runic inferiptions . . 

Rural Deaneries erected in Ireland 
Rythmical mufical inftruments of 
Ryves Doctor, his doubts of St. Patrick 



158 

159 

159 
162 
164 
^67 
168 
422 
196 

36 

88 

332 

333 

45 



58 



Saints, their numbers ... 60 

Irifh orders and religious tenets . 96 

Saint worfhip, late in Ireland and England 95 
Sagum of the Irifh, Germans and Belgians 260 
" ■ - its derivation .... 262 
Sa;. <baites, who .... 89, 90 

Saracenic Architecture, obfervations on 187, 196 
Saxon and Gothic Architecture, obfervations 

on . . . . .187, 196 

Scottifh Church not governed by Monks 

Scots fettle in Ireland .... 

— — — part of the Saxon nation 

Scots eat human flefh 

Saronidcs, a feet of Druids 

Sciences introduced into the weft of Europe 
by the Arabians 

Scythians fettle in Ireland 

Seven churches at Glendaloch, defcribed 

a myftical number 

Sculptures at Glendaloch defcribed 207, 208 

Shirts Irifh, not to be dyed with faffron 271 

Sighe, who 

Simeon Stylites, his Pillar defcribed 

Simon, his account of Irifh coins 

Simony prevalent 

School-houfe at Kilkenny, its hiftory and 
ftatutes • . 

Sihtric Danifh Prince of Dublin, his coins 

Skirk, antiquities there 

Spencer thinks Ireland peopled from Gaul 

- his account o.~ the Brthon laws 



2 3 
2 3 
39 

2 S 

3 

21 

i 7 5 
179 



41 

218 
133 



Skene Iriih defcribed 

Soder and man, ftatutes of relating to 

drefs . 

Sorohen a tax,, what 



422 

226 
73 

21 

3 '9 
287 



266 
VI 

Itone 



IN D £ X. 



.<..<•■.,«« v., .j. .«..<.. <■•(■■< •<••<•<-< '<••< •< • 



•<*>• >•■>.>■•>«>■•>■ >• >■•>.•>">,>..>..>..>.> >..>•■>■ >• >••><■>• >■>•■>•*•>• >•■»..>••>.->••>••>••>■•>•■>•■>-■»•■ 



Stone .monuments ufed by the 3elgse and 
Cehes . . • . . 

— not introduced into 

Brita.n in the time of Csefar 

■ — not universal in Germany 

— — among the Gothis, 

their various uies ... . 

Stones upright when and by whom erected 

round New Grange 

Stone Henge, irs origin . . . 

Stone croffes, defcribed 

Stone roofed Churches 

Stone Axss, defcribed . . . 

Stilts ufed by the Irifh . . . 

Stoccah Irifh, what . . . 

Srrabo his account of the Beloic Gauls 

O 

Sumptuary laws in Kilkenny . • 

Swords brazen . . 

Synod of Cafhel, its ordinances 
Sedulius, who and when flourished . 

Schools of the Ii ifh clergy 
Scholaftic Theology known before the 
eleventh century 



Talifmans found in Ireland 

Tanift Irifli . 

Taniftry, law of 

Ta'ra Hall, a fable .f 

Teutonic words found in Irifh, not in 

Englifh 
Templebrien, monument at 

■ antiquities there 

Temples portable common among the 
Heathens . . . 

of the Egyptians fuperftition 

Tiarnas, who among the Irifli 



Page. 
40 
42 

ib. 

• 43 

49 

43 

48 

50 

74 

138 

280 

300 

285 

264 

3«3 
282 

153 
349 
35 1 

359 



526 
3°9 

3'5 
376 

23 
50 

73 



197 

206 

3 I0 i 



Tin among the ancients', not derived from 

Britain . 

Tiompan, an Irifh mufical inftrurnent 
Tithes where firft mentioned 
Town's lands, number of in Ireland 
Toifeach, who . 

Tributes Irifli . ... 

Tuathal ; O'Brien's account of him 
Turlogh, King of Dublin, a convert to the 

church of Rome 
Turgefius, his real name 2nd origin . 

" his arrival in Ireland various 

accounts of 
Tumuli, on what account erected 
Tumulus at Bally mafcanlan, described 
■■■■ ■ '■ at New Grange defcribed 



03, 



U 

Urns various among the Romans 

Urn, found in a tomb 

Uiury regulated 

Utlaw William punifhed in Kilkenny for 
Sorcery 

V 

Vates, a feci of Druids, who 
Victuals of the Irifh 

at the market Kilkenny 



Vicars Choral, Kilkenny 
Vines, whether planted in Ireland 
Virgil, an Irilh Scholar and Biihop 
Vocal Muiic of the Iriih, its name 

W 

War between the Irifli and Anglo Saxons 

on account of religion 
Warburton Biihop, on Saxon and Gothic 

Architecture . . . 189, 



Page. 

13 

250 

132 
380 
310 

3'7 
24 

127 
3® 

31 

42 

47 
44 



45 
525 
133 

440 



35 
372 
446 
411 

372 

357 
-43 



94 
190 



Water 



I N D E X. 



Water Crefies, eaten by the Irifh 
Wentworth Lord, addreflfed by Mayor of 

Kilkenny 
Whitby, conference of 
Whitby, council at 
Wheathamflead John de, his thoughts on 

Britilh romantic hiitory 
White Crows in Irelan 1 
Whitley, its origin in Irela 



< <■< < 




>■> > >•• 


Page 

37 1 


I 

1 Women Iriih, their drefs 


Pagf, 
273 




Woollen manufactures in Ireland 


26l 


464 


Wotton Sir Henry, his idea of Gothic 




S4 


Architecture 


190 


1 10 


Wren Sir Chriftopher, cm Gothic Archi- 






tecture .... 


187 


10 

3"/o! 


z 

Zoology ancient Trifli . . . . 


368 




DIRECTIONS 

I' OR PLACING THE PLATES. 



No. 
I. 

ir. 
hi. 

IV. 

v. 

vr. 

vir. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

xr. 

XII. 

XIII. 
XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 

XVI 1 1. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

XXXII. 

XXXIII. 

XXXIV. 

XXXV. 

XXXVI. 

XXXVII. 

XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 

XL. 



Fronds Piece, St. John's, Kilkenny. 
Title-page, Caftledermot Abbey. 

New Grange _ 

Section of the Gallery New Grange 

Skirk — _ 

Crofs at Kikullen 

Crofs at Clunmacnois — 

Temple M-Oermot, at Clonmacnois 

Iflands at Monaincha , 

Choir Arch at Monaincha 

Weftern Portal at Monaincha — 

St. Patrick's Purgatory __ 

Dun Aengus 

Killaloe and St. Doulagh's , 

View of the Rock of Cafhel __ 

Section of Cormac's Chapel — 

Round Towers — _„ 

Round Tower at Brechin _ 

Glcndaloch fiom the North __ 

Antiquities at Glendaloch _ 

Glendaloch from the Weil 

Arches from a Syriac MS . 

Capitals in the French Church, Canterbury 
Ancient Sculptures at Glendaloch _ 

Ancient lrilh Coins __ 

Irilh Mufical InuVumentj , , 

Taking of the Earl of Ormonde _ 

Mote of Monacoghlan — 

Celts, Spcar-hesds, &c. __ 

Calllc of Dunamafe — 

Ground- plan of Dunamafe _ 

Erehon's Chair _ __ 

Alphabets and Ogums __ 

Abbey and Church of Aghaboe __ 

Map of Aghaboe, from the Down Survey 

Abbey of Athaffcl 

Ifle and Abbey ofDevenj/h 

Chapel at Holycrofs 

Frcfco Paintings at Knockmoy 

Paintings at Knockmoy _ 

Old Lejghlin _ __ 

Miscellaneous Antiquities 



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294 
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